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A TREATISE ON MAN 



AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF HIS FACULTIES. 



By M. a. QUETELET, 



rERI'lCTL AL SECRKIARY OK THE UOVAL ACADEMY OE BRfSSEL.-;, CORKK^rO.NDlXO 
MEMBER OF THE l.NSTITUIE OF FRANCE, ETC 



NOW FinST TRANSLATKU INTO ENGLISIL 



EDINBURGH: 
PUBLISHED BY WILLIAM AND ROBERT CHAMBERS. 

1842. 



EDINBURGH : 
W. AND E. CHAMBERS. 



-HS5' 



PUBLISHERS' NOTICE, 



The present work was first printed and issued in Paris in 1835, with the title, " Sur L'Homme, et le 
Developpement de ses Facultes, par M. A. Quetelet, Secretaire Perpetuel de TAcademie Eoyale de 
Bnixelles," &c. &c. (2 volumes 8vo.) Previous to its appearance, the author had attained a high reputa- 
tion among men of science, being distinguished peculiarly by the cautious, accurate, and comprehensive 
character of all his researches, and by his skill and acumen in applying the important science of numbers 
to every subject which he investigated. The treatise " Sur L'Homnic" brought him a large accession of 
well-merited fame. It was the first attempt made to apply the art of calculation to the social movements 
of the liuman being, and to examine by it his moral anatomy, with the view of detecting the real sources 
and amount of the evils under which he labours, and, ulteriorly, of remedying them when known. Of the 
nature of the remarkable truths developed by M. Quetelet, it would not be proper here to speak ; nor is it 
necessary, as the work itself will sufficiently indicate and explain them. Suffice it to state, that the impres- 
sion made by the treatise over the whole of continental Europe, through criticisms, republications, and 
translations, has been very great. Fully convinced of its value, Messrs Chambers gladly embraced a 
proposal which was made to them to publish an English translation, and to present it in such a form and 
at such a price as might be most calculated to promote its diffusion throughout all sections of the 
community. 

On learning that a British edition was in progress, M. Quetelet came forward in the most handsome 
manner, and proffered a new preface, which accordingly is presented here in a translated form. In this 
composition, the object of the author has been, at once to defend his treatise from objections brought 
against it subsequently to the issue of the original Parisian edition, and also to point out in what manner 
he intended, in his projected continuations of the work, to follow up and elucidate the principles already 
laid down by him. It will probably be admitted by the majority of readers, that he has most ably defended 
his views and estimate of the physical, moral, and intellectual qualities of man, with their results upon his 
position in society. He has refuted the objections brought against his mode of reasoning ; and has cleared 
himself of the charge of being either a materialist or a fatalist. He shows, also, that he is no theorist or system- 
maker, but simply wishes to arrive at truth by the only legitimate way, namely, the examination of facts 
— the incontrovertible facts fuxnished by statistical data. Lastly, he conveys the important information, 
that the experiencer of every additional year, since the first publication of his treatise, proves, in the most 
remarkable manner, the accuracy both of his statistical tables and the inferences founded upon them. 
His section on crime, in particular, however startling it may have appeared to the world, has been 
shown, by fresh statistical information, to merit credit in every particular. On these accounts, the pub- 
lishers are confident that the prefatory matter with which they have been favoured by the distinguished 
Belgian philosopher, will be felt by the public greatly to enhance the value of the present edition. 

It seems only necessary to add, that the present translatioA has been effected under the able superin- 
tendence of Dr R. Knox, F.R.S.E., Corresponding Member of the French Academy of Medicine, and 
Lecturer on Anatomy in Edinburgh ; and that the work, in its passage through the press, has been indebted 
to the editorial care of Mr Thojias Smibert, who has also translated the manuscript preface of M. Que- 
telet. Considering its native value, and these acquired advantages, the publishers present it with the 
confident hope that it wiU form a valuable addition to the philosophical literature of their country. 

Edinburgh, Aoye/H^er 5, 18-11. 



786697 



CONTENTS. 



Page 

PREFACE TO THE PRESENT EDITION, BY JI. QUETELET, -- - - - - -V 

INTRODUCTORY, -.---..-. 5 

BOOK FIRST. DEVELOPMENT OF THE PHYSICAL QUALITIES OF WAN, - - « - 9 

CHAPTER I. — OF BIRTHS IN GENERAL, AND OF FECUNDITY, ----- IQ 

CHAPTER II. OF THE INFLUENCE OF NATURAL CAUSES ON THE NUMBER OF BIRTHS, - - 11 

CHAPTER III. OF THE INFLUENCE OF DISTURBING CAUSES ON THE NUMBER OF BIRTHS, - 21 

CHAPTER IV. OF STILL-BORN CHILDREN, - - - - -- -24 

CHAPTER V. OF THE INFLUENCE OF NATURAL CAUSES ON MORTALITY, - . . 26 

CHAPTER VI. OF THE INFLUENCE OF DISTURBING CAUSES ON MORTALITY, - - - 37 

CHAPTER VIL — RELATIONS OF POPULATION TO SOCIAL PROSPERITY, - . . 48 

BOOK SECOND. — DEVELOPMENT OF STATURE, VTEIGHT, STRENGTH, &C., - - - - 57 

CHAPTER L OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE HEIGHT, - . . . . 53 

CHAPTER II. OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE AVEIGHT, AND OF ITS RELATIONS TO THE DEVELOP- 
MENT OF THE HEIGHT OF THE BODY, - - - - - --63 

CHAPTER HI. OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF STRENGTH OR POWER, - . . _ 67 

CHAPTER IV. — INSPIRATION, PULSATION, SWIFTNESS, &C., - - - - - 70 

BOOK THIRD. DEVELOPiMENT OF THE MORAL AND INTELLECTUAL QUALITIES OF MAN, . - 72 

CHAPTER I. DEVELOPMENT OF THE INTELLECTUAL FACULTIES, - - - - 74 

CHAPTER IT. DEVELOPMENT OF MORAL QUALITIES, - - . . . 78 

CHAPTER III. OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE PROPENSITY TO CRIJIE, - - - - 82 

BOOK FOURTH. OF THE PROPERTIES OF .THE AVERAGE MA^N, OF THE SOCIAL SYSTEM, AND OF THE 

FINAL ADVANCEMENT OF THIS STUDY, ------- 96 

CHAPTER I. PROPERTIES OF THE AVERAGE MAN, ------ 96 

CHAPTER II. — OF THE ULTIMATE PROGRESS OF OUR KNOWLEDGE OF THE 1.AW OF HUMAN DEVE- 
LOPMENT, ---------- 103 

author's APPENDIX, .......... 109 

translator's APPENDIX, - - - - - - - -- 119 



PREFACE OF M. QUETELET, 



DUA^^^s- up expressly por the people's! edition op his avork on man. 



TuE plan which has been pursued by me in the com- 
position of this work, is a vast and comprehensive 
one. It was tlierefore natural, that, before drawing 
up a sequel to it, I should endeavour to learn the 
opinions of competent persons respecting the charac- 
ter of my researclies, and the mode of execution whidi 
had been adopted in my treatise.* ]5ut in presenting?, 
as it were, only the vestibule of the edifice, I might 
justly entertain fears lesi sufficient light had not been 
cast on the matter, and lest I should not have been 
able to make it clear how all the portions of tlie vast 
whole were to arrive at agreement and consistency 
among tliemselves. In this state of things, it struck 
me tliat I could not do better tiian show, by particu- 
lar examples, in wliat manner it is expedient in gene- 
ral to proceed in tliis line of inquiry, and in what 
light I viewed tlie analysis of man, under tlie triple 
relations of his pbysicid, moral, and intellectual quali- 
ties. 

Tlie development of the tlirce examples which I 
have chosen, will themselves give birth to as many 
works, the materials of which 1 am collecting with all 
tlie activity and speed that otlier engagements inci- 
dent;d to my position will permit. Whilst waiting till 
I can terminate these hibours, I have deemed it right 
to give here an indication of them, and this will afford 
me, at the same time, an opportunity of clearing up 
some points in my published treatise, which may liave 
been imperfectly understood. 

As regards the plii/sujue of man, subjects of research 
are not wanting ; but, besides that many of these sub- 
jects — as, for example, that of population — have fre- 
quently been discussed, and l)y men of great ability, 
tliej' do not appear to me to be all equally suited to 
the end which I propose to attain ; some are even 
complicated by their intimate dependence on moral 
phenomen;u and these I wish to steer clear of as far as 
possible. The interest excited b}' the first researches 
into the growth of the human being, and the happy 
applications made of them in England, determined my 
choice of a subject, leading me to direct attention to 
the proportions of the human frame at different ages, 
and the causes which modify them. The subject ap- 
pertains at once to science and the fine arts ; and my 
relations in society permitted me to count upon the 
assistance of men of enlightenment, who promised to 
co-operate with me in my inquiries. 

The study of the proportions of the human frame 
was carried very far by the Grecian artists, but they 
have left us no other monuments of their knowledge 
than those admirable works of sculpture, which the 
moderns regard to this day as models, and to which 
they resort for their finest inspirations. The principal 
artists of the era of the revival of letters, such as Leon 
Baptista Albert!, ilichael Angelo, Leonai'do da Vinci, 
Albert Durer, with many others who comprehended 
what art ought to borrow from science, felt the neces- 

* The work upon M.in was published at Paris in 18;15. In tlie 
year following, a copy of it was printed at Brussels ; and, in 1SJ8, 
Ur Uiccke gave a German translation of the work, enriched with 
notes. The Brussels copy was published without my participa- 
tion, and indeed ai;ainst my will ; such was not the case witli the 
Gerniiui version, conoji-ning which I had commurucations with 
Dr Riocke. 



sity of resorting to observation, in order to rebuild in 
some sort the ruined monument of ancient artistical 
skill. They studied nature in a philosophical manner ; 
sought to strike out the limits withm which they 
ought to confine themselves in order to be truthlike, 
without taking away from each age, and one ma}- 
say from any passion, its individual character ; and 
from those profound studies which kept them ever 
before the foce of nature, they deduced original views 
and new models, destined to distinguish for ever 
that celebrated age. The proportions of the human 
body did not alone attract their attention : anatomj', 
perspectiAT, and chemistry, formed parts of their 
studies ; nothing was neglected ; and some of these 
great artists even gained for tliemselves a first place 
among the geometers of their day. Their successors 
have not devoted themselves to such serious studies, 
and hence it so frequently happens that they are re- 
duced to content themselves, either with copying front 
those who went before them, or with working after 
individual models, whose proportions they modify 
according to mere caprice, without having any just 
or iiroper ideas of the beautiful. 

It would bo an error, doubtless, to suppose that 
science mti/ws the artist ; yet it lends to him the most 
l)0werful assistance. In general, it is difficult to keep 
it within due limits ; and I shall even freely admit, 
that Albert Durer, in his work upon tlie proportions of 
the human frame, has imparted to it a certain scien- 
tific dryness, which lessens its utility. One finds 
there more of the geometer than the artist, and the 
geometer, moreover, such as he was at a time when 
it had not yet been discovered how much the rules of 
style enhance the value of scientific works, and, above 
all, of those which appertain at the same time to the 
domain of the fine arts. 

After the example of Leon Baptista Albert!, whom 
he followed closely in the order of time, Alljurt Durer 
commences by stating the divisions of tlie body, in 
parts or proportions of the total height taken by him 
as unit]/. Changing afterwards his measure of pro- 
portions, he takes as unity the size of the head, and 
assigns successively the proportions of several in- 
dividuals, giving them seven, eight, nine, and even 
ten heads of height [or, in other words, a body cor- 
responding to the measurement of so many heads]. 
The scale thus formed by him has been received into 
all studios ; and, without reverting very often to the 
measurements which their predecessors had taken 
from nature or from the works of the Greeks, artists 
have, for the most part, bound themselves down to 
follow a blind routine. Xoble exceptions, however, 
have presented themselves. Nicholas Poussin, one of 
the most profound thinkers whom the arts have pro- 
duced, took care to correct and regulate by the antique 
the proportions which Leon Baptista Alberti and 
Albert Durer had given from the living model. At 
a later period, also, some labours have been under- 
taken on this subject; and I may mention, in particu- 
lar, those of the sculptor. Shadow of Berlin. 

Jly aim has been, not only to go once more through 
the task of Albert Durer, but to execute it also on an 
extended scale. The German artist had Ids art ex- 
clusively in view, and confined himself to the obser- 



PREFACE. 



vation and exhibition of man when fully developed, 
and at an age Avhen he presents himself under the 
most advantageous forms. In order to keep faithfully 
by the plan which I had chalked out, I have viewed 
the individual from the hour of his birth ; I have 
sought to determine, for that epoch, the different rela- 
tions of bulk, subsisting between the various parts of 
his frame ; and to ascertain how far these relations 
become modified during his development, what they 
are in the flower of his age, and in what position they 
remain up to the instant of decay. It is only by long 
and laborious stud}', and by the comparison of a vast 
number of individuals, that it will be possible to suc- 
ceed in establishing correct average proportions for 
each age, and in settling the limits betwixt whicli 
they can be made to vary, without ceasing to be 
accurate and faithful to nature — our first and great 
guide in this diflScult study. 

If the inquiry into the average bodily proportions 
be of high importance, in order to attain to the type 
of beauty in the arts, not less great is the interest 
attached to the subject of the limits within Avhich 
variations of them must be kei)t, in order not to shock 
the taste, and in order to retain the means of giving 
character to individual forms, of shadowing forth 
strength, grace, and dignity of figure, and of preserv- 
ing to art that variety which constitutes its principal 
charm. Although artistical limits A^'ill always be less 
extended than the natural limits, yet it is to be ob- 
served that, by the term natural limits, I understand 
those within which the human proportions may vary, 
not only without constituting deformities and mon- 
strous aberrations from nature, but also without 
wounding the eye by a Avant of harmony. 

In order that the taste may be satisfied, it is necessary 
to present to it a Avhole of which it can seize readily all 
the parts, and mark their relations of bulk. But what 
are the natural limits spoken of? They are doubtless 
difficult to establish ; nevertheless, every one has an 
idea of them, more or Ifess exact, which he carries with 
him in his decisions. It is to determine these in a 
more precise manner that our endeavours ought to be 
directed. " This statue is beautiful," people will sa}' ; 
but they will agree in finding that the arms are too 
long. Without such a defect, it would have possessed 
more grace. The defect, at the same time, does not 
constitute a monstrosity, not even an anomaly ; it may 
be conceived to exist in nature, and even without dis- 
pleasing the taste ; but it wounds the eye in a work of 
art, open to more severe rules of judgment. 

In order to discover to what extent tastes and forms 
might vary in different countries, I have endeavoured 
to compare the proportions of the models, which, in the 
opinion of the artists of Paris, Rome, Belgium, and 
other places, united the most perfect graces of form ; 
and I have been surprised to find how little variety of 
opinion exists, in different places, regarding what they 
concurred in terming the beautiful. Changes of bodily 
proportions characterise nations to a much smaller 
degree than differences in physiognomical expression, 
in delicacy and suppleness of members, and in ease, 
greater or lesser, of gait — all of them qualities modified 
singularly by education, climate, and habitudes. 

Nor am I to confine myself, in my extended inquiry, 
to the comparison of actual models, estimated as types 
of the beautiful ; I propose also to unite my results to 
those which artists left to us at the revival of the arts, 
and, above all, to Avhat we can gather of the knowledge 
of the ancients on this jioint, from a study of their 
works. These comparisons, I conceive, will present 
hints interesting to liistory and art ; they will prove 
of not less importance to the natural history of man. 
Analogous Labours, undertaken in different quarters 
of the globe, woiUd enable us to appreciate all that 
distinguishes race from race, and to discover the rela- 
tive points of bulk most liable to variation ; they 
would also furnish for the future valuable elements of 
comparison, not yet possessed by science. 



All the sciences tend necessarily to the acquirement 
of greater precision in their appreciations. The study 
of diseases, and of the deformities to which they give 
place, has shown the benefit derivable from corporeal 
measurements, effected under enlightened views ; but 
in order to recognise whatever is an anomaly, it is 
essentially necessary to have established the type con- 
stituting the normal or healthy condition. In order 
to be of use to science, I have deemed it necessary 
to direct my researches in a particular manner to 
the dimensions of the chest, which seem most fre- 
quently to merit consideration in the state of illness ; 
and the same region is the one where the greatest 
malformations are most often to be observed. 

The relative proportions of the human head merit 
equally oiu" serious attention, serving, as they do at 
this da}^ for a basis, so to speak, of a new science. 
One of the individuals whose writings have spread 
the greatest interest respecting the study of phreno- 
logy, Mr George Combe, addressed to me, on the sub- 
ject of the work on Man, the following words, which 
I shall beg leave to transcribe here, on account of the 
ingenious hints Avhich they convey on the subject 
under consideration : — " Allow me to observe, that I 
desire much to see the ph}^siology of the brain made 
the basis of such investigations, because I am con- 
vinced that the size, quantity, and proportions of the 
brain in individuals, have an influence over the de- 
velopment of their fticulties, which is fundamental — 
that is to say, the brain determines the strength and 
the bent of the natural dispositions, and also the kind 
and degree of the intellectual capacity ; and all exter- 
nal influences merely direct these to certain objects 
in preference to others, excite them to action, or im- 
pede their manifestations, but without changing the 
primitive character. Criminals, for instance, have 
the animal organs largely developed, and those of the 
moral and intellectual faculties, or at least the moral, 
deficient; and the causes of the regularity in the 
number of crimes will be found in the causes which 
produce a given number of defective brains annually ; 
and crimes must be diminished by lessening the pro- 
duction of imperfect brains, or by treating those who 
have them as moral patients, and preventing them 
from abusing their propensities. Your researches are 
exceedingly interesting and useful, and all that I 
mean to say is, that this elempnt is Avanting to render 
them complete." 

Nothing, doubtless, could be more interesting, above 
all in studying the moral development of man, than 
to be able to follow simultaneoiisly the development 
of the organs Avhich seem most directly connected 
with our actions, and to estimate to what extent the 
instrument is in concord Avith the effects produced by 
it. But for that purpose, it Avould be necessary that 
the science should be farther advanced than it really 
is ; and that Ave should knoAv the modifications which 
tlie head and brain of man undergo, from birth to the 
period of complete development, as avcU as the epochs 
at Avhich the diA^ers organs, regarded as the seats of 
such and such passions and propensities, manifest 
themselves, and Avhat are their degrees of increase, 
actual and proportionate. This science, it seems to 
me, leaves as yet much to desire, and for the mere 
reason that it is yet in its infancy. I conceive that, 
in its actual condition, time Avould be more profitably 
expended in separating two kinds of studies Avhich, 
in their results, might respectively control each other, 
than in seeking to amalgamate them, by Avhich miglit 
be incurred the risk of falling into theoretic ideas, and 
quitting the path to truth. I shall explain myself by 
an example. Observation shows, that, in our state of 
society, it is about the age of twenty-five Avhen the 
propensity to crime is at the maximum, especially as 
far as murder is concerned ; this is a fact fidly esta- 
blished, and of Avhich ncAv evidence is given every 
year by the statistical records of France. Now, sup- 
posing that phrenology had made sufficient inquiries 



PREFACE. 



into the development of the organs, it might be pos- 
sible to determine whether or not the age of twenty- 
five is really that at which the destructive organs 
have reached their greatest development, and if they 
sustain a progressive diminution afterwards, or are 
repressed by other and more powerful organs. 

In considering matters under this point of view, it 
would be necessary first to study the progressive and 
proportionate growth of the brain and its several parts, 
and the development also of our moral and intellec- 
tual qualities. Compai'isons might then be established 
to determine if the development of the faculties, and 
of the cerebral organs regarded as specially connected 
with them, takes place in a simultaneous manner. 
But to explain the actions by the organs, to render 
the one subordinate to the exercise of the other, would 
be to ramble widely from the course I have followed ; 
for I am less desirous to explain phenomena than to 
establish their existence. 

^ I have always comprehended with difficulty, more- 
over, how persons, pre-occupied doubtless by other 
ideas, have seen any tendency to materialism in the 
exposition of a series ot facts deduced from statistical 
documents. In giving to my work the title of Social 
Pliysics, I have had no other aim than to collect, in a 
uniform order, the phenomena affecting man, nearly as 
physical science brings together the phenomena apper- 
taining to the material world. If certain deplorable 
facts present themselves Avith an alarming regularity, 
to whom is blame to be ascribed ? Ought charges of 
materialism to be brought against him who points out 
that regularity ? What I have read and heard on the 
subject of my work, proves to me that I have not 
carried conviction to every mind, and that I have 
frequently been judged with prejudice. Judgments 
upon books are formed with even more haste and 
levity than judgments upon men. Writin gs are tjil ked 
of without Jbeing known; and people take up an opi- 
nion for or against, in consequence of decisions of 
which it would cost them some trouble to determine 
the source. These are evils which must be borne with 
patience, and the more so because they are common. 
" There are few works on i)olitical econoni}'," said 
Malthus to me, "which have been more spoken of 
and less read than mine." All the absurdities which 
have been spoken and written respecting the illus- 
trious English author, are well known. Certainly, by 
an appeal against such decisions, he would have all 
to gain, and nothing to lose, before a less prejudiced 
tribunal. 

One of the facts which appears to have excited the 
greatest alarm, out of all pointed to in my work, is 
naturally that relating to the constancy with which 
crime is committed. From the examination of num- 
bers, I behoved myself justified in inferring, as anatural 
consequence, that, in given circumstances, and under 
the influence of the same causes, we may reckon 
upon witnessing the repetition of the same effects, the 
reproduction of the same crimes, and the same convic- 
tions. What has resulted from this exposition ? Timo- 
rous persons have raised the cry of fatalism. If, how- 
ever, some one said, " Man is born free ; nothing can 
force his free-will; he underlies the influence of no 
external causes ; cease to assimilate him to a machme, 
or to pretend to modify his actions. Therefore, ye 
legislators, repeal your laws ; overturn your prisons ; 
break j'our chains in pieces ; your convictions and 
penalties are of no avail ; they are so many acts of 
barbarous revenge. Ye philosophers and priests, 
speak no more of ameliorations, social or rehgioiis ; 
you are materialists, because you assume to mould 
society like a piece of gross clay ; j'ou are fatalists, 
because you believe yourselves predestined to influ- 
ence man in the exercise of his free-will, and to direct 
the course of his actions." If, I say, any one held 
such language to us, we should be disgusted with its 
excessive folly. And wherefore? Because we are 
thoroughly convinced that laws, education, and reli- 



gion, exercise a salutary influence on society, and that 
moral causes have their certain eiMfcts. Am I a fata- 
list, then, when I declare that you have greater reason 
for so thinking than you had imagined ? That is the 
real state of the question ; we differ only about de- 
grees. Which of us is in error ? To determine this, 
it is necessary to examine our motives for conviction. 
Mine, like yours, rest first of all on observation. We 
both caU in experience to the support of our opinions ; 
but, in your case, the experience is based on vague 
uncertainties, whilst I, more circumspect, strive never 
to lose sight of those scientific principles which ought 
to guide the obsei'ver in all his investigations. My 
aim is not to defend systems, or bolster up theories ; 
I confine myself to the citation of facts, such as society 
presents to our view. If these facts be legitimately 
established, it follows that we must accept of and 
acpommodate our reason to them.." 

SNow, what do these facts teach us ? I repeat, that 
in a given state of society, resting under the influence 
of certain causes, regular effects are produced, which 
oscillate, as it were, around a fixed mean point, with- 
out undergoing any sensible alterations. Observe, 
that I have said under the influence of the same causes; 
if the causes were changed, the effects also would 
necessarily be modified. As laws and the principles 
of religion and morality are influencing causes, I have 
then not only the hope, but, what you have not, the 
positive conviction, that society may be ameliorated 
and reformed. Expect not, however, that efforts for 
the moral regeneration of man can be immediately 
crowned with success ; operations upon masses are 
ever slow in progress, and their effects necessarily 
distant. 

But, it may be again asked, what becomes of human 
free-will and agency ? In the face of facts, I have not 
to occupy myself with that question, so often debated. 
I cannot altogether pass it by, nevertheless, in silence, 
because it .seems to me to involve one of the most 
admirable laws of conservation in nature — a law M'hich 
presents a new proof of the wisdom of the Creator, 
and of M'hich you have not caught even a glimpse in 
your narrow views of the moral organisation of man. 
It is necessary, then, to admit that free-will exer- 
cises itself within indefinite limits, if one wishes not 
to incur the reproach of denying it altogether. But, 
with all the follies which have passed through the 
head of man, with all the perverse inclinations which 
have desolated society, what would have become of 
our race during so many past ages ? All these scourges 
have passed by, and neither man nor his faculties 
have undergone sensible alterations, as far at least as 
our observations can determine. This is because the 
same finger which has fixed limits to the sea, has set 
similar bounds to the passions of men — because the 
same voice has said to both, " Hitherto shalt thou 
come, and no farther ! " 

What! when it is necessary to take the most simple 
resolve, we are under the domination of our habitudes, 
our wants, our social relations, and a host of causes 
which, all of them, draw us about in a hnndred diffe- 
rent ways. These infiuences are so powerful, that we 
have no difficulty in telling, even when referring to 
persons whom we are scarcely acquainted with, or 
even know not at all, what is the resolution to which 
they will lead such parties. Whence, then, this cer- 
tainty of foresight, exemplified by you daily, if you 
were not convinced, at the outset, that it is ex- 
tremely probable the empire of causes will carry it 
over free-will. In considering the moral world a priori, 
you give to this free-will the most entire latitude ; and 
when you come to practice, when you speak of what 
passes around you, you constantly fall into contradic- 
tion with yourselves. You foretell the conduct of 
individuals, in whose case oscillations may take place 
within limits so large, that it woidd be contrary to 
all the principles of the theory of probabilities to take 
them for the types of calculations, or to foimd upon 



PREFACE. 



lliem the most petty iiifereuces. Be uiorc consistent 
witli yourselves. 

Coiild you possibly be afraid of applying the calcu- 
lation of cliances to moral phenomena, and of the 
afflicting consequences which may be inferred from 
that inquiry, when it is extended to crimes and to 
quarters the most disgraceful to society ? " I should 
guard myself," said a scientific friend, whose philan- 
thropic views I otherwise respect — " I shoidd guard 
myself, had I arrived at the afflicting results of which 
you speak, against grieving others with the relation 
of thein. Draw a veil over the hideous spectacle ; 
and if you believe that you jjossess the truth, imitate 
with resj^ect to it the sage circumspection of Fonte- 
)U!lle." But is the anatomy of man not a more pain- 
ful science still? — that science wliich leads us to dip 
our hands into the blood of our fellow-beings, to pry 
^vith impassible curiosity into parts and organs which 
once palpitated with life? And yet who dreams at 
this day of raising liis voice against the study ? Who 
does not applaud, on the contrary, the numerous ad- 
vantages which it lias conferred on humanity? Tlie 
time is come for studying the moral anatomy of man 
also, and for uncovering its most afflicting aspects, 
with the view of jiroviding remedies. 
CThis study is a difficult one. Speculative philoso- 
phy has long been occupied with it ; but there are 
questions not to be resolved by such means ; specula- 
tion has its limits, as observation also has. Every 
propensity and every passion, develops itself in a man- 
ner more or less rapid, attains a degree of maximum 
intensity, and declines in general by shades not yet 
fully recognised. It is with the intellectual as with the 
moral faculties of man ; they both have their laws of 
development. With regard to some of them, these laws 
march in a parallel relation ; others are interwoven 
in their growth, or stand in manifest opposition. ISTow, 
these ai-e the laws which it is necessary to ascertain 
and comprehend, not in a vague manner, but with 
such precision as to enable us to establish numerically 
tlie degree of intensity for each age. There lay, if I 
do not deceive myself, the novel feature of my labours ; 
thence sprung, at least, the chief meed of praise, and 
the criticisms which I have received ; and it is this 
principle which I muat strive to justify by my ulterior 
labours, because I was compelled to limit myself, in a 
first essay, to simple indications^ 

^The analysis of the moral man through his actions, 
and of the intellectual man through his productions, 
seems to me calculated to form one of the most inte- 
resting parts of the sciences of observation, applied to 
anthropology. It may be seen, in my v.ork, tliat the 
course Mdiich I have adopted is that followed by the 
natural philosopher, in order to grasp the laws that 
regulate tl»e material world. By the seizure of focts, 
I seek to rise to an appreciation of the causes Mhence 
they spring.* As I could only indicate this course 
summai'ilj^ and the difficulties embarrassing it, I have 
been desirous to show, by two examples, selected and 

\* This appreciation is in general vci-j' difficult, and has given 
rise to grave errors. One of the chief causes of these errors seems 
to me to spring from the incomplete enumerntioiu, made when it 
ij sought to give an iiccount of the causes which have led to any 
result. Thus, it is recognised that in some locality crimes are 
very numerous, .ind an attempt is made to explain that un- 
favourable state of tilings. IIow do most writers and even sta- 
tisticians proceed in such a case ? In ph)ce of passing in review 
all the cau.<;es which can lead to crime, of weighing their in- 
fluences, .and of inquiring into those, above all, which have 
there acted with the greatest energy, they only attend, in the 
prejudiced state of their minds, to one alone, often the Iciii-t 
influential of all, to v^hich they ascribe the cfVects produced by 
the wliole. They have been led in this manner to conclude that 
popular instruction produces crime, because, in such and such 
a liingdoui, the provinces wliere it chieny aboiuids send the 
greatest numberof children to schools ; as if the degree of instruc- 
tion, and the Icind of instruction, and other elements, did not 
ail enter equally into the question. The true talent of the ob- 
server, it seems to me, whatever be the phenomen.i of wliich he 



treated in a searching manner, liow the course in 
question should be followed. The one has for its ob- 
ject the examination of works of literature, philosophy, 
science, the fine arts, &c., and of the ages at which 
they have been produced, with the results to be de- 
duced from the whole. The other example concerns 
the development of the propensity to crime, upon a 
scale more extended than I had yet had an opportunity 
of forming. After these last new researches, I con- 
ceive I may now confidently say, that the tables of 
criminality for different ages, given in my published 
treatise, merit at least as much faith as the tables 
of mortality, and verify themselves within perhaps 
even narrower limits ; so that crime pursues its path 
with even more constancy than death. Twelve 3'ears 
have elapsed since the data furnished by the tri- 
bunals of justice in France were collected with great 
care and exactitude, and since the ages of criminals 
Avere first marked ; and, in each succeeding year, 
they have reckoned from about 7000 to 8000 indivi- 
duals accused before the courts of assize ; and it is 
still betwixt the ages of twenty-one and twenty-five, 
that, all things being equal, the greatest number of per- 
sons are to be found in that position. I have taken, for 
the same years, and for the city of Paris, the morta- 
lity of a period of ten years, and have found, that, 
thougli my observations included a much larger num- 
ber of persons, and these pertaining to a much more 
homogeneous population, the mortality of the capital 
proceeded with less regularity than the crimes of tlie 
kingdom, and that each age paid a more uniform and 
constant tribute to the jail than to the tomb.'^ 

An objection has been made to my views, whic-h 
appears somewhat valid at a first glance. It has been 
forcibly reproduced by a writer of merit, who, while 
treating my work with liberality, has drawn together 
all the gravest objections brought forward against it. 
I shall take leave to cite his words. " We now reach 
the most delicate portion of M. Quetelet's work — tlie 
development of the intellectual and moral qualities, 
the social system. Here the field is not the same ; 
we have no longer to do ^^'ith phenomena vital and 
regidar, or witli those laws to which man is sub- 
jected along with the brutes, and -which operate con- 
tinually without his intervention, or constitute in- 
stincts in him too powerful to be resisted. We have 
to consider things which he is at liberty to do or not 
to do — acts which he may consummate or not consum- 
mate at choice. We enter into the domain of the 
human will — free, bold, and independent. Can science 
follow man in this new route ? Will it be able to ap- 
preciate, in a manner at once comiarehensive and exact, 
the results of the physiological and moral constitution 
of the mind and soul which distinguish him from 
other animals ? Contented to follow, up to this point, 
the material phenomena revealed by evident facts, 
can science sound the heart of man, dive into the 
mysteries of spiritual being, and tear away for the 
human race the veil which the morahst can with 

sccUs to estimate the causes, consists in a complete enumeration 
of these, and in distinguishing between such as arc entitled to 
weight, and such as may be overlooked without inconvenience. 
It is tliis fine insight, this delicate tact, principal attributes of 
superior intelli.ficuces, which constitute the great observer, the 
true philosopher. To wander from this course is to step into 
error, and to become entangled in those interminable disputes 
which afflict the sciences, and, above .ill, those whose phenomena 
are most complex. The medical sciences offer sad examples of 
tliis evil. Blaladics are in general the result of an infinity of 
causes ; and wherefore attribute them, llien, to one of these more 
than to another? It may be conceived that two physicians, in 
citing each a diflerent cause as the origin of one disease, may be 
both in the right, since each may have found the cause stated by 
him to h.ave predominated in the cise under his notice; they 
only err in neglecting the other influential causes which they 
have not had the chance of observing, because the number of 
their observations w.as too limited. This is the history of many 
of the tl\eorie3 and systems, alternately adopted and rejected in 
mcd 



le tl\er 
icinev 



PREFACE. 



difficulty raise in order to judge one iiulividaal? 
Kisks she not being stranded in the conllict Avitli 
these supreme mysteries of intelligence ? Upon what 
constant facts, upon what fundamental points, can she 
lean for support? The facts of birth, growth, and 
decay, are the same for all men ; but what are held 
by one people to be intelligence, genius, morality, and 
ci'ime, will these not be deemed by another people 
error, poverty of intellect, immorality, and lawful 
actions ? Finally, will not the free-will and agency 
of man disconcert all calculations ? Or, at least, will 
not the errors in such calculations be too considerable 
in number and extent to leave them any real value ? "* 
I have already spoken of free-will, and have shown 
how little it influences the number of crimes, and the 
ages of criminals ; I shall not retm-n, therefore, to that 
subject. The next most serious objection M-hich seems 
to present itself here is, that the facts upon Avhich 
one is compelled to rest have not the same identical 
value, as in the case of birth, death, and marriage, 
when the population is treated of; but that these facts 
may vary through many different shades, and may 
even be qualified amongst different nations, in conse- 
quence of what is crime with one being viewed as 
something lawful with another. 

MVe must here understand ourselves fidh'. I can 
admit that a certain act, whicli is punislied before 
the French tribunals, may not be so in other places, 
or have been so in other times. This is, then, an error 
of denomination which should be corrected, and which 
would but prove at most that virtues and crimes, esti- 
mated in relation to different times, have a contingent 
value merely, not an absolute one. The essential point 
here is, that the fact, qualified in one manner or another, 
should be the same. But it will be said, that it is not 
identically the same, and that even where the laws take 
care to specify and define different crimes, those which 
are ranged under the same head may still vary within 
pretty extensive limits, tfhis is equivalent to saying, 
that the observations have not all the precision neces- 
sary, and that tlie estimate cannot be perfect. Xow, 
this is a fact which I myself readily admit and regret ; 
for, if the observations were precise, I should march 
on, in the new path which I have sought to open up, 
Avith as much assurance as in other quarters of the 
vast field of the sciences of observation. In every 
instance, it is not my method tlmt is defective ; projjer 
observations alone fail me. But will it be ever impos- 
sible to have theni perfectly i^rccise .•" I believe tliat 
even at present we have them sufficiently so to enter, 
at least, on the great problem under consideration. 
Name them as you will, tlie actions which society 
stamps as crimes, and of Avhich it punishes the 
authors, are reproduced every year, in almost exactly 
the same numbers ; examined more closely, they are 
found to divide themselves into almost exactly the 
same categories ; and, if their number were sufficiently 
large, we might carry farther our distinctions and 
subdivisions, and should always fiud there the same 
regularity. It will then remain correct to say, that a 
given species of actions is more common at one given 
age than at any other given age.^; 

Is it really true, moreover, that the designation of 
crime may be so very arbitrary, and that that which 
lias been set down as poisoning or assassination, for 
example, may testify to no evil inclination ? Although 
we are here in a new field, where facts cannot be 
estimated mechanically, as in the physical sciences, 
tlie difference, nevertheless, is not to be held so great 
as it may appear at first sight. Even the physical 
sciences sometimes rest on facts which are not iden- 
tically the same, as deaths and births should be ; and 
which may lead to appreciations and conclusions 
more or less great. "With the use even of an instru- 
ment, when one wishes to discover a temperatm'e, a 
magnetic declination, or the force and direction of a 

* Bibliotheque Univcr-ellc de Genfevc, -Tuly IPA"), p. .3in. Ar- 
ticle of M. E. Mallet. 



wind, does one really find the quantities wliich are 
sought? When one measures an individual, is the 
real height positively discovered ? Errors, greater or 
lesser, may be committed ; and observation alone can 
recognise the limits within which they range. Has 
the consideration of the average life of man been re- 
jected, because that average rests upon numbers which 
vary, without doubt, within Umits as extended as can 
be conceived ? 

But, to reply by the same argument brought against 
myself, if, in place of reckoning diseases, one wished 
to specify their nature, andtoindicate, as statisticians 
do, the number of voluntary, violent, and accidental 
deaths, as well as those produced by natm'al maladies, 
without entering at all into the classifications which 
might be formed of these, woidd not one lie open to the 
same objections? » Must we refrain from making up 
a list of suicides, because death may there have been 
caused by unknown hands, or by accidents of which no 
one is cognisant, or by some natural means which have 
operated instantaneousljs and left no visible traces 
behind? And how often does it happen that the 
author of a suicide only lends his hands involuntarily 
to a crime of which another has guiltily reduced him 
to become the victim ? One Avould require to re- 
nounce entirely the sciences of observation, if every 
such difficulty in the waj' were to be admitted as a let 
and barrier ; and tliese are only more apparent in my 
researches, becaiise we are less ftimiliarised with their 
characterr! 

The same writer whom I have cited, combats me 
on another point. I have attempted to give an ex- 
ample of tlie analysis of the development of the 
passions, ■which tends to show that their maximum 
energy is reached about the age of twenty-five years. 
" So that," said I, " if there existed an art which, in 
its exercise, developed itself in a ratio with the pas- 
sions, and without requiring preliminary studies, its 
maximum of development would occur about the age 
of twenty -five." * " To this reasoning let us oppose an 
example," says the Genevese philosopher. " If there 
has been a writer who has shone brilliantly, and deeply 
impressed the public, by reason, not of his works and 
learning, but of the impidses of the passions, certainly 
Jean Jacques Eousseau is that man. Now, it was not 
before the age of forty, fifteen A-ears later than the 
period signalised as the maximum one of his passions, 
that Rousseau commenced to Avrite." What would be 
the reply of the autlior now quoted, whose writings 
on population arc justly esteemed, if I were to say to 
him in my turn, that the death of J. J. Rousseau did 
not take place till after the age of G.5 j-ears ; tliat is to 
sny, a long period after the epoch signalised by the 
law of mortality calculated for Geneva, and after he 
had long passed the average life of man. Must Ave 
then conclude that the tables of mortality for Geneva 
sliould be rejected? What does one individual ex- 
ample prove in such matters ? 

I Avould remark, besides, that the words cited from 
my work, when viewed isolatedly, are far from ex- 
pressing the idea Avhich I wished to attach to them. 
The works of genius upon which our judgments bear 
are in general complex ; for there is no work, con- 
structed by genius, which does not suppose the exer- 
cise of various of its faculties. A skilful analysis 
could alone make out the part of each of them ; I 
would suggest for this purpose the idea of a work 
Avhich should have for its object the analytic exami- 
nation of the development of our intellectual faculties 
for each age. Now, I have aimed to present, in the 
work here reproduced, only an essaj% only a particu- 
lar example, of such an anah^sis, " which tends to show 
that the maximum of energy of the passions occurs 
about the age of twenty-five." The minimum is not 
then determined ; and even when it shall be, by a suffi- 
cient number of observations, one will no more be able 
to apply it to anj' given individual in particular, than 
* '• On ^r.in," vol. ii. pnrre 110, r.nissels ofliti"ii. 



PREFACE. 



one could make iise of a table of mortality to determine 
the period of his decease. It shoidd he well understood 
that social physics never can pretend to discover laws 
which will verify themselves in every particular, in 
the case of isolated individuals. The science will 
have rendered a service sufficiently vast, in giving 
more precise views upon a host of points, of which 
vague ghmpses only were before possessed.'^ Thus, 
men speak generally of the age of the passions ; they 
admit, then, that there is an epoch of the life at which 
the passions act with greater energy? How knoAv 
they this? Doubtless, by the observation of man. 
"Well, it is observation which the science of social 
physics wiU employ, but observation conducted in a 
more certain manner, after scientific principles, and 
not resting on fugitive glances of wliich one can pre- 
serve no durable traces. 

I trust I may be permitted to notice here another 
objection which has been made, on the subject of the 
value which I believed it proper to attribute to ave- 
rage qualities. " You believe, then," it lias been said 
to me, " that the type of health would be a mean be- 
twixt all the constitutions existing— all the states of 
health ? But then you must grant at least that your 
type would be more perfect if the aA^erage were struck 
upon those alone who were in health." This argu- 
ment may appear at first sight an embarrassing one ; 
but, when examined more closely, it may easily be 
shown to rest upon no solid foundations. I believe I 
might even say, retorting in some measure the argu- 
ment, that, if the average were taken upon all men, 
the healthy excepted, it would remain still the same. 
This only would result, that, in order to obtain that 
average with an equal degi-ee of precision, it Avould be 
necessary to draw it from an infinitely greater num- 
ber of individuals. We may consider maladies like 
deviations from the normal state, be it more or be it 
less ; and it is betwixt these contrary conditions that 
the state of health would be found. 

We aim at a target — an end — marked by a point. 
The arrows go to right and left, high or low, accord- 
ing to the address of the shooters. In the mean time, 
after a considerable number of trials, the butt, which 
has not yet been touched, perhaps, a single time, be- 
comes so well pointed out by the marks around it, 
that they would aid at once in rediscovering it, if it 
should chance to be lost sight of Nay, more than 
this ; even aims the most unfortunate may be made 
to conduce to this end ; commencing with those marks 
which are farthest away, if they be sufficiently nume- 
rous, one may learn from them the real position of the 
point they surround. 

This figurative reasoning is applicable, it may easih' 
be conceived, to all inqiiiries into the physical sciences, 
and even the moral also, Avhere the point in view is 



to arrive at means or averages. As stated in the con- 
siderations presented at the close of my work, every 
quality, taken -vvithin suitable limits, is essentially 
good ; it is only in its extreme deviations from the 
mean that it becomes bad. The study of these devia- 
tions or anomalies may serve to aid in the determi- 
nation of the normal state, if it cannot be established 
in a direct manner. This presimies, it is true, that 
human nature, in its aberrations, has not a tendency 
to deviate from the mean in one sense in preference 
to another, as those who aim at a mark might have a 
tendency to shoot always too high or too low, Now, 
nothing proves the existence of any such tendency, 
i It may be imagined, after the preceding remarks, 
how much importance I attach to the consideration 
of limits, which seem to me of two kinds, ordinary or 
natural, and extraordinary or beyond the natural. The 
first limits comprise within them the qualities which 
deviate more or less from the mean, without attract- 
ing attention by excess on one side or the other. 
When the deviations become greater, they constitute 
the extraordinarj' class, having itself its limits, on 
the outer verge of which are things preternatural, or 
monstrosities. Thus, the men who fall, in respect of 
height, outside of the ordinary limits, are giants or 
dwarfs ; and if the excess or the deficiency of height 
surpasses the extraordinary limits, they may be re- 
garded as monstrosities. From the view of the human 
constitution, also, we may find the state of health and 
of sickness, and also a condition to be called exti-aor- 
dinary or preternatural. We must conceive the same 
distinctions in the moral world."' 

Narrow as may be the natural limits, they are yet 
too extended, as I have pointed out, Avhen we wish to 
approach the beautiful in the arts. Artistical limits 
do not tolerate certain proportions, which nevertheless 
constitute neither physical defects nor infirmities. 

The consideration of limits, upon Avhich I insist, 
has convinced me more an*& more of the important 
part which they play in the social order. One of 
the most interesting observations which I have had 
occasion to make, is, that thej'- narrow themselves 
through the infiuence of civilisation, which affords, in 
my eyes, the most convincing proof of human perfec- 
tibility. On the one side Ave approach more closely 
to Avhat is good and beautiful ; on the other, vice and 
suffering are shut up within narrower limits ; and Ave 
have to dread less the monstrosities, physical and 
moral, Avhich have the power to throAV perturbation 
into the social fraiucAvork. The distinctions Avhich I 
had already established Avitli care in my Avork, ought 
to have proA'cd, metliinks, to some less prejudiced 
judges, hoAv far I am from a blind fatalism, Avhich 
Avould regard man as unfit to exercise free-Avill, or 
meliorate the future condition of his race. 



ON MAN. 



INTRODUCTORY. 

Man is born, grows up, and dies, according to certain 
laws wliich have never been properly investigated, 
either as a whole or in the mode of their mutual 
reactions. Hitherto, the science of Man has been 
limited to researches, more or less complete, respect- 
ing some of its laws, to results deduced from single or 
insulated observations, and to theories often based on 
mere glimpses ; and these constitute pretty nearly all 
tlie materials it possesses. It must be admitted, how- 
ever, that for nearly two centuries various distinguished 
men have studiously inquired into the rate of repro- 
duction and mortality of mankind ; the differences 
which age, sex, profession, climate, and seasons, pro- 
duce in regard of births and deaths, have been assidu- 
ously studied. But they have neglected to put forward, 
with sufficient prominence, tlie study of his physical 
development (bodily gmvtii), <and thej' haA'e neglected 
to mark by numbers how individual man increases 
with respect to weight and height — how, in short, his 
forces are developed, the sensibility of his organs, and 
his other physical facidties. They have not determined 
the age at which his faculties reach then* maximum or 
highest energy, nor the time when they commence 
to decline. Neither have they determined the relative 
value of his faculties at different epochs or periods of 
his life, nor the mode according to which they mu- 
tually influence each other, nor the modifying causes. 
In like manner, the progressive development of moral 
and intellectual man has scarcely occupied their at- 
tention ; nor have they noted how the faculties of his 
mind are at every age influenced by those of the body, 
nor hoAv his facilities mutually react. 

It will be evident that I do not speak here of the 
speculatiA^e sciences, which, for a long time, have 
unravelled with great acuteness the greater part of 
the questions within theu* scope, and which they could 
attempt directly, avoiding, however, all numerical 
appreciation of the facts. The void resulting from 
this neglect must be filled up by the sciences of 
observation ; for, either from a distrust in their own 
strength, or a repugnance in supposing it possible to 
reduce to fixed laws what seemed to flow from the 
most capricious of causes, it has liitherto been deemed 
expedient by learned men to abandon the line of 
inquiry employed in the investigation of the other 
laws of nature, so soon as the moral phenomena of 
mankind became the object of research. It must 
also be admitted, in explanation, that observations 
having for their object the Sciejice of Man, present 
difficulties exceedingly great, and, to merit confidence, 
must be collected upon a scale far too extended to 
be attempted by an individual philosopher. Thus, 
Are need not be at all surprised if facts respect- 
ing the increase of human weight and height from 
birth, be not readily found — if even the development 
of man's bodily strength be not exactly known ; and 
it ought to excite no surprise, if, on these interesting 
points, the results be confined to mere sketches. 
The study of the development of the intellectual 



qualities present, perhaps, still greater difficulties ; but 
the result wiU show that these difficulties are more 
apparent than real. 

With respect to the physical or animal forces, it 
is readily enough admitted that their development 
depends on the action of nature, and is thus regulated 
by laws which in certain cases admit of being deter- 
mined by numbers ; but it is asserted, that in respect 
of the moral or intellectual faculties, over which our 
volition exercises an influence, it would seem to ap- 
proach an absurdity, to inquire into laws influenced 
by a cause at once so capricious and so anomalous as 
the human will. Hence it has happened that, in the 
study of man, a difficulty, seemingly insurmountable, 
was encountered at the very first step ; but this diffi- 
culty is connected principally with the solution of a 
question which we shall now examine. 

Are Human Actions regulated by Fixed Laws ? 

Experience alone can with certainty solve a jiro- 
blem which no a priori reasoning could determine. 
It is of primary importance to keep out of view man 
as he exists m an insulated, separate, or in an indi- 
vidual state, and to regard him only as a fraction of 
the species. In thus setting aside his individual nature, 
Ave get quit of all Avhich is accidental, and the indi- 
vidual peculiarities, Avhich exercise scarcely any influ- 
ence oA'er the mass, become effaced of their own accord, 
aUoAving tlie observer to seize the general results. 

Thus, to explain our meaning by an example — Ave 
may instance the case of a person examining too 
nearly a small portion of a very large circle, and who, 
consequentl}^ would see in this detached portion 
merely a certain quantity of ph3'sical points, grouped 
in a more or less irregular manner, and so, indeed, as 
to seem as if they had been arranged by cliance, not- 
withstanding the care Avith Avhicli the original figure 
may have been traced. But, placing himself at a 
greater distance, the eye embraces of necessity a 
gi'eater number of points, and ah'cady a degree of 
regularity is obserA'able over a certain extent of the 
segment of the ckcle ; and, by removing still farther 
from the object, the observer loses sight of tlie indi- 
vidual points, no longer observes any accidental or 
odd arrangements amongst them, but discovers at 
once the law presiding OA'cr their general arrange- 
ments, and the precise nature of the circle so traced. 
But let us suppose, as might happen, that the different 
points of the arch, mstead of being material points, 
Avere small animated beings, free to act according to 
their will, in a A'ery circumscribed sphere, yet these 
spontaneous motions Avould not be perceived by the 
eve j»laced at a suitable distance. 

•It is in this Avay that we propose studying the laAvs 
which relate to the human species ; for, by examining 
them too closely, it becomes impossible to apprehend 
them correctly, and the observer sees only individual 
peculiarities, Avhich are infinite. Even in those cases 
Avhere the individuals exactly resemble each other, it 
might still happen that, by examining them separately, 
some of the most singular laAvs to Avhich thev are 



ON MAN. 



subject, iiiuIlt certain influences, might escape for 
ever the notice of the observer. To liini, for example, 
who had examined the laAvs of light merely in a single 
drop of Avater, the brilliant phenomenon of the rain- 
bow would be totally unintelhgible — it might even 
happen that the idea of the possible existence of such 
an appearance would never have occurred to him 
unless accidentally placed in favourable circumstances 
to observe it*^ 

^YhB.t idea should we have of the mortality of man- 
kind by observing only individuals ? Instead of the 
admirable laws to which it is subject, our knowledge 
would be limited to a series of incoherent facts, lead- 
ing to a total misapprehension of the laws of nature. 

The remarks we make respecting human mortality, 
may be equally extended to man's physical and moral 
faculties, i To attain a knowledge of the general laws 
regulating these latter (moral) faculties, a sufficient 
number of observations must be collected, in order to 
bring out what is constant, and to set aside wliat is 
purely accidental. If, in order to focilitate this study, 
all human actions could be registered, it might be 
supposed that their numbers would vary from year to 
year as widely as human caprice. But this is not 
what we in reality observe, at least for that class of 
actions of which we have succeeded in obtaining a 
registry.^ I shall qiiote but a single example ; but it 
merits the attention of all philosophic minds. In 
every thing which relates to crimes, the same num- 
bers are reproduced so constantly, that it becomes 
impossible to misapprehend it — even in respect to 
those crimes which seem perfectly beyond human 
foresight, such as murders committed in general at 
the close of quarrels, arising Avithout a motive, and 
under other circumstances to all appearance the 
most fortuitous or accidental: nevertheless, experi- 
ence proves that murders are committed annuall,y, 
not only pretty nearly to the same extent, but even 
that the instruments emploj^ed are in the same pro- 
portions. Now, if this occurs in the case of crimes 
whose origin seems to be purely accidental, what 
shall Ave say of those admitted to be the result of 
reflection ? * 

This remarkable constancy Avith Avhich the same 
crimes appear annuaUy in tlie same order, draAving 
doAvn on their perpetrators the same punishments, in 
the same proportions, is a singular fact, which AA^e owe 
to the statistics of the tribunals. In various Avritings, 
I liaA'e done ray utmost to put this evidence clearly 
before the public rf I have never t;iiled annually to re- 

* The following is the result of the reports of criminal justice 
ill France, &c. : — 





1826. 


1827. 


1828. 


1829. 


1830. 


1031. 


Murders in general, - 


241 


2.34 


227 


231 


20.1 


266 


Gun and pistol, - - 


r.0 


64 


60 


61 


57 


88 


Sabre, sword, stiletto, 














poniard, dagger, &c., 


15 


7 


« 


7 


12 


SO 


Knife, 


30 


4(1 


34 


46 


44 


34 


Cudgels, cane, &c., - 


S3 


28 


31 


24 


12 


21 


Stones, ----- - 


21) 


20 


21 


21 


11 


9 


Cutting, stabbing, and 














bruising instruments, 


3J 


40 


42 


4.) 


46 


4!) 


Strangulations, - - - 


2 


5 


2 


2 


2 


4 


By precipitating and 














drowning, - - - - 


6 


IG 


C 


1 


4 


3 


Kicks and blows with 


^ 












the fist, 


20 


12 


21 


23 


17 


26 


Fire, 




1 




1 






Unknown, - - - - 


17 


1 


2 




2 


2 



t t Seepage 43 of the Reelierches SlaiMiqiie, &c., 1809; page 178 
of tlie fifth volume of the Corrcsp. Mathenwtiqiu ; p.age 214 of the 
.same collection, in the observations on the constancy observed 
in the number of crimes committed ; page 80 of the Jiechoxhes 
siir le PcHchanl au Crime, &c. [Inquiries into the Propensity to 
Crime, &c.] After having repented positively the same state- 
ment so many times, 1 read the following words 1 confess with 
surprise, in 1&38, in an Kssiiy on the Moral Statistics of France 
iSlatistique Morale dc la France), the author of which honours me 
with his correspondence, and i-^ acquainted with my writings :— 



IJeat, that there is a Ludycl which avc pay with frightful 
regularity — it is that of prisons, dungeons, and scaf- 
folds. NoAv, it is this budget which, above all, Ave ought 
to endeavour to reduce ; and every year, the numbers 
haA'e confirmed my previous statements to such a de- 
gree, that I might haA'e said, perhaps Avith more pre- 
cision, " there is a tribute Avhich man pays Avith more 
regularity than that Avhich he OAves to nature, or to 
the treasure of the state, namely, that Avliich he pays 
to crime." Sad condition of humanity ! We might 
even predict annuaUy hoAv many individuals Avill stain 
their hands Avith the blood of their felloA\'-men, hoAV 
many Avill be forgers, hoAv many will deal in poison, 
pretty nearly in the same Avay as Ave may foretell the 
iumual births and deaths. 

V Society includes Avithin itself the germs of all the 
crimes committed, and at the same time the necessary 
facihties for their development. It is the social state, 
in some measure, Avhich prepares these crimes, and 
the criminal is merely the instritment to execute them. 
;g3rgry^sociaJ^state supposes, then, a. certain. aiuuilK-r 
and a certain order of crimes, these bein^ nierej.v_thc! 
yecessin-y consequences of its organi,sation,''Tliis obser- 
A'atioii, so discouraging at first sight, becomes, on the 
contrarj', consolatory, Avhen examined more nearly, 
by shoAving the possibility of ameliorating the human 
race, by modifying their institutions, their habits, the 
amomit of their information, and, generally, all which 
influences their mode of existence. In fact, this ob- 
servation is merely the extension of a laAv ;dready 
AveU knoAvn to all Avho have studied the physical 
condition of society in a philosophic manner : it is, 
that so long as the same causes exist, we must expect 
a repetition of the same effects. What has induced 
some to beUeve that moral phenomena did not obey 
this law, has been the too great influence ascribed at 
all times to man himself over liis actions : it is a re- 
markable fact in the history of science, that the more 
extended human knowledge has become, the more 
limited huiuan poAver, in that respect, has constantly' 
appeared. This globe, of Avhich man imagines himself 
the haughty possessor, becomes, in the ca'CS of the 
astronomer, merely a grain of dost floating in the 
immensity of space : an earthquake, a tempest, an 
inundation, may destroy in an instant an entire people, 
or ruin the labours of twenty ages. On the other hand, 
Avhen man appears most influenced by his oaa'u actions, 
Ave see paid an annual tribute to nature of births and 
deaths, as regular as may be. In the regular repro- 
duction of crime, Ave see again reproduced another 
proof of the narrow field in AA'hich he exercises his 
individual activity. But if each step in the career 
of science thus gradually chminishas his imjjortance, 
his pride has a compensation in the greater idea of 
his intellectual power, by Avhich he has been enaWed 
to perceive those laAvs Avhich seem to be, by their na- 
ture, placed for ever beyond his grasp. 

v'ltwoidd appear, then, that moral phenomena, Avhen 
observed on a great scale, are found to resemble phy- 
sical phenomena ; and Ave thus arrive, in inquiries of 
this kind, at the fundamental principle, that the 
(greater the mnnher of individuals observed, the more do 
individual pecidiarities, ivhether ph/sical or moral, become 
effaced, and leave in a prominent point of vieiv the gene- 
ral facts, by virtue of which society exists and is pre- 
served.y^lt belongs only to a fcA^ men, gifted Avith 
superior genius, to alter sensibly the social state ; and 

" Each j-ear reproduces the same number of crimes, in the same 
order, in the same regions. Each class of crimes has its peculiar 
and invariable distribution, according to the sex, age, season ; all 
are accompanied, in equal proportions, Avith accessoi'y facts, imim- 
portant in appearance, and, but for their return, inexplicable. 
It becomes necessary to give examples of this fixity in this con- 
stancy in the reproduction of facts hitherto consiih'red as inexpli- 
r,ib!e (insaisissables dans leur ensemble), ami as bei»p .'subject to no 
laic." I shall make only one observation, which is, that I never 
considered the number of crimes invariable. I bdievc, on the 
contrary, in the perfc.-tibility of the human speci-.^s.' 



ON MAN. 



even this alteration, or action, rcajMres a consiJerable 
time to transmit fully its eflfects. Tlf the poAver which 
man possesses of modifying his actions, was commu- 
nicated immediately to the social system, every kind 
of prevision or prejudgment would become impossible, 
and we shoidd expect in vain to find in the past les- 
sons for the future.*/ Eut it is not so : Avhen active 
causes have once established themselves, they display 
an evident action, even for a long time after efforts have 
been made to oppose and destroy them ; and too much 
care, therefore, cannot be bestowed in pointing them 
out, and in suggesting the most efficacious means to 
modify them in a useful manner. This reaction of 
man upon himself, is one of his noblest attributes ; it 
offers, indeed, the finest field for the display of his 
activity. As a member of the social body, he is sub- 
jected every instant to the necessity of these causes, 
and pays them a regular tribute ; but as a man, em- 
ploying all the energy of his intellectual tixculties, he 
in some measure masters these causes, and modifies 
their effects, thus constantly endeavouring to improve 
his condition. 

How the Laws relative to Jran otiglit to be Studied 
and Interpreted. 

Wc have just seen that man is placed under the 
influence of regular and periodic causes, affecting not 
merely his physical qualities, but likewise his actions ; 
and that these lead to effects equallj^ regular and 
periodic. Now, these causes, and their mode of action, 
or the laws to which they give rise, may be determined 
by a close inquiry ; but, as has been already said, in 
order to succeed, we must study the masses, with the 
view of separating from our observations all that is 
fortuitous or individual. Every thing being equid, 
the calculation of probabilities shows, that in the direct 
ratio to the mmiber of individuals observed, we ap- 
proach the nearer to the truth. 

By the manner, then, in which these laws have been 
determined, they present no longer any thing indi- 
vidual ; and, consequently, can be applied to indivi- 
duals only within certain limits. Every apiilication 
which one might attempt to make to a man in par- 
ticular, must be essentially false, in the same way as 
if we were to pretend to determine the precise period 
of a person's death by looking into the tables of mor- 
tality. 

Such tables, in respect to particular cases, can give 
only approximations ; and the doctrine of probabilities 
shows here also that the results deduced from them, 
and the results observed, agree always the better the 
greater the number of the individuals to whom they 
refer. Thus, although the tables of mortality teach us no 
direct apiilication to an individual, 3'et they offer very 
certain results when applied to a great number of per- 
sons ; and upon these general results, assurance socie- 
ties calcidate their annual profits. We endeavour here 
to be well miderstood respecting the natiire and value 
of the laws we propose inquiring into. It is the social 
body which fonns the object of om* researches, and 
not the peculiarities distinguishing the individuals 
composing it. This study interests, in an especial 
manner, the philosopher and the legislator : the lite- 
rary man and the artist, on the contrary, will endea- 
vour to miderstand, in preference, those pecuharities 
which we endeavour to separate from our resvdts, and 
which constitute, as it were, the physiognomical and 
pictorial aspect of society. 

jMoreover, the laws which relate to the social body 
are not essentially invariable ; they change Avith the 
nature of the causes producing them. The progress of 
civiUsation, for examjjle, has changed the laws respect- 
ing mortality, and must have exercised an influence 
over the physical and moral condition of man. Tables 
constructed to show the intensity of the disposition 

* [The supposed civilisation of Russia by Peter the Great, and 
of Prussia by Frederick II., fonn no real exceptions to the state- 
ments of M. Quetelet.] 



to crime at different ages, althoilgh fv.i' several years 
they may have offered pi-etty nearly the same result:?; 
may yet become gradually modified : it is to efiect this 
modification that the friends of humanity ought to 
turn their attention. The study of the social body, 
Avhich Ave haA'c in vicAv, has for its object to leave 
this important subject no longer to a kind of empi- 
ricism, but to offer the means of recognising directly 
the causes Avhicli influence society, and to measure 
even that influence itself. 

These causes, once knoAvn, present no sudden 
changes, but are modified graduallj*. Future events 
may be foreseen by a knoAvledge of the past, or con- 
jectures may even comprise a period of scA'eral years, 
Avithout fear of experience producing results uncon- 
fined by the limits previously assigned them. Now, 
these limits are proportionally widened as our conjec- 
tures embrace a Avider series of years. 

Of the Causes which Influence JIan- 

The laws presiding over the development of man, 
and modifj^ing his actions, are hi general the result of 
his organisation, of his education or knoAvledge, means 
or Avealth, institutions, local influences, and an endless 
variety of other causes, ahvays very difficult to dis- 
cover, and some of Avhich may probably never be 
made out. 

Of all these influencing causes, some arc purely 
physical, others iiilierent in our natiu-e. Man, in 
fact, possesses in himself a moral force scciuring to 
him the empire over all living beings on this globe ; 
but their destination forms a mysterious problem, 
Avhose solution Avill probably escape us for ever. By 
means of those moral forces, man is distinguished 
from other animals. By means of tliem, also, he pos- 
sesses the poAver of modifying, at least to appearance, 
the laAvs of nature affecting him, and perhaps by 
causing a i>rogressiA'e movement, tends to approach 
a happier physical condition.* 

^he forces Avhich characterise man, are living forces 
in their nature ; but do they act iu a constant man- 
ner, and has man, at all epochs, possessed the same 
quantity — in a Avord, does there exist any thing ana- 
logous to the active or living forces in nature ? What, 
moreoA'er, is their destination? Can they influence 
the progress of the svstem . or compromise its exist- 
ence? or, perhaps, like the internal forces of a system, 
may they not modifj' in something its progress, or 
the conditions of its stability ? Analogy leads us to 
believe, that in the social state avc may expect to find 
in general all the principles of conservation observed 
in the natural phenomena?? 

Plants and animals appear to obej', like the planets, 
the eternal laAvs of nature, and Avere it not for the 
intervention of man, these laAvs could be verified just 
as easUy in the one case as in the other ; but man 
exercises, both on himself and on aU around, a dis- 
turbing action, the intensity of which takes a develop- 
ment in in-oportion to his intellect, and the effects of 
which are such, that society does not resemble itself 
at any tAvo different epochs. 

It Avould be important to detennine, in all the laAvs 
affecting the human species, Avhat belongs to nature 
and Avhat belongs to the distmrbing force of man ; it 
appears at least certain, that the effects of this force 
are sIoav, and might almost be called sectilai- pertur- 
bations. HoAvever this may be, if they really Avere 

* Buflfon explains verj' well the power possessed by man in 
modifying nature's Avorks :—" All these modern and recent ex- 
amples prove, that man has but recently known the extent of his 
power, and that even yet he does not Icnow it sufficiently ; it de- 
pends entirely on the exercise of his intellect : thus, the more 
he observes, the more he will cultivate nature, and the more 
extensive will be his means to subject nature's works to himself. 
And what might he not eft'ect upon himself — I mean on his own 
species — if the will were ahvays governed by the judgment ? A\lic> 
could predict limits to the moral and physical perfectibility of 
human nature?" liC.—Epoques ilc la Nature. 



ON MAN. 



developed with inucli rapidity, we coiild not, with the 
few elements Ave possess in respect to the past, draw 
important conclusions in regard to the future. 

Wc must then do as astronomers have done in the 
theory of arbitrary constants — and as the early statis- 
ticians did in calcidating the laws of human mortality 
—make an abstraction at first of the effects of the dis- 
turbing force, and return to it afterwards when a long 
series of documents permits us to do so. 

Thus, to bring out my meaning, in calculating the 
different tables of mortaUty, the medium duration of 
human hfe has been shown to vary for different coun- 
tries, and even for difierent provinces, though these 
may be quite contiguous. But these differences might 
depend as much on the natiu:e of the cUmate as on man 
himself ; and hence the necessity of determining what 
belonged to the one, what to the other. Tor this pur- 
pose, one might select an assemblage of circumstances 
proving that the forces of nature remam the same ; 
and if the results obtained at different epochs were also 
identical, then foUows the natural conclusion that the 
disturbmg force of man amounted to nothing. Now, 
this attempt has been made, and at Geneva, for ex- 
ample, it has been found that the average duration of 
life, or the medium life, has successively become longer. 
Now, Ave are at least entitled to conclude from this the 
existence of the disturbing force of man, and to form 
the first idea of the energy of its effects on this point 
of the globe, so long as it is not proved that causes 
foreign to man may have altered the fertility of the 
soil, the state of the atmosphere, temperature, or 
given rise to some other alteration in the chmate. 
But hitherto Ave know only the result of different 
forces, which it Avould be impossible to estimate indi- 
vidually, and of Avhich Ave cannot even furnish a com- 
plete list. Thus Avc are disposed to beUeve that the 
forces Avhich haA^e prolonged at Geneva the duration 
of the average life of man, have arisen from the cir- 
cumstances of his having improved his habitations, 
rendering them more healthy and more commodious ; 
of his having ameliorated his pecuniary circumstances, 
his food, and institutions ; of his liaAdng been able to 
Avithdraw himself from the influence of certain dis- 
eases, &c. ; and it might even have happened that the 
disturbing force of man may have altered for the bet- 
ter the nature of the climate, by drainage, clearing 
the forests, or by other changes. 

Of the Object of this Work. 
The purpose of this Avork is to study in their effects 
the causes, Avhether natural or disturbing, Avhich in- 
fluence human development ; to endeavour to measure 
the influence of these causes, and the mode according 
tawhich they mutually modify each other. 
\ \ It is not at aU my intention to propose a Theory of 
Jlan, but merely to ascertain by proof the facts and 
.^ the phenomena which affect him, and to endeavoiu-, 
by observation, to discover the laAvs forming the con- 
nectmg links of these phenomena. The social man, 
Avhom I here consider, resembles the centre of gravity 
in bodies : he is the centre around which oscillate 
the social elements — in fact, so to speak, he is a 
fictitious being, for whom every thing proceeds con- 
formably to the medium results obtained for society 
in general. It is this being whom avc must consider 
in estabhshing the basis of social physics, throAving 
out of vicAv peculiar or anomalous cases, and disre- 
garding any inquiry tending to show that such or 
such an individual may attain a greater or less de- 
velopment in one of Ids facultiesT? •^ 

Let us suppose, for example, that Ave endeavoured 
to discover the chstiu'bing influence of man in modify- 
ing his physical strength. By means of the dynamo- 
meter (measurer of strength), we may first estimate 
the strength of the hands, or of the loins, in a great 
number of persons of different ages, from infancy to 
extreme old age, and the results obtained in this way 
for a country Avill give tAvo scales of forces deserving 



of our confidence in the direct proportion of the num- 
ber of observations made, and in the care Avitli which 
they have been made. By comparing at a later period 
these scales, obtained by the same means and under 
the same influences, but at different periods of time, 
Ave shall discover Avhether the disturbing action or 
influence of man has diminished or augmented the 
quantity of this strength. Now, it is this variation 
Avhich the whole system undergoes, that it is impor- 
tant to point out in social physics. We may even m 
this way determine changes happening m the different 
classes of societj'', but Avithout descending to indivi- 
duals. A man, in consequence of gigantic height, or 
by herculean strength, may attract the attention of 
the naturaUst or the i^hysiologist ; but in social phy- 
sics his importance would disappear before that of 
another individual, who, after having ascertained ex- 
perimentally the means of developing advantageously 
the height and strength, may succeed in putting them 
in practice, thus producing results either affecting 
the Avhole system or one of its parts. After having 
considered man at different epochs, and as belonging 
to different nations — after having successively ascer- 
tained the several elements of his physical and moral 
condition, and pointed out, at the same time, the varia- 
tions in the quantity of materials which he produces 
and which he consumes, in the. increase or decrease of 
his wealth, and the changes occurring in lus position 
with respect toother nations — we must next determine 
the laws to which man has been subject in the differ- 
ent races, fi'om their origin ; that is to say, we must 
follow the progress of the centres of gravity in each 
part of the system, just as Ave determined the laAvs 
relating to man in each nation, by the entire mass of 
the observations made upon the individuals composing 
that nation. Under this point of vicAV, nations Avould 
be, in respect to the social system, what individuals 
are in respect to nations ; each woidd have their laAvs 
of increase and decrease, and have a sliare, more or 
less important, in the pertui-bations of the system. 
NoAV, it is only fi'om the whole of the laws which 
relate to different races, that we can afterwards decide 
on what belongs, whether to the equUibriura or to 
the movement of the system; for we do not know 
at ijresent which of these tAvo states actually exists. 
What we see daily proves to us sufficiently the effects 
of internal actions and forces reacting on each other ; 
but the centre of gravity of the system, if avc may 
so say, and the direction of the movement, are un- 
knoAvn ; it may even happen, that Avhilst the motion 
of all the parts of the sj^stem is progressive or retro- 
grade, the centre may remain unvaryingly in equili- 
brio. 

Perhaps we may be asked, how it can be possible to 
determine absolutely the value of the disturbing power 
of man — that is to say, the differences, more or less 
great, which the social system produces, from that state 
or condition in Avhich he would be jilaced if left to 
the forces of nature alone ? Such a problem, if it could 
be solved, Avould unquestionably bo interesting, but 
scarcely useful, since such a condition does not exist 
in nature, seeing that man has at all times been in 
possession of an intellectual force, and has ncA'er been 
reduced to live merely as animals do. It is of more 
consequence, indeed, to determine if the effects of his 
disturbing power vaiy in a manner more or less ad- 
vantageous. 

Fi-oni Avhat we have said, the object of scientific 
research, then, should be to inquire — 
M, What ar^! the hiAvs of human reproduction, 
growth, and physical force — growth of his intellec- 
tual poAvers, and of his disposition, more or less great, 
to good or evil ; the laAvs regulating the development 
of his passions and tastes ; the mode of succession of 
tlie materials he produces or consumes ; the laAvs of 
human mortality, &c. 

2. AVhat uifluence has nature over man ; Avliat is 
the measure of its influence, and of its disturbing 



ON MAN. 



9 



forces ; what have been theu* eflects for such and such 
a period ; and what the social elements cliiefly affected 
by them. 

3. Finally, can hmnan forces compromise the sta- 
bihty of the jocial system ? I am not siure if these 
questions may ever be answered ; but to me it seems 
that their solution would form some of the noblest and 
most interesting results of human research. Con- 
vinced of tliis truth, I have already made some efforts 
to reply to the first series of these questions ; and 
still more, to make my ideas understood, and to point 
out the route which ought to be followed, I have 
endeavoured also to demonstrate how to detect the 
influencmg causes, and to determine the degree of 
their respective actions. Whatever idea may be 
formed of these researclies, I trust it will still be ad- 
mitted, that in respect to the development of the 
human faculties, a great number of observations and 
results have been accumulated wliich science did not 
previously possess^ 

I wish it also to be understood, that I consider this 
work as but a sketch of a vast plan, to be completed 
only by infinite care and immense researches. I have 
room, therefore, for hope that the leading idea, as to 
the composition of the work, may be alone criticised ; 
and that, in respect to the filUng up of the details, 
necessarily very incomplete in some parts, from want 
of materials, a lenient criticism may also be vouch- 
safed. I have thought it my duty, however, in the 
suitable place, to point out these deficiencies. 

On the Importance or Dignity of the Inquiries Relative 
to Man. 

The nature of the researches in this work, and the 
view which I have taken of the social system, have in 
them a something i^ositive, which at first sight may 
startle some minds. Some may be disposed to see in it 
a tendency to materialism ; others, misunderstanding 
my ideas, may view them as an attempt to exagge- 
rate the field of the exact sciences, and to place the 
geometrician upon ground which does not belong to 
hira ; they may reproach me for engaging in absurd 
speculations, and with inquiring into measures where 
things do not admit of being measured. 

In respect to the charge of materialism, it has been 
reproduced so often and so regailarly on every occasion 
when science attempted to make a new step, and -when 
the spirit of philosophy, breaking through its ancient 
barriers, attempted a new road, that it seems almost 
superfluous at the present day to reply to it, the more 
especially that the fanatical sphit is no longer backed 
with chains and tortures. It can scarcely now be 
esteemed an insult to the Divinity, that man exercises 
^he noblest of his faculties by directing his medita- 
tions towards the sublimest laws of the universe, by 
endeaA'^ouring to explain the admu-able economy and 
the infinite wisdom which presided at its formation. 
Who would ventine to accuse of dryness those philo- 
sophic minds, which have substituted for the narrow 
and paltry world, as known to the ancients, the knoAv- 
ledge of our magnificent solar system, and have so 
vastly removed the limits of our starry heaven, that 
genius can no longer guess its extent but with reli- 
gious awe? Certainly, the knowledge of the won- 
derful laws which regulate the system of the world, 
gives us a nmch nobler idea of the power of the Divi- 
nity, than that of the world which sublime supersti- 
tion wished to impose upon us. If the animal pride 
of man be lowered, on observing how small the spot 
is which he occupies upon the grain of dust of which 
he at one time made his universe, how much, on the 
other hand, ought his intelligence to be pleased at the 
extent of its power, shown in investigating so deeply 
the secrets of the heavens ! 

Having thus observed the progress made by astro- 
nomical science in regard to worlds, why should not 
we endeavour to follow the same course in respect to 
man ? Would it not be an absurdity to suppose, that, | 



whilst all is regulated by such admirable laws, man's 
existence alone should be capricious, and possessed of 
no conservative principle ? We need not hesitate in 
asserting, that such a supposition, and not the re- 
searches we propose making, would be injustice to 
the Creative Power. 

In respect to the second objection, I shall endeavour 
to answer it when estimating the moral and intellec- 
tual faculties of man. 



BOOK "FIRST. 

DEVELOPMENT OP THE PHYSICAL QUALITIES 
OP MAN. 

1. The Determination of the Average Sliin in General. 

Wk have said that, in the course of our researches, 
the first step to be made would be to determine the 
average man, amongst different nations, both physical 
and moral. Perhaps the possibility of such an appre- 
ciation of physical quaUties, which admit of direct 
measurement, will be granted us : but Avhat is the 
course to be pursued in regard of the moral qualities ? 
How can we ever maintain, without absurdity, that the 
courage of one man is to that of another as five is to 
six, for example, almost as we shoidd speak of their 
stature ? Should we not laugh at the pretension of a 
geometrician, who seriously maintained that he had 
calculated that the genius of Homer is to that of 
Virgil as three to two ? Certainlj^ such pretensions 
would be absurd and ridiculous. It is proper, then, 
first of all, to agree upon the meaning of words, and 
to examine if that wliich Ave aim at is i^ossible, not 
in the actual state of science, but in such a state as 
science Avill some day arrive at. We cannot, indeed, 
demand from those Avho employ themselves Avith social 
physics, more than Ave should haA'e done from those 
who foresaAV the possibihty of forming an astronomical 
theory, at a i}eriod Avhen defective astronomical obser- 
vations and false theories, or their total absence, Avith 
insufficient means of calculation, only existed. It Avas 
especially necessary to be certain of the means of 
performing such a task ; it Avas afterAvards necessary 
to collect i^recise observations Avith zeal and perseve- 
rance, to create and render pei-fect the methods for 
using them, and thus to prepare all the necessary ele- 
ments of the edifice to be erected. Now, this is the 
course Avhich I think it proper to pm'sue in forming a 
system of social physics. I hold that Ave should ex- 
amine if it is possible to obtain the means of per- 
forming the desired task, and, firstly, if it is possible 
to determine the average man. 

This determination will be the subject of the three 
first books of this Avork. We shall, first of all, con- 
sider man in a phj'sical relation ; then Ave shall con- 
sider him with respect to his moral and mtellectual 
quahties. 

2. Of the Determination of the Physical Qualities of the 
Average Man. 

Amongst the elements pertaining to man, some are 
susceptible of a direct appreciation, and the numbers 
Avhich represent them are true mathematical quan- 
tities : such are, in general, the physical qualities. 
Thus the Aveight and stature of a man may be mea- 
sm-ed directly, and we may aft^rAvards compare them 
with the Aveight and stature of another man. In com- 
paring the different men of a nation in this manner, 
we arrive at average values, Avhich are the weight 
and stature proper to be assigned to the average man 
of this nation : as a sequel to such an inquiry, we 
might then say that the Englishman is of greater 
height and larger size than the Frenchman or Italian. 
This mode of proceeding is analogous to that pursued 



10 



ON MAN. 



in physics,* in tletermining the temperature of dif- 
ferent countries, and comparing them with each 
other : tlius, we say justly, that at Paris, the mean 
temperature of the summer is 18 degrees cent., al- 
though the thermometer has almost always been 
either higher or lower than tliis point. We conceive, 
raoi'cover, that the ratio which exists between the 
A\-eight or stature of the average man peculiar to one 
of the three mentioned countries, may vary in course 
of time. 

In certain cases, we employ non-material measures, 
as when we attempt to appreciate the average dura- 
tion of life for any particular nation, or to estimate at 
what age the average man of that nation ceases to 
exist. Life is measured by duration, and this mea- 
surement admits of quite as much precision as we 
employ in physics. 

Lastly, we may employ conventional measurements, 
as Avhen Ave estimate the riches, productions, and con- 
sumption of one country, and compare them with 
those of another. All these calculations have already 
been made by economists, with greater or less accu- 
racy ; therefore they cannot appear strange to us. 

There are elements iDcrtaining to man, Avhich can- 
not be measured directly, and which are only appre- 
ciable hy their effects : of this number is the ;?trength 
of man. "We are of opinion that it is not absurd to 
say that such a man is twice as strong as another 
when pressing with his hands, if this pressure, ap- 
plied against an obstacle, produces efiects which are 
as two to one. Only, it then becomes necessary to 
admit that causes arc pi'oportionate to effects ; and it 
is necessary to take great care, in estimating the 
effects, to place the individuals in similar circum- 
stances. Thus, for example, we might make serious 
errors in employing the dynamometer of Rcgnier in- 
discriminately for all persons, because the size of tlie 
hands, or the height of the stature, may have some 
influence, so that one handles the instrument with 
a greater or less degree of facility. 

It results from what has preceded, that, in the 
determination of the average man, considered with 
respect to physical qualities, the greatest difficulty 
consists in collecting exact observations in sufficient 
number to arrive at results Avhich deserve some de- 
gree of confidence. 

In the first book, avc shall examine all Avhich relates 
to the life of man, liis reproduction, and mortality ; in 
the second, we shall be occupied with the development 
of ills stature, weight, strength, and his physical qua- 
lities in general. 



CHAPTER I. 

OF ISIRTHS IN GENERAL, AND OF FECUNDITY. 

1. Of Births. 

The act of birth is connected with conception, in the 
same manner as the effect is connected with the cause 
which prodvices it: to the first we attach tlic idea of 
necessity, and to the second tliat of free will.f As in 
other subjects, Ave generally lose sight of causes Avhicli 
have acted long anterior to the effects Ave observe ; our 
attention is not attracted to the regularity Avith winch 
births are produced — Ave arc accustomed to regard 
them as natural phenomena, Avith Avhich the Avill of 
man is but feebly concerned. If Ave observe the influ- 
ence of seasons, places, years of abundance or scarcity, 
&c., it is rather as acting on our physical than on 
our moral qualities — it is as modifying the facility 
and not the volition Avhich avc have in reproduction. 

* [The term physics, as here used, is synonynious vvitli the terms 
nntural or experimental philohophy, as used in tiiis country.] 

f We generally consider tlic duration of pregnane}' to be nine 
months. 1 do not know whetlier researches liave been made to 
ascertain if any causes exist influencing this duration, and if 
their influence luas been calculated. 



IMoreover, Ave have a very natural dislike to consider 
our Avill as influenced by physical causes. 

Whatever be the nature <^f the causes Avhich produce 
births in greater or less number, Avith more or less 
regularity, the thing most important to be knoAvn is 
the result Avhich folloAvs ; Ave shall afterwards be able 
to inquire Avhat nature performs, and Avhat belongs to 
the disturbing action of man. In order to facilitate 
this inquiry, Ave shall first examine successively hoAV 
births are produced, taking into consideration the 
times, places, sexes, seasons, hours of the day, and 
other causes Avhich are external to the man ; and 
thereby Ave shall be more able to compare the influ- 
ence of these causes Avith those Avhich man exercises, 
in virtue of his mode of existence and of his political 
and religious institutions. 

2. Of Fecundity. 

Taken in an absolute sense, the annual number of 
births of a country has only an indifferent degree of 
importanc'c, but it acquires a very great value when Ave 
compare it Avith the other elements of population of 
this country. We may first employ it to measure the 
fecundity, by comparing it Avitli the actual number of 
the population or Avith the annual number of mar- 
riages. In the first case, Ave obtain a measure of the 
fecundity of the population, and in the second case of 
that of the fecundity of marriages. Statisticians avail 
themselves of both these measures or data, Avhich 
nevertheless require to be used Avith great care. 

When Ave compare two countries Avith respect to 
the fecunditj' of marriages, Ave must be veiy cautious 
only to compare the numl^er of legitimate births with 
the nimiber of marriages. We conceive, indeed, that 
in a country Avhere all the births Avere indiscriminately 
reported, Avith the number of registered marriages, the 
fecundity would appear too great, and the error Avould 
be more considerable, according as there Avere more 
illegitimate births and fewer marriages regularly con- 
firmed. The opposite error Avould take place in a 
country Avhere more importance Avas giA'en to esta- 
blishing the annual number of marriages than tliat of 
births. In general, it is necessary to distrust the num- 
ber expressing the fecundity of the marriages of a 
country, Avhen the civil records are cai-elessly kept, or 
Avhen the registrations are not made imiformly. I 
think England may be especially pointed out as pre- 
senting luimbers Avhich have often led those inquirers 
into error Avho have availed themselves of them.* 

JMalthus observes, that the ratio of births to mar- 
riages, taken as a measure of fecundity, supposes a 
stationary population : if the popidation Avere increas- 
ing, for example, its increase would be more rapid, 
and the real fecundity of marriages Avould the more 
exceed the proportion of births to marriages.f This 
able economist points out several otlier circinnstances 
wliich it is proper to consider in estimating fecundity', 
such as marriages for the second or third time, late 
marriages sanctioned by local customs, and frequent 
emigrations or immigrations. J 

As it respects political economy, the number Avhicli 
expresses the fecundity of a population is perhaps 
more important than that Avhich expresses the fecun- 
chty of marriages. Indeed, the economist is generally 
more concerned Avith the increase which the popula- 
tion receiA'cs tlian Avith tlic manner in Avhich this 
increase takes i)]ace. The fecundity of marriages 
miglit be exactly the same in t\\ o diflerent countries, 
Avitiiout the popttlation being tlie same. In countries, 
for example, Avhere prudent foresight renders mar- 
riages less numerous, there AviU be fcAver births ; ou 

* Jlaltlnis— Essjii sur le Trincipc dc Population, tome ii. p. 212. 
(Jeneva Edition : ll).'iO. 

•! The words of Mr Malthus arc (Md cd., vol. ii. p. G)— " The 
more rapid is the increase of population, the more will the real 
prolificncss of marriiiges exceed the proportion of births to mar- 
riages in the registers." 

% Ibid., tome ii. p. 219. English Kditicm, book ii. cU. 9. 



ON MAN. 



11 



the contrary, in countries wliose inhabitants are im- 
provident and careless, and in new countries, where the 
immigrations are numerous and wliere tlie settlements 
are formed by persons generally at a reproductive age, 
we find a great fecundity in the population. These 
are important distinctions to be made, to avoid all 
kinds of error, either in making estimates or in the 
approximating of numbers. 

Another very common error in statistical Avorks 
proceeds from an erroneous estimate of the population : 
scarcely sufficient attention has been hitherto paid to 
this subject. Wlien census are not accurately made, 
we generally obtain too small a number as the amount 
of the populjition, and the fecundity, calculated from 
it, must appear too great. This is an error which I 
point out here, because I have committed it myself in 
my first essays on statistics and in speaking of the 
fecundity of the ancient kingdom of tlie Netherlands : 
it resulted from this circumstance that certain pro- 
vinces were found in a very unfiivourable state com- 
pared with others ; but a deeper examination has 
shown me what caused my mistakes, and has led me 
to solicit the government, with active entreaty, for 
a census, henceforth become necessary ; which was 
effectually accomplished in 1829. 

There is one particular case in M-hich the ratio be- 
tween the fecundity of one country and that of another 
remains exactly the same, whether we estimate it ac- 
cording to the population or according to the annual 
number of marriages ; this is Avhen the populations of 
the countries which we compare are homogeneous or 
composed of the same elements — when, on both sides, 
we annually count the same number of marriages to 
the same number of inhabitants.* 

I thought I ought to present the prcceiling obser- 
vations on the calculation of fecundity, before examin- 
ing all wliich relates to births. We shall now proceed 
more safely in endeavouring successively to appreciate 
the influence which natural and dialurbiiig cnus<:s exer- 
cise over births. 



CHAPTER 11. 

OF TUE LM'LUENCE OF NATURAL CAUSES ON THE NUJIBER 
OF BIRTHS. 

1. Influence of the Sexes. 

TuERE is a very remarkable fact, which has been 
long ago observed, although we do not yet know the 
true causes of it. It is this — that more boys are 
born annually than girls. Now, since the proportion 
of male to female births does not differ much from 
unity, or is almost the same for the different comitries 
for which it has been calculated, it has been necessary 
to have recourse to numerous obsei'vations to deter- 
mine it •with some precision. After more than four- 
teen and a half millions of observations made in 

* Some calculations which I shall advance will make tliis easily 
understood. Let / be the fecundity of a coimtry, )i the annual 
number of births, m that of marriages, c the remainder of the 
population, and./'', «', m', and c', respectively, the same numbers 
for another country ; we shall have for the feemidity of marriages 
the proportion 

/:/'::^:4. 
m III 

Xow, if the populations be homogeneous, as in the case which wo 
are supposing, wc shall also have 

111 m' 

c + in C + 111'' 
Now, if we multiply both terms of the latter ratio of the propor- 
tion by this equality, we shall have 

■^ •' c + m c' + m" 
— a result agreeable to what is advanced in the text, since the 
tci-ms of the latter ratio represent the fecimdity of the popula- 
tion. 

li 



France, from 1817 to 1831, the value of this ratio If as- 
been as 106-38 to 100 ; and its average value has 
varied but little, taking one year with another.* 

To know whether climate influences the ratio in 
question, thirty of the most southern departments of 
France have been considered separately. The births 
in these departments, from 1817 to 1831, have been 
2,119,162 males, and 1,990,720 females ; the ratio of 
the first number to the second is as 105-95 to 100 — 
nearly the same as for the Avhole of France. This 
result would lead us to conclude, that the superior 
number of male to female births does not depend, in 
any sensible degree, on climate.f 

However, in order to ascertain more decidedly the 
influence exercised by climate, it will be proper to 
extend our researches beyond the limits of France. 
Taking our data from the principal European states, 
we find the following results, according to M. Bickes, 
who has collected more than seventy millions of 
observations : % — 

Males to 
States and Provinces. lOO 

Females. 

Itussia, ...... 108-91 

The province of Milan, .... 107-61 

Mecklenburg, - - . . . 107-07 

France, -.-... l06-55 

Belgium and Holland, .... 106-44 

IJrandenburgand Pomerania, ... 106-27 

Kingdom of tlie Two Sicilies, - - - , 106-18 

Austrian Monarchy, ..... 106-10 

Silesia and Saxony, .... 10605 

Prussian States («i »?!(?.«<;), .... 105'94 

Westphalia and Grand Dutcliy of the Rhine, - 105-86 

Kingdom of Wurteniburg, .... 105-60 

Fastern Prussia and Dutchy of Posen, - - 105-66 

Kingdom of Bohemia, .... 105-38 

Great Britain, ..... 104-75 

Sweden, - - - - - - 104-62 

-\verage for Em'ope, - 106. 

Some travellers have thought that hot climates are 
more favourable to feniale births ; but numbers have 
not confirmed this opinion, at least from what we 
have just seen in Europe. However, more observa- 
tions than we possess are necessary, and especially 
observations collected near the efiuator, Ijefore we can 
affirnr that the influence of climates is absolutely in- 
sensible. The following are the observations made at 
the Cape of Good Hope, on the white population § 
residing there, and also on the slave population : || — 





Free 


Births. 


Slave 


Births. 


1 ears. 












Males. 


Females. 


Males. 


Females. 


1813, 


686 


70(j 


1118 


234 


1814, - " - 


802 


025 


230 


183 


1815, 


888 


894 


221 


193 


1810, - 


8(15 


892 


325 


294 


1817, 


918 


927 


487 


467 


,1818, - 


814 


H-!2 


516 


482 


1819, 


810 


815 


506 


509 


18:20, - 


881 


898 


463 


464 


Total, 


66(14 


6789 


2936 


2826 



Thus, among the free births, the females numeri- 
cally exceed those of the males ; and this result is 
reproduced every year.^ 

* Annuaire du Bureau des Longitudes, 1034. f Ibid. 

t Jlemorial Encycl. Mai 1832. 

§ Journal Asiatiquc, Juillet 1826 ; and Sadler, tome ii. p. 371. 

II Elements of Medical Statistics, by Hawkins, p. 51. 

^ [It appears to the translator, that the predominance of female 
over male births, amongst the white race of the Cape of Good 
Hope, is not so much owing to climate as to the peculiarity of 
race : the free white population of the Cape are, as near as may 
be, purely Saxon, descended from the old Dutch families, who 
originally settled there about two hundred and seventy years ago. 
They have preserved the purity of their blood with great care. 



12 



ON MAN. 



It appears that residence in town or country is not 
without its influence on the ratio of births of tlie two 
sexes, as we may judge fi'om the Belgic documents: — 



Years. 


Births in the Towns. 


Births in the Country. 




Boys. 


Girls. 


Ratio. 


Boys. 


Girls. 


Ratio. 


1815 to 1824, 
1825 to 1829, 


164,376 
87,516 


164,110 
83,122 


106-66 
105-29 


472,221 
256,751 


441,502 
241,989 


106-96 
106-10 



The number of boys, compared with that of girls, 
has then been smaller in town than in the country : 
it is to be observed, that both ratios have sensibly 
diminished during the latter period. 

This influence of town residence, tending to diminish 
the proportional number of births, is also observed 
in other countries. This is seen in the following table, 
in which M. Bickes has found another kind of in- 
fluence, namely, legitimacy of birth : * — 



States and Provinces. 


Boj'S to 100 Girls. 
Legitimate. Illegitimate. 


France, 


106-69 


104-78 


Austrian monarchy, - 


- 106-15 


104-32 


Prussian monarchy. 


106-17 


102-89 


Sweden, 


- 104-73 


103-12 


"VVurtembxu-g, 


105-97 


103-54 


Bohemia, - - . 


- 105-65 


100-44 


Province of Milan, 


107-79 


102-30 


Eastern Prussia and Posen , - 


- 105-81 


103-60 


Brandenburg and Pomerania, 


106-65 


102-42 


Silesia and Saxony, - 


- 106-30 


103-27 


Westphalia .and the Dutchy of the 






Lower Rhine, 


106-07 


101-55 


Cities. 






Paris, 


10.'i-82 


103-42 


Amsterdam, ... 


105-00 


108-83 


Xeghorn, 


104-68 


93-21 


Frankfort-on-the Maine, 


102-83 


107-84 


leipsic, . . . . 


106-16 


105-94 



Thus all the documents relative to states agree in 
giving a larger proportional number of boys for legi- 
timate than for illegitimate births. This difference 
is much less conspicuous for towns. M. Bickes has 
extended his researches concerning legitimate births 
to a great number of cities ; and the average of the 
ratios, which I have calculated, gives 104'74, a value 
which is very sensibly inferior to that which all the 
European states give. 

M. Poisson, some years ago, made researches into 
this singular circumstance, that the ratio of male to 
female births, for natural children, differs sensibly 
from the general ratio of Prance taken altogether ; 
and he has obtained, from the documents of 1817 to 
1826 inclusively, 21-20ths instead of 16-15ths. M. 
Mathieu also had arrived at a similar result.f 

With the view of throwing more light on this 
interesting subject, Mr Babbage has also carefully 
collected the numbers of several different countries, 
and presented them, with all the desirable details, in^ 
a letter, which is inserted in Brewster's Journal of 
Sciences, new series. No. I. I have extracted the 
principal results. 

intermingling as little as possible with the dark races, whether 
CafTre or Hottentot. Generally speaking, they hold the mulatto 
in great dislike and contempt ; so that, amongst the pure Dutch of 
the Cape, a mulatto, however slightly tinged, has hitherto had 
little chance of acquiring a proper status in society. AVith 
respect to M. Quetelet's table of births, it seems prob.ablo that 
an excess of boys over girls is a law chiefly with the Celtic and 
Sarmatian races, and that in respect to the pure S.axon race, there 
exists cither an opposite law, namely, the excess of females over 
males, or, perhaps, as near as may be, an equality; but the 
translator inclines to the opinion that the excess will be in the 
females with respect to the S.axon race.] 

* Zeitung fur das Gesammte Medicinal wesen. Also, An. dc 
Hygiene, Oct. 1832. 

t Annuaire et lo tome ix. dcs M(!moirc3 dc I'Acadcmie des 
Sciences, p. 239. 





Legitimate 
Births. 


Number 
of Births 
observed. 


Illegitimate 
Births. 


Number 
of Births 




Female. 


Male. 


Female. 


Male. 


observed. 


France, 

Naples, 

Prussia, 

Westphalia, 

Montpellier, 


10,000 
10,000 
10,000 
10,000 
10,000 


10,657 
10,452 
10,609 
10,471 
10,707 


9,656,135 

1,059,055 

3,672,251 

151,169 

25,064 


10,000 
10,000 
10,000 
10,000 
10,000 


10,484 
10,367 
10,278 
10,039 
10,081 


673,047 
51,.-i09 

212,804 
19,950 
2,735 


Averages, 


10,000 


10,575 




10,000 


10,250 





In quoting these numbers, M. Prevost observes, 
that, independently of the physiological cause which 
gives a greater facility to male births, there exists an 
accessory cause in legitimate births especially, which 
stni further increases this facility, and which he at- 
tributes to a sort of preference generally given to 
children of the male sex. "Is not the end of this 
preference," says he, " to prevent, after male births, 
the increase of the family, and consequently to in- 
crease the proportional ratio of the latter ? Parents 
have one son : if different causes impede the increase 
of their family, they will perhaps be less uneasy at 
this privation, when their first wish is accomplished, 
than they would liaA^e been if they had not had male 
children. Would not this diminution of births, after 
one or two sons, tend to increase the ratio of male 
births ?" * Without denying the influence which this 
moral restraint may exercise in certain cases, I think 
it altogether insufiicent to explain the results which 
I shall soon advance. 

M. Giron dc Buzareignes has also commmiicated 
to the Parisian Academy of Sciences some researches 
made in Prance, on the births of children of both 
sexes.f He divides society into three classes : the first 
is composed of persons whose occupations tend to 
develop the physical qualities ; the second, of persons 
Avhose occupations tend to weaken tliese powers ; and, 
lastly, the third, of persons whose occupations are of 
a mixed kind. According to this observer, the pro- 
portional number of male births in the first class will 
1)0 greater than that which Prance furnishes in gene- 
ral ; in the second class, it will be the contrary ; and 
in the third, both numbers will be equal. Thus, agri- 
cultural occupations are favourable to the develop- 
ment of male births, whilst commerce and manufac- 
tiu'cs produce an opposite effect. This observation 
agi'ees very well with the results which have been 
previously pointed out for town and country, but it 
does not sustain an equal examination when applied 
to the different states of Europe. 

M. Bickes, who is much inclined to question the 
opinion advanced by M. Giron de Buzareignes, has 
presented a new explanation of the causes which 
occasion the ratio of tlie sexes to vary. According to 
him, " It is in the blood (the constitution, the race) 
of people or nations, who differ more or less from each 
other in this respect, that the powers or causes reside, 
whatever they may be, Avhich determine the produc- 
tion of many boys. Political and civil institutions, 
customs, habitual occupations, mode of life, wealtli, 
indigence, &c. — all these things liavc no influence on 
the respective ratio according to which the two sexes 
come into the world." We should liave much difli- 
culty to explain by this means hoAv, in tlie same 
people, the ratio of births of the two sexes presents 
such sensible differences in town and country. As to 
the effect of legitimacy on tlie preponderance of 
female births, M. Bickes thinks that the first cause 
of it cannot be demonstrated.^ We shall soon find 
other obstacles to his hyiiothesis. Professor Hofiicker 
has made some researches in Germany, on the influ- 
ence of the age of parents on male and female births, 
whence it results, that in general, when the mother 
is older than the father, fewer boys than girls are 

* Bibliothfeque ITniverscUe de Genfcve. Oct. 1829, p. 140, eiseq. 
■\ Bulletin de M. Fc^-rassac, tomexii. p. 3. 
:]: Annales de Hygiene, Oct. 1832, p. 4.59. 



ON MAN. 



13 



born ; the same is the case when the parents are of 
equal ages ; but the more the father's age exceeds that 
of the mother, so is the ratio of boys greater. 

The different results of M. Hofacker are brought 
together in the following table : — 



observe any difference of facility in producing infants 
^of one sex rather than of another. This facility, accord- 
ing to liim, only depends on the relative ages of the 
parents : tliis he deduces from the following numbers, 
extracted from registers of marriages : — 



Ages of the Man and Woman'. 

The man being younger than the woniEin, 

as old as the woman, ... 
older from 3 to 6 years, ... 
• • from 6 to 9 years, - 

from 9 to 18 years, 

by 18 years and upwards. 

The man from 24 to 36 — the woman from 16 to £6 years, 

36to46 •• 

• ■ 30 to 48 years, 



48 to CO years. 



young, 

middle-aged, - 
older, - 

middle-aged, - 
older, - 



Boys to 

100 

Girls. 

90-6 

- 900 
103-4 

- 124-7 
143-7 

- 200'0 
116-6 

- 95-4 
176-9 

- 114-3 
109-2 

- 190-0 
164-3 



If these results were deduced from sufficiently 
numerous observations, and so accurate as to deserve 
enth-e confidence, and if they were verified iia other 
countries, they would present a very powerful argu- 
ment in favour of the hypothesis, that the births of 
one or the other sex can be made to predominate at 
will. We must regret that there are still so few 
proper documents to elucidate this delicate question ; 
the only ones which I have succeeded in procuring 
are found in the work of IMr Sadler on the " Law of 
Population." I shaU first present a table extracted 
from the registers of the peers of England, and let it 
be observed that it only includes first marriages :— 



Difference 
of Ages : the 


Number 

of 
MaiTiages. 


Eirths. 


Ratio of Births. 


being — 


Male. 


Female. 


Male. 


Female. 


Younger, 
As old, - 
Older from 

I to 6 years, 
6 to 11,- - 

II to 16, - 
16 and iip- 

wai-ds, - 


54 
18 

126 
107 
43 

33 


122 
64 

.166 
327 
143 

93 


141 
57 

353 

258 

97 

67 


865 
948 

1037 
1267 
1474 

1632 


lOO 
100 

100 
100 
100 

100 


Total, 


381 


1105 


963 







Children 
by each 
Marriage. 



4-87 
617 

5-71 
5-47 
5-58 



These results agree perfectly with those of M. 
Hofacker. I have calculated in the latter column 
the fecundity of the marriages, which has likewise 
a value depending on the respective ages of the 
espoused. 

Li examining the influence of the age of the parents 
on births, Mr Sadler has been led to the following 
conclusions : — The ratio in which the sexes are born 
is regulated by the difference of age of the parents, 
in such a manner that the sex of the father or the 
mother will preponderate beyond the average of the 
total number of births, according to the party which 
has the excess of age. On the other hand, the sex 
which is in excess Avill have a mortality depending 
on the period which separates tlie age of the parents, 
so that the sexes will be balanced in numbers, towards 
the ordinary period of marriage. 

It is thus that jNIr Sadler explains how the propor- 
tional nmnber of male births is not so great in the 
manufacturing towns of England as in the country, 
where men marry later, and present a greater diffe- 
rence of age to the women whom they espouse.* He 
also extends his exiilanation to the difference which 
is observed between legitimate and illegitimate births. 

Mr Sadler, moreover, finds, that m considering the 
age of the father or the mother separately, we do not 

* It is a fact which appcai-s well established by several statis- 
ticians, and by Mr Jlilne in particular (Traitd des Annuit<;s, 
vol ii. p. 493), that precocious marriages generally produce a 
greater munbcr of daughters. 



Age of the 
Couples at 


Number 

of 
Marriages. 


Births. 


Ratio of Births. 


the time of 










Marriage.* 












Male. 


Female. 


Male. 


Female. 


Under 21, 


54 


143 


124 


1153 


1000 


21 to 26, 


307 


668 


712 


938 


1000 


26 to 31, 


284 


696 


609 


1143 


1000 


31 to 3G, 


137 


298 


263 


1133 


1000 


36 to 41, 


80 


149 


151 


987 


1000 


41 to 46, 


58 


93 


83 


1120 


1000 


46 to 51, 


51 


79 


83 


952 


1000 


51 to 61, 


30 


27 


17 


1588 


1000 


61 and up- 












wards. 


16 


" 


8 


625 


ICOO 


Total, 


1027 


2158 


2050 


1052 


1000 



Fecundity. 



4-94 
4-50 
4-59 
4-10 
3-33 
3-04 
317 
1.47 

0-81 



Ages of 

the Wives 

of the 

Couples. 



Under 16, 
16 to 21, 
21 to 26, 
26 to 31, 
31 to 36, 
36 and up- 
wards. 



Total, 



Number 

of 
Marriages. 



13 
177 
191 
60 
21 



471 



Male. Female 



37 
502 
512 
115 

40 



33 

387 

485 

92 

36 



Ratio of Births. 



Male. Female. 



1121 
1299 
1055 
1250 
1110 

1000 



lOOO 
1000 
1000 
1000 
1000 

1000 



Fecvmdity. 



5-38 
5-02 
5-22 
3-43 
3-62 

2-89 



Since these numbers aire generally small, it would 
perhaps have been better had they been arranged 
imder fewer heads. It appears to me that we might 
reduce them to the three following: under 26 years, 
from 26 to 36 years, and upAvards of 36 years. We 
then obtain respectively 970, 1140, 1032 male births 
for 1000 female ones, when taking the couples ; and 
1161, 1211, 1000, Avhen taking the wives. We see 
that the period between 26 and 36 years gives a few 
more male births. 

Lastly, in extending his researches to widows and 
widowers, Mr Sadler further finds, from the registers 
of English couples, that the widowers tend to produce 
more female children. 



Age of the 
Widowers 
or Widows 
at the time 
of Slarriage. 



Number 
of 2d & 3d 
Wedlocks. 



22 to 27, - 
27 to 32, - 
32 to 37, - 
37 to 42, - 
42 to 47, - 
47 to 52, - 
52 and up- 
wards, - 



Total, 



Births. 



Ratio of the 
Births. 



107 



Male. Female. 



33 
39 
66 
32 
38 
43 



Male. Female. 



91-3 
84-6 
77-3 
90-6 
790 
69-9 

66-7 



79-7 



100 
100 
100 
100 
100 
100 



Children 

by 
Marriage. 



4-00 
4-87 
3-58 
4-25 
4-87 

2-08 



The ratio is so marked, that we find it almost corre- 
sponds to the different ages. 

It results from the examination of the probable 
causes which may produce the inequality between 
the births of male and female children which has just 
been pointed out, that the most influential, if we may 
trust to the few documents Avhicli science at present 
possesses, is evidently that which the difference of 
age of the parents produces: Ave might even think 
that the other causes which have been pomted out, 
are in some manner the effects of it. Lideed, it ge- 

* All the numbers of this and the following tabic have been 
t.ilien from fruitful first marriages. 



14 



ON MAN. 



nerally liappeus tlirougliout Europe, tliat men, ■when 
they marry, are five or six years older than Avoraen, 
f!d that tiie preponderance of male births Avill be 
almost the same, as is established by the researches 
of Hofacker and Sadler, Avho give, as the ratio of 
births of both sexes, the number 103-5 nearly, when 
the father is from 1 to 6 years older than the mother. 
Now, Ave think that this ratio Avill be larger or smaller, 
according as the difference of age of the parents is 
greater or less in the different nations, in town or 
country, among the persons whose connexions are 
legitimate or illegitimate ; and, lastly, according to all 
the circumstances which may cause the ages to vary 
at which production takes i^lace ; so that the age of 
the parents Avill be the principal regulator which 
determines the magnitude of the ratio between tiie 
births of the two sexes. Hence we see how impor- 
tant it is to direct our researches to the age at Avhich 
marriage takes place, especially since the greater or 
less mortality of childi-en depends on these ages.* 

2. Influence of Age on the Fecundity of Jlarriages. 

"VVe have .iust seen that the relative age of the 
parties exercises a sensible influence on tlie ratio of 
male births : it is natural to suppose, that it will have 
still more influence with regard to the number of 
births, or the fecundity. I am not acquainted with 
much on this subject besides the researches of Mr 
Sadler, which were undertaken Avith tlie design of 
shoAving that the age of parents, considered apart, 
has no influence on the ratio of male to female births. 
I liaA^e introduced them above, taking care to calcu- 
late the number expressing the fecundity in the last 
column. HoAvever, since the numbers of Mr Sadler 
are generaUy small, I have thought proper to receive 
fcAver divisions of ages, which will give a greater pro- 
bability to my particular results : Ave may sum up all 
these results in the following table : — 



According to tlie 
Registers of English 


Number of Children 

procreated by one Individual ; being at 

tlie time of Marriage — ■ 


Couples. 


Under 26 
years. 


Between 
20 and SO. 


Jlore than .3G 
years. 


Husbands, 

Wives, 

Widowers & Widows. 


511 

r,\3 

8 no t 


4-4.3 
3-49 
4 -.50 


2-84 
2-8;) 
3(i() 



We see that the fecmidity of marriages, all things 
being equal, diminishes in proportion to the increas- 

* [Assuming as a, fact, an assertion Avhich has been often made, 
that thoughtless and premature marriages, that is, Avhcn both 
sexes are very joung, take place to a much greater extent in 
Ireland than in most otlier countries, records of such marriages 
Avould go far to solve the difficult question proposed above by J\I. 
Quotelet : such records, if they exist, might be compared Avith 
tliose of Holland, where it is presmned that a moral condition of 
the people exists, which is the antithesis to the Irish character. 
A comparison of these records Avitli eacli other avouM go far to 
solve the question. Sliould it bo found that the male sex still 
predominates in births in Ireland, it would then be clear tliat the 
theory of age proposed by M. Buzarcigiios, and supported by I\I. 
Quetelet, would be at fault, whilst that of Bickes, or the theory 
of race, Avhich is the view supported by tlic translator, Avould be 
the true one. 

It is quite possible, however, that both causes may have their 
influence ; but a glance at the table, page 12, proves indisputably, 
as far as such records go, that, commencing in Eastern Europe 
Avith the Sclavonic race, amongst whom we find the dispropor- 
tion of boys to girls greatest, and passing through the mixed 
Sclavonic and Saxon races of Prussia, and through the Celtic 
nations of France and the north of Italy, to Westphalia, Great 
Britain, and Sweden, where the Saxon rilce exists in its greatest 
purity, Ave find the disproportion between boys and girls constantly 
decreasing, and are entitled, therefore, to conclude, that whatever 
other causes may be in operation, blood or race comes in for at 
least a considerable share in the efl'ccts.] 

t This number being founded on five mari'iages only, which 
pvoduced 44 children, cannot be entitled to much conftdoncc. 



ing age of the parties. To observe the influence of 
age itself on the fecundity of individuals, it woifld be 
necessary to compute the probability of life in mar- 
rying; for it is very evident that he who has yet 
twice as long to live as another person, may hope, all 
things being equal, to procreate more children. It is 
very true, on the other hand, that tliose Avho marry 
young have some fear lest they should have too 
numerous a ttimily ; Avhich is not the case Avhen per- 
sons marry at a more advanced age. In supposing, 
as a kind of limit, that, all things being equal, the 
fecundity depends on the probability of life, it Avould 
be necessary for each age to divide each of the ratios 
previously found by the corresponding number Avliich 
expresses the length of the probable life. Now, in 
admitting approximatively 36, 32, and 21 years, as 
the probability of life of the individuals of the first 
class ; afterwards, for the women, 40, 34, and 23 years ; 
and, lastly, for the widows, 38, 33, and 22 years, Ave 
shall have, as the relative values of fecundity — 



According to the 
Registers of English 


Number of Children 

procreated by one Individual ; being at 

the time of IMarriage — 


Couples. 


Under 26 
years. 


Between 
26 and 36. 


More than 36 
years. 


Husbands, 

Wives, 

AVidowers & Widows, 


0-142 
0-128 
0-131 


0-130 
0103 
0-136 


0-1.35 
0-125 
0-166 



These numbers, Avhich only express the relative 
fecundity, serve, moreover, to shoAv that the greatest 
aptitude for reproduction is evidently, among the in- 
dividuals whom Ave are considering, before the age of 
26 years ; moreover, Ave see tliat it is not sensibly 
diminished in men until the 36th year. The data 
for females are too fcAv to be relied on, since they 
only include nine Avonien more than 36 years of age. 

When Ave consider the respective ages of the hus- 
bands, Ave find, stUl availing ourselves of the numbers 
furnished by Mr Sadler, and which we have quoted 
above, that the fecundity of marriages reaches its 
greatest value Avhen the ages of the married persons 
are the same, or Avhen the man is from 1 to 6 years 
older than the woman : it does laot sensibly diminish, 
if the difference of age does not exceed 16 years; but 
Avhen it is greater, or Avhcn the man is younger than 
the woman, the fecundity seems to be at its minimum. 
These are resiflts Avhich it is in some measirre easy to 
foresee. Moreover, I only proposed to point out these 
researches, Avithout pretending to go deeply into them, 
since adequate data are stUl Avanting. 

]\Ir Sadler, in another part of his work, has ascer- 
tained the nmnber of children produced by the Avives 
of those couples in England Avhose ages at the time 
of marriage he has been able to determine : putting 
down all the marriages this time, Avhether they Avere 
fruitful or not, or were born during the first or second 
time of Avedlock ; and these are his results : — 



Age at 
the time of 
Marriage. 


Number 

of 
Marriages. 


Number 

of 
Children. 


Mortality of 
Children be- 
fore the Mar- 
riageable Age. 


Births by 
Mai-riagc. 


Deaths 
for one 
Birth. 


12 to 15, 
16 to 19, 
20 to 23, 
24 to 27, 


32 
172 
198 

86 


141 

797 

10.3.3 
467 


40 
166 
195 
180 


4-40 
4-63 
5-21 
S-43 


0-283 
0-208 
0-188 
0-171 



We see here that, from 12 to 27 j'ears, the fecun- 
dity of Avomen continues to increase. At first view, 
this result appears contrary to those Avhich have been 
previously obtained ; but it is proper to observe, that 
he is considering marriages in general, and not, as Ave 
have previously supposed, fruitful marriages in par- 
ticular. We have seen that, on this latter hypothesis, 
the fecundity of women does not perceptibly vary 
under the age of 26 years. We can then only attri- 



ON MAN. 



16 



liute the diflcronce to this, that many women, married 
hite in Hfe, continue barren. Moreover, it results 
from the calculations of i\Ir Sadler, that the children 
procreated by too premature marriages are more sub- 
ject to mortality than others. It is, besides, very odd, 
that the statistician, who has calculated the preceding 
tables witli a definite object, has not extended their 
application beyond the age of 27 years. It is also 
nuich to be desired that he had ascertained the ratio 
of fruitful to barren women, for the different ages at 
which marriages have taken place. 

Not to choose the individuals Avliom he examines 
from a privileged class, Mr Sadler has also given a 
table from 2860 cases of child-birth, attended by Dr 
Granville in several of the principal benevolent esta- 
blishments in London : we shall quote it here. 









to 






o tc 




o C h 


O a5 


£ t^ o. 




a 


|3 


lire 






^1 


S ■■ 3 


:3 "^ o 

3 " 


U 


O o 




i« 


l.-JtolC, 


74 


376 


209 


lfi7 


0-44 


0-46 


508 


17 to 20, 


354 


1307 


751 


55G 


0-43 


0-.W 


3.70 


21 to 24, 


2ai 


823 


474 


.•wg 


0-42 


0-52 


2-91 


25 to 28, 


J 10 


2»7 


170 


117 


0-41 


55 


2-61 


29 to 32,* 


38 


G7 


Hi 


31 


0-31 


0-59 


2-03 



This table deserves to be carefully examined. We 
first observe that the mortality of children is some- 
what less, in proportion as the marriages are less 
precocious ; afterwards, the numbers of the seventh 
column, which Islr Sadler gives as having been cal- 
culated by 'Mr Finlayson from accounts taken of the 
ages of the delivei'cd women, whom he does not know 
or of whom he takes no account, would tend to show 
that fecundity is greater as the woman is younger, 
and on this side of the term of ."52 years. Never- 
theless, from the last column, which I have added, 
and which I have made from the numbers of the 
table, it is easy to see that, if the annual fecundity be 
less, the fruitful women Avho \\n\c married early, all 
tilings being equal, have produced more children; 
wliich brings us l3ack to the observation already made 
on the wives of peers. It is singular that ^Ir Sadler 
should not have examined the fecundity in both these 
cases : it seems to me, that he would have found less 
solid arguments in favour of the law of population 
which he endeavours to establish. 

"We certainly sec, from the numbers of ^Mr Finlay- 
son, that there is a somewhat greater annual fecun- 
dity for women married late ; but it does not compen- 
sate for the excess of absolute fecundity of those who 
have married early. Generally, when a man marries 
a woman verj' young, he endeavours to take care of 
her, and her family may become numerous without 
his object being to make it so : on the contrarj', if he 
marry a person groM-n up, he no longer thinks care 
so necessary ; and, on the other hand, if he wishes to 
have a family, the time becomes more precious to 
him, as the age of his wife is advanced.f 

It seems to me that the following consequences 
naturally follow from what has been said : — 

1. Too premature marriages bring on sterility, and 
I)roduce children who have less likelihood of living. 

2. A marriage, if it be not barren, produces the 
same number of births, at whatever period it takes 
place, provided that the man's age does not exceed 
.■J3, or that of the woman 26 years. After these ages, 
the number of children produced diminishes. 

3. From the preceding result, and from a conside- 
ration of the probability of life, we may infer that it 

* It is evident that there are errors in this line, wliieh we 
thought necessarj' to copy exactly. 

t The table of Jlr Finlayson, wliieh is more extended than that 
of Mr Sadler, gives 0-78 as the annual fecundity of a woman from 
33 to 30 years of age, and M2 for one from 37 to 39 years of nge. 



is before the age of 3.1 years of the man, and 26 of the 
woman, that we observe the greatest fecundity. 

4. If we may reckon the respective ages of married 
persons, we find that, all things being equal, the mar- 
riages most productive are those in which the man is 
at least as old as the woman, or older, yet not much 
exceeding her time of life. 

After these observations, it becomes interesting to 
examine if man, in our climate, conforms to the laws 
which natm-e appears to have attached to fecundity, 
and if he reproduces at the most appropriate period 
of life. To establish this period, it would be necessary 
to know the age of parents at the time of the birth 
of their children. From the want of these documents, 
we may recur to the ages at which marriages take 
place, and admit, with sufficient probability, as an 
average term, that the birth of the first-born takes 
place within the first year which follows marriage. 

In this lu'pothesis, it will be necessary to recm' to 
tables of population ; and some calculations, foimded 
on the probability of life, will assist us in determining 
the marriage ages. The following table will explain 
the course which we have followed. The second and 
the fourth columns, from the Belgic population table, 
inform us of the number of men and women who are 
married, and who are of the age stated in the first 
column ; moreover, also, whether they are yet mar- 
ried, or in the state of widoM'hood. The third and 
fifth columns point out what becomes of the same 
individuals in the period which follows, taking their 
mortality into account. The calculations have not 
been extended beyond 56 j'ears, since the results after 
that period could only be very doubtful. 





Slarried Jlen or 


INIarried Women 




Widowers. 


or AVidows. 


Age. 












Number 


Number 


Number 


Number 




of 


when 


of 


when 




tlie Tables. 


Reduced. 


the Tables. 


Reduced. 


From 14 to 16, - 








4 


4 


. • 10 to 20, - 


BO 


91 


403 


987 


• • 20 to 25, - 


3,278 


3,029 


5,981 


5,594 


• . 25 to 30, - 


14,025 


13,175 


16,256 


15,204 


• • 30 to 35, - 


20,879 


19,628 


21,928 


20,552 


• • .35 to 40, - 


19,374 


18,140 


22,660 


21,143 


• • 40 to 45, - 


18,951 


17,512 


22,138 


20,566 


• • 45 to SO, - 


18,a50 


10,583 


19,950 


18,312 


• • 50 to 53, - 


11,708 


10,804 


12,453 


11,607 


• • 53 to 56, - 


9,925 


9,087 


10,130 


9,432 



Now, to arrive at the number of marriages which 
have taken place between 20 and 25 years among the 
men, it will be sufficient to take from the number of 
married individuals of this age the number of those 
who -were so before arriving at the age of 20 xexrs : 
it will be necessary, moreover, to take into conside- 
ration the mortality of the latter ; so that from 3278 
we take away 91: the remainder, 3187, gives the 
number of marriages which have been made. In the 
same manner, the nmnber of marriages which have 
been made between 25 and 30 j-ears, will be calculated 
by taking 3029 from 14,025. We proceed in the same 
manner with the succeeding numbers ; for the two 
classes which exceed fifty years, we must remember 
that they only include three years. To avoid any con- 
fusion in the calculation, we have, in the following 
results, employed the numbers of an average year 
of each period. 



Age. 

From 14 to 16 years, 

.. 16 to 20 •• - 

• . 20 to 25 • • 

.. 25 to 30 •• - 

• • 30 to 35 ■ • 

. . 35 to 40 ■ ■ - 

• • 40 to 45 • • 

. • 45 to 50 • • - 

. . 50 to 53 . . 

.. 53 to 56 •• - 



Marriages which have 


taken place. 


Men. 


Women. 





2 


- 24 


80 


6.17 


1118 


- 2190 


2132 


1541 


l.-HS 


- 51 


422 


102 


209 


- 169 


123 


586 


489 


- 313 


522 



16 



ON MAN. 



Some negative quantities are presented among tliese 
numbers, which may arise from a greater mortality 
than that which we have supposed ; or from this ck- 
cumstance, that at certain times there are lacuna, or 
voids, in the population ; or stUl more from the decla- 
rations of married persons having heen made falsely, 
to conceal their age, or from other motives. We 
observe, indeed, that of the four negative numbers, 
three of them fall near the period of 50 years, which 
is overrated. Several persons, to give a round num- 
ber, as is observed in other population-tables, will pro- 
bably have declared themselves to be 50 years old, 
when they had not attained that term by some months, 
or even A^hen they had already passed it by some 
years. As to the negative number between 35 and 
40 years for the men, it corresponds to tlie du'eful 
period of the French wars, in which the Belgians took 
part : the men of this age entered on their 19th year 
some time between 1808 and 1813. 

Considering what has just been said, we see that 
men in Belgium do not marry before 16, and probably 
not before 18 years of age : some Avomen have mar- 
ried between 14 and 16 years of age. The greatest 
number of marriages, both of men and loomen, take place 
between their 2Qth and 30th years : women, however, 
reach the adult period earlier tlian men ; the maximum 
would seem to fall about the 29th year for men, and 
after the 27th for women. 

The number of marriages diminishes very sensibly 
after the 35th year ; and it may be considered as almost 
nothing, for females at least, after the 40th j-ear. 
Indeed, the total, between 40 and 56 years, is only 53. 
The number 53 is only relative to tlie numbers of the 
table, and not to what really takes place. Of the 
men, there is a certain number who marry at even 
more advanced ages : thus, the preceding table gives 
162 from 40 to 45 years, 169 from 45 to 50, and 273 
from 50 to 53 years. 

From this research, it would result that a man's 
first child Avould be born to him when he was about 
30 years of age, and the woman bemg about the age 
of 28 : this Avoiild give the duration of a generation 
in Belgium; it is also the average duration of life 
nearly. We shall especially insist on this coinci- 
dence. 

It is also very remarkable, that marriages only be- 
come frequent when men have passed the stormy 
period of the passions, and of the greatest tendency 
to crime, which happens aboiit the 24th j^ear : this is 
also the time when the development of the physical 
qualities has terminated, and the intellectual ones 
attain a greater energy. 

According to M. Friedlauder, to Avliom we are in- 
debted for the article MortuUtd in the Dictionnaire 
des Scioiccs Medicales, it would be about the 30th 
year that the greatest number of accouchements take 
place in Sweden and Finland. The following are the 
results Avhich he has presented, from sixteen years' 
observation, made prior to 1795 : — 



Age of the 


Average 


Annual 


Number of 


Ratio of 


Women 


Number of 


Number 


Women to 


AVomen to 


Delivered. 


Women alive. 


of Births. 


10 Births. 


1000 Births. 


]S to 20 years, 


134,548 


3,298 


408 


33- 


20 to 25 •• 


129,748 


10,507 


78 


165- 


2.'-. to 30 •• 


121,707 


20,329 


40 


263- 


30 to 35 • • 


111,373 


25,618 


43 


250- 


35 to 40 •• 


97,543 


18,093 


54 


181- 


40 to 45 . . 


90,852 


8,618 


\m 


05- 


45 to 50 . . 


78,897 


1,694 


405 


17- 


TTpwards of 










50 years, 


G9,2G8 


39 


17,760 


0-4 




1000-4 



It is to be desired that such observations as these, 
which may be obtained Avith sufficient accuracy from 
the registers of the civil state, were more numerous ; 
and that all which relates to the age of the parents, 



and to the period of the conception or bu'th of their 
children, might be stated more carefully for the 
futm'e. 

3. Influence of Places. 

One of the first subjects of investigation presented 
to the mind, when studying the circumstances con- 
nected with births, is the determination of the influ- 
ence of cUmate on fecundity. Unfortunately, the data 
which Ave possess on this important subject are so 
incomplete, and modified by so many accessory causes, 
that it is almost impossible to separate them from 
matter foreign to the question, and lay hold of results 
deserA'ing of confidence. Opinions, also, vary much 
on tills subject; and we are still ignorant whether, 
all things being equal, the north or the south is most 
faA^ourable to fecundity. 

If it be the fecundity of the population Avhich we 
compare, Ave find, CA^en in neighbouring countries, the 
most striking discordances ; because, errors of numbers 
being taken away, the accessory causes are almost 
ahvays more active than the influence of climate. 
To give an exami)le of this, I shall quote the ratio of 
the births to the population of different countries, 
from the medical statistics of Mr Hawkins.* 



States and Colonies. 

Iceland, 1819, - 

England, - - - 

Cape of Good Hope, 1820, 

France, . - - 

Sweden, 

Isle of Bourbon, - 

The Two Sicilies, 

Prussia, ... 

Venice, 

United States, 



Number 
of Inhabitants 
to one Birth. 
37-0 
350 
33-7 
31-6 
270 
24 5 
240 
23-3 
22-0 
20-0 



It would be impossible to find any agreement be- 
tween these numbers and the degrees of latitude to 
which they refer, which might indicate the influence 
of climate. Even without going beyond France, Ave 
find very great discordances for some selected depart- 
ments. Thus, the ratio for that kingdom is one birth 
to 32 inhabitants ; whilst the ratio for the departments 
of Orne and Finisterre has been one to 44'83, and 
25'97 respectively, for the five years 1826-30. On 
the other hand, taking the most southern departments 
of France indiscriminately, we do not find any sensible 
difference from those of the north. There is a pro- 
A'ince in America, called Guanaxuato, Avhich in 1825 
had one birth to 16'08 inhabitants : f this ratio, and 
that of the department of Orne, may almost be con- 
sidered as forming the limit of the known ratios of 
different countries. 

Since the examination of the influence of climate 
on the fecundity of the population is rendered per- 
plexing by the existence of powerful influences of 
other kinds, Ave ouglit first to endeavour to ascertain 
the latter, in order to be able to judge what Avould be 
the fecundity of the same population, placed in tAvo 
different climates. Moreover, the difiiculty of obtain- 
ing an exact enumeration of the population, adds to 
the singular complexity of this research. 

By taking the fecundity of marriages into account 
in considering the hypotliesis of a homogeneous popu- 
lation, and only making use of the ascertained num- 
ber of marriages and legitimate births, Ave may hope 
to arrive at more conclusive results on the influence 
of climate. ]M. Benoiston de Chateauneuf considered 
this interesting question in a notice " On the Intensity 
of the Fecundity of Europe at the Commencement of 

* Elements of Medical Statistics, by E. Bisset Hawkins. Lon- 
don : 1029. 

t Bibliothdqne UniverseUe, 1833, On the Proportional Morta- 
lity of Norman Populations, by Sir F. PTvernnis. 



ON MAN. 



17 



the Nineteenth Century." * We shall take this phi- 
losopher as oxti guide iu our remarks on the fecundity 
of marriages. 

" If we divide Europe into two climates only — one 
of which, commencing at Portugal and terminating 
at the Low Countries, will tlius extend from the 40th 
to the 50th degree of north latitude, and represent 
the southern di^dsion ; whilst the other, going from 
Brussels to Stockholm, or from the .50th to the 67th 
degree, will represent the northern division — we shall 
find that, in the former, 100 marriages give 457 births ; 
and in the latter, the same number of unions only 
produces 430. 

The difference becomes still greater, if we merely 
compare the two extreme temperatures with each 
other. In Portugal, 5' 10 children are born to each 
marriage ; in Sweden, 3-62 only 

Finally, ^vithout going out of France, we may find 
new proofs of tliis observation. ' The fecundity,' says 
Moheau, 'increases from the north to the south of 
France. There, the average number of births by 
marriage is annually 5"03, and in the provinces of 
the north it is only 4"64/ 

What was true in our case, fifty years ago, is also 
true now. The average of births, taken for five years 
(1821-25), is 4'34 by marriage in our provinces in the 
south (Dauphiny, Languedoc, Provence), and in Flan- 
ders and Picardy it is only 4'OO.f 

These facts sufiice to show that we ought not to 
accuse those writers of inaccuracy who first affirmed 
that fecundity was greater in warm than in cold cli- 
mates : they were in the right. 

But if we extend these researches — and if, in extend- 
ing them to many coimtries, we generalise still more 
— then the differences of climate, temperature, and 
position disappear, their influence ceases to be mani- 
fested, and nature obeys other laws." 

According to M. Benoiston, there are born, each 
j'car, by marriage — 



States an'd Provinces. 


Children to one 




Marriage. 


In Portugal, .... 


- 5-14 


• • the provinco of Bergiutiasco (Italy), 


C-24 


• • the government of Venice, 


- 5-45 


• ■ Savoy, .... 


5-65 


• • Roussillon (Eastern Pyrenees), 


- 5-17 


■ • a part of Dauphiny, 


5-39 


Lyonnais, 


- 5-68 


Anjou, 


509 


Poitou, 


5-4G 


Brittany, 


5-52 


Franche-Comti.', 


- 501 


Alsace, - 


6-03 


• • the canton of Friboiirg, 


- 5-35 


• • a part of Scotland, 


513 


• • Bohemia, . - . - 


- 5-27 


• • Muscovy, - - - - 


5-25 


• • Eastern and Western Flanders, 


- 5-27 



" These dilit^rcnt countries present a vei'y great 
fecundity, and we may observe that eight of them are 
mountainous (Brittany, Franche-Comte, Roussillon, 
Comte de Nice, Savoy, Fribom-g, Bohemia, Berga- 
masco) : we also see that these are in general fertile 
comitries, where the produce of the ground is adequate 
to the necessities of the people. 

It appears that in maritime countries the births are 
also more numerous than in inland states ; and the 
same is successively the case for wine, pasturage, corn, 
and forest countries." 

The following table for Belgium presents some in- 
teresting details : — 

* Annalcs des Sciences Naturelles, Dec. 1826. 

t M. Benoiston de Chateauneuf informs us that he has de- 
ducted a cei-tain number for natui-al children, hut he does not 
say whether the same Las been done for the rest of Europe, 



Provinces. 


lo 

■3" 
§•■3 


Births: 
1825-29. 


1^ 


Inhabitants 


III 


To one 


1 
To one 


33S 




(2 




S 


Birth. 


Mar. 


O g 


Antwerp, - 


354,974 


11,018 


2,392 


32 


149 


4-48* 


Brabant, - 


556,146 


18,803 


4,035 


29 


137 


4-68 


Flanders, East 


733,938 


24,148 


4,246 


30 


173 


519 


. . West, 


601,678 


20,315 


4,145 


30 


169 


4-90 


Liege, - - 


369,937 


11,837 


2,382 


31 


155 


4-72 


Hainan, - 


604,957 


20,016 


4,323 


30 


140 


4-51 


Limbourg, - 


337,703 


10,589 


2,422 


32 


139 


4-37 


Namur, - 


212,725 


11,018 


1,378 


32 


154 


4-57 


Luxembourg.t 


292,151 


10,477 


2,278 


28 


128 


4-67 


Kingdom, - 


4,064,209 


135,140 


28,076 


30 


144 


4-72 



We see at first that the fecundity, estimated either 
in the ratio of the population or of the marriages, 
presents little difference, which is an evidence that 
the population is so far homogeneous ; and we shaU 
truly find this to be the case a little farther on. 
Luxembourg and Brabant, which have produced the 
greatest number of births in proportion to the popu- 
lation, are also the two provinces which, all things 
being equal, present the greatest number of mar- 
riages. The Flemings have fewer marriages, but the 
marriages are more fruitful there than in the rest of 
the kingdom, which explains why the ratio of births 
is exactly equal to that of the whole of Belgium. 
Moreover, it becomes difl[icult, from the small extent 
of this country, to recognise the effects of some of the 
influential causes which have been pointed out above, 
and especially difference of climate. 

It is here necessary to make an essential remark, 
which is, that generally, in estimating the fecundity 
of marriages iu Belgium, the total number of births 
has been compared with the total number of marriages, 
without making any deduction for illegitimate chil- 
dren ; and I myself confess that, owing to the want 
of documents, I have not made this deduction in my 
works. I have reason to think, from some partial 
data, that the proportion of illegitimate to legitimate 
births would differ very little from that of France, 
where 100 marriages produce 408 births, taking them 
indiscriminately, and of these only 379 are legitimate 
births, that is to say, 29 less. In supposing, then, that 
legitimate and illegitimate children are in the same 
ratio to each other in Belgium as in France, the figure 
expressing the fecvmdity of marriages woiild not be 
more than about 4*4, which still gives it a very high 
value compared with other countries. 

The distinction of first, second, and third times of 
wedlock, becomes equally important to enable us to 
work out the share of each of the influential causes 
Avith precision. In countries, indeed, Avhere successive 
marriages are easily accomphshed, the figure express- 
ing the fecundity of marriages should be very small, 
for the fecundity of -woman is not without limits ; 
and the ratio of births to marriages should neces- 
sarily change, if the marriages become more nu- 
merous, while the number of bu-ths yet remains the 
same. 

Among the causes influencing the number which 
expresses the fecundity, we ought to rank the cir- 
cumstance of a town or coimtry residence. During the 
decennial period of 1803 to 1813, the only one for 
which Ave may form calculations in Belgium, Ave find 
that 100 marriages have produced 484 births in the 
town, and 450 in the country ;$ but we might still 
reasonably object, that, legitimate not liaA'iug been 

* The fecundity of marriages has been calculated for the years 
between 1803 and 1829 : the numbers of this province are not very 
accurate, since the population is not exactly knoAvn. 

t The population of Luxembourg is that of 1825 : the average of 
the marriages for this province and for Limbourg has only been 
taken for three instead of five years ; the same also for the king- 
dom. 

t Recherches sur la Reproduction et la Mertalitc. 



18 



ON MAN. 



distinguished from illegitimate births, this difference 
can only be deceptive. 

If we seek to establish the ratio of the energy of 
fecundation to the population, Are generally find, 
taking only the figure of the fecundity of the great 
cities of Europe, that it lias a superior value to that 
of the adjacent country districts. We may see, in the 
JBuUetin des Sciences Geographiques for April 1831, a 
table of the changes of the population of the princi- 
pal cities of Europe, which, if the elements of it are 
exact, gives one birth for 22-4 inhabitants, as the 
average of 78 cities there noted. Tlie cities which 
present the extremes of the series are — Utrecht, 19"0 ; 
Liverpool, 18-0; Oporto, 19-6; London, 40-8 ; St Pe- 
tersburg, 467.* 

'Wlien we make the distinction between city and 
country for Belgium, we also find that the number of 
births, compared to the population, is greater in the 
cities: it has been 1 to 29"1 between the years 1825 
and 1829. In the country, its value has been 1 to 
30"4 : and hence it Avould really appear, that there is 
a more active cause of fecundity in cities than in the 
country. 

M. Villerme, in his work on Monthly Births,f has 
shown that unhealthy periods, principally those of 
epidemics produced by marsh miasmata, are unfa- 
voiirable to fecundity. This philosopher has found 
a direct proof of it in the number of conceptions, 
which diminishes at those periods of the year when 
marshy emanations are most intense. 

Mr Sadler, in his Avork on the Law of Population, 
has examined the relation which exists between the 
number of marriages, of births, and of deaths : in ex- 
tending his comparisons to the numbers of different 
countries, and especially to those of England, Prance, 
and the old kingdom of the Low Countries, he has 
generally found, that places ivhich annually produce the 
greatest number of marriages are those ivhere the fecun- 
dity of marriages is the smallest, being, as it were, a 
sort of compensation which prevents the population 
of a country making too rapid an advance. The same 
author finds, tliat the countries where marriages are 
i^ery numerous, are also those which have a greater mor- 
taliti/. We may form some idea of his results from 
the following table, which is a summary of the values 
obtained for France : — 

Table showing that the rreventive Obstacle diminislies the 
Fecundity of Marriages, and that the Fecundity is regulated 
by the amount of Blortalitj'. 



Proportion of 
Marriages. 



1 to no to 120 Inha- 
bitants, 

• • 120 to 130 

■ • 130 to 140 • • 

• • 140 to LW 

• • 150 to 1«0 

• • 16f) to 170 

■ • 170 and more. 



,, , , Legitimate 
> umber of Births to one 
Departments, j^i^rriage. 



3-70 
,-!-7!> 
4-17 
4-30 
4-43 
4-48 
4-84 



Inhabitants 
to one Death. 



3.r4 
3IJ-2 
3;)-0 
400 
40-3 
42-7 
4G-4 



These facts, established by Mr Sadler, are verified 
by the numbers which the difft-rent parts of England 
furnish. Mr Sadler lias also availed himself of the 
documents which I had given for the ancient king- 
dom of the Low Countries, and found a new confir- 
mation of his results. I shall also present this table, 
which is instructive on many points. 

In comparing countries with each othei% after hav- 
ing compared the parts of which they are composeil, 
and in making use of the data whicli would seem to 
deserve most confidence, we find : — 

* The sniallness of this ratio for St Petersburg, is owing to the 
peculiar state of the population, wliich contains a much greater 
number of men than of women. 

t Annalcs de Hygiene, Janvier 1831. 





Inhabitants 




Kingdoms. 


For one 
JIarriage. 


For one 
Birth. 


For one 
Death. 


Fecundity. 


Prussia,* 
England, t - 
France, f 
Belgium, § ■. 


102- 
128- 
131-4 
144- 


231 
34-0 
32-2 
30-0 


.36-2 
49-0 
39-7 
430 


4-23 
3-77 
3-79 
472 



These results do not so well agree with the prin- 
ciples which Mr Sadler has deduced from his parti- 
cidar observations. 



Limbourg, 



One marriage for less 
than 100 inhabitants 



Holland, Northern, 
Southern, 
Zealand, 
Utrecht, - 

One marriage for 100 to 
120 inhabitants, 



Overyssel, - 
Friesland, 
Dreut, 

Guelderliind, - 
Hainan , 
Flanders, 'VA'estern, 

One mairiage for 120 
to 140 inhabitants. 



104-4 
113-3 
113-7 
118-2 



121-9 
128-7 
130-3 
131-1 
136-5 

137-7 



Brabant, Southoni, 
Antwerp, 
Groningen, 
Luxembourg, - 
Brabant, Northern, 
Liege, 

One marriage for 140 
to IGO inhaljitants, 



Flanders, Eastern, - 

One marriage for IGO or 
more inhabitants, 



142-2 
142-9 
149-3 
149-9 
150-0 
1541 



2 o •- 



4-50 
4-74 
5-49 
4-8G 



4 -CO 
5-75 
4-69 
4-75 
4-98 
501 



29-78 



5-45 
4-65 
.517 
5-37 
514 
5-33 



Average 



4-75 



4-75 



34-5 
35-5 
31-4 
36-3 



137- 



48-5 
4(i-l 
55-0 
53-7 
51-1 
40-7 



38-2 
48-8 
493 
53-8 
51-4 
46-2 



287-7 



.\verage. 



47-9 



After considering all the documents produced by ]\Ir 
Sadler in support of his observation, it seems to me that 
we might truly admit as very probable, that a great 
mortality induces many marriages, and that marriages 
are less productive in proportion as they are more 
numerous. But I think that the author is too eager to 
draw arguments from them against the anti-popula- 
tionist, whom he strives to defeat when attempting to 
make particular theories prevail. It seems to me that 
the facts which he cites, in order to acquire all the im- 
portance which he is desirous of giving them, should 
be supported by another statistical document, namely, 
the number of marriages of the first, second, and third 
wedlocks. It is said that deaths make way for mar- 
riages; this is what the researches of Mr Sadler prove : 
it is also said that mortality increases fecundity ; and 
Mr Sadler opposes the i-esults at which lie has arrived 
to this assertion. It is here, I think, that the error 

* Babbage in Brewster's .Toum.al of Sciences, No. I., new series, 
t Bickman — Preface to the Abstract of the Population, 1821, 
% Annuaire du Bureau des Longitudes de Paris. 
§ Annuaire de I'Observatoire dc Bruxelles. 



ON MAN. 



19 



Avill be found. Firstly, it is necessary not to confound 
the fecundity of the marriages with the feciuidity of 
the population : then, on the other hand, in a coun- 
try where the mortality would be very great, espe- 
cially among adult persons, the marriages of second 
and thu'd wedlocks would be more numerous, and 
each marriage would thus produce, diu'ing its conti- 
nuance, a fewer number of children ; although, in 
point of fact, the fecundity of the population were 
very great. For example, in the provinces of France 
which have the least mortality, and, as Mr Sadler 
observes, the fewest marriages, we find the greatest 
mmiber of children to each marriage. This latter 
observation appears to me to be a necessary conse- 
quence of the former : a woman, who has five children 
by one marriage, might, the mortality being greater, 
have these five children by two successive marriages, 
or even by a greater number. It would be very na- 
tural, then, that the fecundity of marriages should 
appear to have diminished. It is even evident, ac- 
cording to the mode of reasoning I have just employed, 
that it would be necessary to admit that, all things 
being equal, in a country where mortality becomes greater, 
marriages should become more numerous, and the fecun- 
dity of marriages, on the contrary, decrease. This result, 
which I deduce from purely rational considerations, is 
found to be supported by the facts brought forward 
by Mr Sadler ; but it does not follow that the absolute 
fecundity of this country should decrease, or that the 
country shoiild have a smaller annual number of births. 
I think the contrary, and believe that I can prove it 
a-little farther on. 

I What so often renders statistical results difficult of 
\ interpretation is, that facts are assumed as simple 
|which in their nature are complex. Thus, it appears 
to me impossible to determine any thing concerning 
tlie fecundity of the women of a country merely from 
the ratio of marriages to legitimate births : we neces- 
sarily ought to consider the mortality of the country 
we are examining, and take the marriages of second 
or third M'edlocks into acco\mt. I regret that INI. 
Benoiston de Chateamieuf, in his interesting Avork on 
the Fecundity of Europe, has not paid attention to 
this element : I think he might have overcome se- 
veral difficulties which his subject presented to him, 
(which was extremely complex), and have cxplabied 
some apparent anomalies. 

It will also be necessary henceforth, in all researches 
on fccmidity, to consider the age of marriage in the 
different localities. For examiile, it is evident, if 
persons do not marry at the same age in the country 
as in citie*, that, all things being equal, we ought to 
expect to find different numbers for the fecundity of 
marriages. The same will be the case when we com- 
pare certain northern states, M'here marriage takes 
place very late, with southern countries, where it oc- 
curs very early. I repeat again, that the more Ave 
study the phenomena of population, the more com- 
plexity Ave find in them ; but, at the same time, Ave 
have the hope of succeeding, by an analysis conducted 
Avith sagacity, and by using good materials, in ascer- 
taining the causes on Avhich they depend, and in esti- 
mating the degree of influence of each of these causes. 

4. Influence of Years. 

We possess different documents, Avliich inform us 
of the fecundity of marriages of the same country at 
different periods, and Avhich thus allow us to judge 
. whether, all things being eqiial, this fecundity has 
undergone variations independent of the annual changes 
resulting from a more or less prosperous state of things, 
such as those Avhich would arise from changes in the 
nature of the climate, or from the progressive advance- 
ment of civilisation. In making use of the Prussian 
documents furnished by Sl'issmilch, and retaining the 
periods of this jiliilosopher, Ave find at first : 





Average Number 








^ 




Baptisms. 


Periods. 


r 




■> 


to one 




of 


of 


of 


Marriage. 




Marriages. 


Baptisms. 


Deaths. 




l(i!)3 to 1007, - 


5,747 


19,715 


14,802 


3-43 


1698 to 1702, - 


9.070 


24,112 


14,474 


3-97 


1703 to 1708, - 


6,082 


26,896 


16,430 


4-42 


170!) to 1711, - 


5,835 


18,833 


85,955 


3-23 


1712 to 17I6, - 


4,965 


21,603 


11,948 


4-35 


1717 to 1721, - 


4,324 


21, ,396 


12,039 


4-95 


1722 to 172G, - 


4,719 


21,452 


12,863 


4-55 


1727 to 1731, - 


4,808 


20,559 


12,825 


4 '28 


1732 to 1735, - 


5,424- 


22,692 


15,475 


4-18 


1736 to 1737, - 


5,522 


20,394 


25,425 


3-69 


1738 to 1742, - 


5,582 


22,099 


15,255 


3-96 


1743 to 1746, - 


5,469 


25,275 


15,117 


4-62 


1747 to 1761, - 


6,423 


28,235 


17,272 


4-40 


1752 to 17.'i6, - 


5,599 


28,392 


19,154 


5-07 


1816 to 1823, - 


109,237 


480,632 


307,113 


5-40* 


1827, 


106,270 


524,062 


368,578 


4-93 t 



The numbers belonging to the commencement of 
this century are births in general, Avhilst those of 
Sussmilch only include baptisms ; Avhich may cause a 
difference, the amount of Avhich I do not knoAv hoAv 
to obtain. In order to arrive at the accidental causes, 
I have taken periods somewhat more extended than 
the preceding. 



From 1693 to 1708, •• 

•• 1709 to 1721, 

• . 1722 to 1735, - 

• ■ 1736 to 1746, 

• • 1747 to 1756, - 

• • 1816 to 1823, 

•• 1827, 

Average, 



3-94 baptisms to one marriage. 

4'18 

A-m 

4-09 

4-73 

4 -40 births to one marriage. 

4-93 

4-37 



For England, Ave find, according to Messrs Eickman 
and Sadler, vol. ii. p. 478— 



1700, 
1770, 
1780, 
1785, 

1790, 
1795, 

1800, 
1805, 
1810, 



Average, 



30G baptisms to one marriage. 

3 61 .. 

3-56 

366 

3-59 

3.53 

3-40 

3-50 

3-60 

3-57 



j\Tr Sadler giAX'S, for the fecundity of the ye.ars 1680 
to 17.30, the numbers 4*65 and 4'25, Avhich Avould seem 
to prove that the fecundity has diminished ; but it 
might also happen that this apparent increase de- 
pended on the manner in Avliich the numbers have 
been collected. J 

SAveden gives the foUoAving results :§ — 



From 1749 to 1758, 
. . 1759 to 1764, 
. . 1821 to 1826, 



4-20 births to one marriage. 

4-05 . . 
4-03 .. 



Average, - 4.009 
And I have found for the ancient kingdom of the 
TjOav Countries — 



From 1803 to 1812, 
. . 1815 to 1824, 
. . 1825 to 1830, 



460 births to one marriage. 
4-74 . . 
4-831 . . 



Average, - 4-72 

It would result from the examples Avhich have been 

presented, that the fecundity of marriages does not 

sensibly vary in the same country and in the course 

of a century, Avhen we include periods of time suffi- 

* Babbage, in Brewster's .Journal of Sciences, No. I., new 
series. 

t Bulletin des Sciences, Janvier 1830. 

ij: AVe might also attribute it to greater prudence and circum- 
spection. It has also been observed, that the proportional num- 
ber of marriages, for the last half century, has progressively 
diminished in England. — (Say — Cotirs d'Econoinie Politique, 
p. 7, ch. 2. 

§ Sadler, vol. ii. pp. 258, 2G3, 



20 



ON MAN. 



ciently great to remove the accidental causes attending 
years of greater or less prosperity. 

It is remarkable that epidemics, periods of great 
scarcity, and all severe scourges, do not merely exer- 
cise a sensible influence on the number of deaths, but 
also on the amount of marriages and Ijirths. It does 
not certainly follow that, because provisions are rather 
dearer one year, that there should necessarily be fewer 
births and marriages, because the influence of this 
increase of price may he masked by some other cause ; 
but when the dearness of provisions is very decided, 
and when there is truly a scarcity', we have the great- 
est likehhood of finding it manifested in the books of 
marriages and births. This is what we shall easily 
find on inspecting the foUo-\ving table for the kingdom 
of the Netherlands : — 





Birtlis. 


Deaths. 


Mar- 


Price 


Half a 
Hecto- 


"iears. 










riages. 


of 
\Mieat. 


litre 




Town. 


Country. 


ToM-n. 


Country. 


of Rye. 














florins. 


florins. 


J815, - 


59,737 


135,625 


49,007 


88,592 


48,854 


4-90 


3-50 


]81G, - 


68,095 


138,507 


47,327 


88,796 


40,801 


9'56 


7-17 


1817, ■ 


55,207 


122,348 


55,240 


97,368 


33,881 


6-79 


4-28 


1818, - 


55,665 


128,041 


49,169 


91,247 


39,218 


5-18 


3-82 


]8!9, - 


61,788 


143,504 


49,738 


98,659 


42,401 


3-72 


2-52 


1030, - 


61,263 


133,685 


50,001 


94,496 


43,258 


3-74 


208 


1821, - 


65,356 


145,003 


49,706 


88,414 


44,796 


3-71 


1-87 


1822, - 


67,794 


151,747 


52,078 


95,475 


40,949 


3-30 


2-46 


1823, - 


65,318 


148,299 


48,815 


91,877 


45,424 


2-95 


1-96 


1BV4, - 


67,030 


151,636 


47,662 


87,253 


44,665 


2-48 


1-51 


1825, - 


68,078 


153,813 


60,689 


95,449 


47,097 


3-12 


2-08 


1826, - 


67,919 


153,970 


58,749 


110,155 


48,054 


4-02 


2-96 


Total, 


753,250 


1,706,178 


608,861 


1,127,781 


525,398 






Aver., 


62,770 


142,182 


50,739 


93,981 


43,783 


4-48 


3-03 



The year 1817 presents a much greater number of 
deaths, "for the cities and country, than the preceding 
years, Avhilst the births and marriages, on the contrary, 
have been much fewer : this year was really a year 
of scarcity, as was also the preceding one. We may 
observe that, during the period from 1709 to 1711, 
the same effect took place in Prussia, according to 
the numbers of Siissmilch, which have been quoted 
above, but from another cause — the pestilence which 
ravaged that country in 1710. The increase of morta- 
lity, also, has been accompanied by a falling oif in the 
number of baptisms, and that of marriages has like- 
wise fallen, but more particularly in the succeeding 
years, wliich has undoubtedly been owing to the va- 
cuity which Avas formed in the class of adult persons. 
A singular mistake in figm-es, led one of the first 
economists of this century to conclude that the births 
were multiplied, as if to make up for the void left by 
the pestilence : indeed, after such scourges, it is not 
imusual to see the population regain its relation to 
the means of subsistence by an increase of births. 

In general, privations are not only mortal to the 
human species, but even arrest its development : their 
influence is not always felt immediately — we often 
perceive that a long time after the cause has ceased 
to operate. In 1826, the price of bread rose again in 
Belgium, and we also see that the mortality became 
greater, and the number of marriages and birtlis which 
the preceding year presented, imderwent a sensible 
diminution.* However, these latter elements, espe- 
cially the figure of births, are, from their nature, less 
subject to variation than the number of deaths. 

On the contrary, in the years 1821 and 1824, the 
price of grain was at the lowest, and these are the 
years which, with respect to the increase of the popu- 
lation, have presented the least degree of mortality ; 
they are also followed by years which present more 
marriages and births. The changes in the price of 
bread have also as marked an influence in the country 
as in town : it is perhaps less observable iu the births. 

* We have for the following years : — 

Years. Births in Town. Births in Countrj'. Marriages. 

1827, - - 64,liKl 143,288 45,632 

182I!, . . 68,674 153.166 47,400 



5. Influence of Seasons. 

The seasons have a marked influence on all the 
relations of man ; they operate on his physical as well 
as his moral nature. Thus, the vehemence of his 
jmssions, and the intensity of his inclination to crime, 
are modified according to temperature and chmate; 
and the same also holds in respect to his reproductive 
faculty and mortality. Physiologists have already 
observed the influence of the seasons on the births 
and deaths of mankind ; biit their results, in general, 
do not agree much with each other, because they are 
modifled by the locality, the period, and the habits of 
the people to whom they applied. In 1824, I published 
some particitlar researches on tliis interesting subject, 
in the Nouveaitx Memoires de VAcademie de Biux- 
eJles* The result of these researches Avas, that the 
number of births and deaths increases and decreases 
alternately ; and that these numbers reach their maxi- 
mum towards the month of January for deaths, and 
towards the month of Pebruary for bu'ths ; and their 
minimum about six months after, in July.f These 
conclusions were afterwards confirmed by the prin- 
cipal cities of the Low Countries ; and the general 
results of the kingdom were found to agree with the 
numbers first obtained for Brussels. These researches 
became the subject of several interesting letters from 
M. VniermtsJ who, in the Annales de Hygiene, has 
since treated the same subject to its fullest extent, 
and has shown that the periods of maximum and 
minimum approach or recede according to the climate 
and habits of the people. 

We shall commence by stating the number of births 
in the cities and country of the ancient kingdom of 
the Low Countries, during the twelve years from 1815 
to 1826 inclusive. Por the better understanding of 
these numbers, we have taken into account the un- 
equal length of the months, and have taken quantities 
corresponding to months of 31 days : we have also 
assumed as miity, m the two last columns, the ave- 
rage of the total number of births, both for town and 
coimtry. 



JNIonths — 
1815 to 1826. 



January, 

February, 

March, 

April, 

JLay, - 

June, 

July, - 

August, 

September, 

October, 

November, 

December, 



Births. 



Town. Country 



68,255 
71,820 
69,267 
66,225 
62,102 
58,730 
57,151 
59,620 
62,731 
62,500 
64,273 
65,120 



159,787 
1/0,699 
164.851 
147,118 
134,446 
125,026 
121,512 
131,657 
144,389 
146,362 
146,285 
148,186 



Births. 



To>vn. Country. 



1-067 
1122 
1083 
1035 
0-971 
0-918 
0-ffi)3 
0932 
0-980 
0-977 
1-005 
1-018 



1-102 
1-177 
1137 
1 0J4 
0-927 
0-8G2 
0-a38 
0-908 
0-995 
1-009 
1-009 
1-022 



Let us first observe, that the influence of the seasons 
is much more apparent in the country than in town ; 
which appears natural, since, in the latter case, there 
are fewer means of maintaining an equality of tempe- 
rature. The maximum of births in Pcbruary sup- 
poses the maximum of conceptions to happen in the 
month of May, when the vital powers regain all tlieir 
activity, after the rigours of winter. 

* Sur Us Lois des Naissances ct (Je la MortalHif a Bruxclles, tome 
iii. p. 501. See also the Correspondance Mathematiquc et Physique, 
tomes i. and ii. 

t The thirty-fourth volume of the Memoires de VAcademie 
Royalede Turin, published in 1830, contains two letters of Pro- 
fessor Vanswindcn on the same subject, which inform us that 
this philosopher had already arrived at the same result as early 
as 1798. It is to be regretted that we were not sooner acqiiainted 
T\ith these, as also with the researches of M. Balbo, Sur Vlnjlmnce 
des Saisons. It would appear from these researches that deaths 
have not so regular a coiu-se as with us. 

i See the letters addressed to me by M. Villerm^ in the Corres- 
pondance Mathematiqucel Physique, tome ii., and in the Rccherches 
sur la Population, ks Naissances,^c., dms le Roi/aHmc des Pays 
Bos, p. 13. 



ON MAN. 



21 



Should vre not be correct in concluding, from the 
preceding results, that climates most favourable to 
fecundity are those which enjoy a mUd temperature, 
and that excess of cold or heat should prove unfavour- 
able to human procreation. This induction is in ac- 
cordance with the results which have been made known 
above, on the influence of climates. 

Now, if we wish to estimate the different causes 
which may modify the influence of seasons, we cannot 
follow a better guide than M. ViUerme ; and, not to 
modify the conclusions which he has deduced from 
his laborious researches concerning climates, we shall 
copy them verbatim, referring for them to the work 
of this savant, De la Distribution par Mois des Con- 
ceptions et des Naissances de I'Homme. {Ann. de Hy- 
qiene.) 

" The direct or indirect influence of the annual 
revolution of the earth around the sun, of the great 
changes of temperature which this revolution causes, 
and of certain meteorological conditions, on concep- 
tion, and consequently on the births of the human 
race, appears, then, very evident. But this induction, 
well fomided as it may be, can only l)e really proved 
when, at the other side of the equatorial line, where 
the seasons succeed each other in the same order as 
on this side, but at contrary times, we see the periodic 
return of similar results occurring at similar seasons. 

Well, in the republic of Buenos Ayres, the only 
coimtry of the southern hemisphere of which I have 
been able to procure monthly results of births, the 
latter are so distributed that the greatest monthly 
numbers occur in July, August, and September, that 
is to say, in Avinter ; and the fewest numbers in Ja- 
nuary and May, or in simimer. The alternation of 
maximum and minimum foUows that of the seasons 
precisely. 

The influence of the different positions of the sun 
with respect to the earth, on the monthly distribution 
of conceptions, and consequently of births, is therefore 
very certain. 

There is another consequence : the maximum and 
minimum periods of conception approach each other 
in hot countries, and recede from each other in cold 
ones, especially the period of minimum. 

Finally, it results from aU the facts which have 
been cited, that in our state of civilisation we are, at 
least in some measure, subjected to the different pe- 
riodic influences of the kind we are considering, which 
are manifested by plants and animals." 

6. Influence of the Hours of the Day. 

Curiosity led me to investigate, if there existed any 
relation between the different hours of the day and 
the moments of births :* I have been assisted in this 
department by the data which M. Guiette, then con- 
nected with the Lying-in Hospital, Brussels, commu- 
nicated to me ; these data are the result of eleven 
years' observations, from 1811 to 1822. I have since 
communicated them to M. Villerme, who has found 
them perfectly analogous to the results obtained at 
the Lying-in Hospital of Paris, but which are still 
unpublished, so far as I know. 

With these observations, which, up to the present 
time, are very few, I present the indications of still- 
born children, at periods of six hours, according to 
the mmibers observed by JI. Guiette in 1827-28. 



After midnight, - 
Before mid-day, 
After mid-day. 
Before midniglit, 

Total, - 



Births : 
18U-1822. 



798 
614 
574 
G94 



StiUhom: 
1811-1022. 



Buths : 
1827-182R. 



143 
110 
11!) 
148 



"We see, from these data, that births are more 
numerous during the night than in the day-time: 
the ratio for the years between 1811 and 1822 is 
1492 to 1188, or 1-26 to 1 ; and for the two years of 
the observations of M. Guiette, 293 to 238, or 1-23 
to 1 : therefore, about five children are born during 
the night to every four born during the day. 

These observations have given rise to similar ones : 
Dr Buek of Hamburg, treating the same subject, has 
arrived at the following results : * the numbers are 
reduced to 1000 : — 



Births. 


Winter. 


Spring. 


Summer. 


Autumn. 


Average. 


After midnight, 
Before mid-day, 
After mid-day, 
Before midniglit. 


325 
270 
190 
215 


320 
252 
13G 
292 


291 
256 
189 
264 


312 
216 
225 

247 


312 
249 
183 
256 



These numbers give the ratio of night to day, as 
1 '31 to 1. It would appear from these particular data, 
that births are generally most numerous towards the 
hours of midnight and mid-day. 

As to still-born children, the hourly difference is not 
appreciable, from the small number of observations 
which have been collected. 



* Correspondance Mathematique et Physique, 1827. tome iii. 
p. 42 ; and Recherches 8\ir la Population, p. 21. 



CHAPTER in. 

or THE IXFLUENCE OF DISTURBING CAUSES O.V THE NUMBER 
OF BIRTHS. 

1. Influence of Professions, Food, &c. 

If it be true that every thing which has a direct 
influence on the physical constitution of man, either 
weakening or strengthening it, has also an influence 
on his reproductive tendency, and causes the num- 
ber and kind of births, and also the times at which 
they take place, to vary, we cannot doubt the influ- 
ence of professions, trades, and modes of life, minor 
causes necessarily included in the preceding general 
ones. 

It is to be regretted, however, that we have no 
particidar researches on this interesting point. M. 
Benoiston, in his M^moire snr VIntensit6 de la F£con- 
dite en Europe, has felt the importance of it, and has 
laboured to verify one particular fact, which seems 
to require further examination. We generally think 
that the fecundity of marriage is low among fisher- 
men, and ascribe it to the phosphorus contained in 
the fish on Avhich they live. But deeper researches 
have shown, that the alleged fact is at least doubtful ; 
for it is found that the maritime departments of 
France, inhabited by fishermen, have almost exactl}' 
the same fecundity as the rest of the kingdom. 

M. Yillerme, in his work Sur les Naissances par 
Mois, has endeavoiu*ed to ascertain if the usual severe 
labour of the coimtry diminishes fecundity, or changes 
the periods of conception ; but he has not been able 
to obtain any conclusive results. 

It appears that the influence of professions is gene- 
rally masked by other modifying causes, which act 
so powerfully', that, considering the statistical elements 
which we possess, we cannot appreciate the influence 
of profes5)ions in a satisfactory manner. All that we 
can decide, from researches which have hitherto been 
made, is, that it is weak, and especiallj' depends on 
the quantit}^ and nature of the food, and the develop- 
ment of the physical powers. " There is no principle 
of political economy on which authors are more fully 
agreed," M. Benoistonf says, " than that the ijopula- 
tion of a state is always in proportion to the amount 
of its produce. It is by virtue of tliis law, which has 

* Xachrieht von dera Gesundheits— Zutan^e der Stadt Ilara- 
hurg, von N. H. Julius. Hamburg : 1829. 
t f?ur rinfluence de la FOcondltc;' en Eumiip, 



22 



ON MAN. 



few exceptions, that we do not see a great number of 
births among a poor and oppressed peoiile, Avho have 
neither agriculture, industry, nor liberty. So far is 
such from being the case, that slave populations de- 
cline instead of increase. It is an acknowledged fact, 
that in St Domingo, in 1788, three marriages among 
the blacks only produced two childi-en, whilst each 
marriage of the^ white people produced three." * 

I do not know whether it is an unfounded prejudice, 
that in Protestant states, clergymen have generally 
a larger family than the other professions — at least, 
this opinion was generally believed in the ancient 
kingdom of the Low Countries. But the fact may 
be explained, not onl}' from the nature of the profes- 
sion, but also because the income of clergymen often 
increases with the number of their children. 

2. The Influence of Morality. 

When speaking of legitimate and illegitimate births, 
we showed that a state of concubinage tends to pro- 
duce fewer male children : tlie same would be the 
effect of aU habits which enervate the powers — they 
also diminish the number of conceptions. It also 
seems to be well established, that i)rostitutes either 
produce fewer children or are barren. The too early 
approximation of tlie sexes induces similar effects, 
and produces children wliich have a less ijrobability 
of life. 

Habits of order and foresight ought also to exercise 
a considerable influence on the number of marriages, 
and consequently of births. The man whose condi- 
tion is unsettled, if he allow himself to be governed 
by reason, dreads to divide with a family the vicissi- 
tudes of fortune to wliich he is exposed ; many econo- 
mists have also maintained, and with reason, that the 
most eflicacious mode of preventing an excess of popu- 
lation in a country, is to diffuse knowledge and senti- 
ments ,of order and foresight. It is evident that the 
people of a country would not seek so much to con- 
tract alliances and load tlie future with trouble, if 
each individual found a difficulty in providing for his 
own subsistence. The great fecimdity of Ireland has 
been cited as an example of the influence which de- 
pression and improvidence may exercise over produc- 
tiveness.f When man no longer reasons, when he is 
demoralised by misery, and just lives from day to 
day, tlie cares of a family no more affect him then 
than the care of his own existence ; and, impelled by 
momentary gratification, he begets children, careless 
of the future, and, if we may use the expression, re- 
signs to that Ti-ovidence who has supported him, all 
the care of the progeny to which he has given exist- 
ence. 

Foresight may also render marriages less fruitful, 
because a man is less eager in reproduction if he fears 
that his family, becoming too numerous, may one day 
feel the finger of distress, or be under the necessity 
of undergoing privations arid renouncing a certain 
degree of ease to which they have been accustomed. 
I do not doubt but that particular researches, imder- 
takcn with the design of elucidating this interesting 
point, will some daj^ confirm these conjectures : they 
would be of the greatest utility in pointing out the 
course to be pursued in the instruction which it is 
proper to give to the people. 

One of the most striking examples of the effects of 
the indolence, poverty, and demoralisation of a people, 
is given by the province of Guanaxato in Mexico, 
where 100 births take place annually for everj' 1G08 
inhabitants, and 100 deaths for every 1970. " Some 
traveller," says 'M. DTvernois, " who lias observed 
the sad concurrence of excessive mortality, fecundity, 
and poverty, in Mexico, attributes it to the banana, 
which almost ensures them an adequate quantity of 

* Ti-aite du Commerce <les Colonies, p. 210. 
t .See an article by M. D'lvcmois, inserterl by the BibUothefjUC 
Vniversdle de Ccnci'C, Mars IttSU, 



food ; others charge the raging heat of tlic climate, 
which begets an insurmountable aversion to labour, 
and leaves the inhabitants of this indolent region in 
a manner insensible to every other desire but that 
which impels the sexes towards each other. Hence 
the myriads of children, the greater part of whom do 
not live to be weaned, or only appear on the registers 
to give place immediately to others ; and the surviv- 
ing ones commence the inert and brief existence of 
their predecessors, like them the victims of the indo- 
lence, apathy, and perpetual misery to which they 
are habituated, Adthout experiencing the necessity of 
extricating themselves, any more than their parents 
had done. To form an idea of what takes place iu 
this republic, we must read the report of a Swiss who 
visited it in 18-30. Kothing can equal the amount of 
physical, moral, and political evil, with which he has 
supplied his hideous account. Although he neglected 
to ascertain the number of births, he has guessed it, 
since he calls Mexico a barbarous China." 

The criminal documents of France inform us of an 
equally curious circumstance, namely, that the period 
of the maximum of conceptions nearly coincides with 
that of the gi'eatest number of rapes. LI. ViUerme 
rationally remarks, that this coincidence may lead us 
to think that tliose who are guilty, are sometimes 
obliged in an irresistible manner, not having the free 
command of the will. This conjecture" acquires the 
greatest degree of probability from the researches 
which I shall explain farther on, when considering 
the tendency to crime : we shall there see how worthy 
this subject is of the attention of philosophers and 
legislators. 

The production of illegitimate children deserves an 
attentive consideration for many reasons : in a poli- 
tical view, especially, it ought to become the subject 
of the most serious researches, smce its tendency is 
to diffuse through society a continually increasing 
mmiber of individuals deprived of the means of ex- 
istence, and who become a burden to the state. On 
the other hand, these individuals, generally possess- 
ing a feeble organisation,* as we shall soon see, rarely 
arrive at maturity ; so that they do not even afford 
the hope of comijensating some day for the sacrifices 
which have been made for them. According to Mr 
Babbage (Letter to the Eight Hon. T. P. Courtenay), 
we reckon — 

For 1000 Legitimate For 1 Illegitim.itc 



In France, 

Kingdom of Naples, 

Prussia, - 

"Westphalia, 

Cities of Westphalia, 

Montpellier, 



48-4 
7C-4 
8S-1 
217-4 
OIG 



Children- 
'•7 illegitimate. 



Child— 
14-3 legitimate. 
20G 
1.31 
11-4 
40 
10-9 



We see that, in the cities of Westphalia, the number 
of illegitimate children is exceedingly great. About 
fifty years ago, at Stockholm, Gottingen, and Leipsic, 
one-sixth of the births were illegitimate ; OTie-fourth 
at Cassel ; and one-seventh at Jena.f From Berlin, 
we obtain the following results : — 

From 1780 to 1703, 2G..572 births, of whom 2,824 illegitimate, or9 to 1 
■• 1794 to 1708, .30,105 ■■ 3.0(Kj ■■ 9tol 

■• 1799 to 1803, 31, «38 •• 3,800 •• 8tol 

.. 1804 to 18(»8, 30,4.')9 •• 4,941 •• 6tol 

.. 1819 to 1822, 26,971 •• 4,.319 •■ 6tol 



1789 to 1832, 145,7iiJ 



18,890 



7tol 



The number of illegitimate births has therefore 
been increasing. The following are the numbers for 
Paris, for the last few years, according to the Anuu- 
aires du Bureau des Longitudes: — 

* [It is curious to observe how precisely opposite to the truth, 
as established by statistics, the generally received opinions of 
mankind have been on most points. — See Sh.ilispeare's Historical 
Plaj'S — A'(V?<jr Lear and Kiui; John.'] 

t Casper, Beitrage, &c. 



ON MAN. 



23 





Births. 


Legitimate 






Births to 1 
Illegitimate. 




Legitimate. 


Illegitimate. 


ia.'.3, - 


27,0/0 


f).mi 


2-76 


1824, 


28,012 


10,2>1 


282 


1825, - 


29,253 


10,03!) 


2-<)l 


1826, - 


29,970 


10,5U2 


2-05 


1827, - 


29,81 K5 


10,392 


2-8G 


1828, 


29,G01 


10,475 


2-81 


1829, - 


28.721 


9,953 


2-88 


law, 


28,587 


10,0(17 


2-85 


ia»,* - - 


£9,530 


10,378 


2-83 


1832,* - 


26,283 


9,237 


2-8t 


Averafre, - 


287,fi.33 


101,010 


204 



Tims, for 28 births there have been almost exactly 
10 illegitimate children : I think this ratio is the most 
unfavourable of any which has hitherto been made 
known.f 

* In these numbers, 1099 and 10G5 children, acknowledge;! and 
Icffitimatised subsequent to birth, are not included. 

t [The views of JI. Quetelet on this subject do not appear to 
embrace all the causes of illegitimacy. It may happen that in 
countries where the means of subsistence are of diflicult attain- 
ment, parties, from prudential considerations, will not enter the 
married state. This is visibly the case in Scotland, where the 
illegitimate births are very nimierous, but, from the want of 
national registers, cannot be stated. The ratio of illegitimates, 
we have reason to believe, is nmch greater in Scotland than in 
Ireland, where matrimony is entered upon with little regard for 
the future. Thus, e.\treme prudence may be said to lead to 
immorality. The possibility of effecting retrospective marriage 
(that is, dating it from before the birth of the illegitimate chil- 
dren), is another frequent cause of illegitimacy in Scotland; and 
it may bo added, that tlic demand for wet-nurses by the higher 
class of mothers for their infants, forms another prevailing cause 
of illegitimacy, at least in large towns. 

For the purpose of throwing light on this important subject in 
social statistics, we beg to subjoin the following passages from the 
Sixth Annual Ueportof the Poor-Law C'onmiissionersof Kngland, 
for 1840 : they occur in the report handed in from Sir ICdmund 
Head on the Law of Bastardy : — " MrLaing, in his recent Tour in 
Sweden, gives most instructive evidence as to the number and 
causes of illegitimate births in that country. It appears that 
the proportion of illegitimate to legitimate births in all Sweden, 
from 1820 to 1)W, is as 1 in U'O, and in Stockholm as high as 
1 to 2 3. 5Ir Laing goes on to remark — ' There are two minor 
causes, both, however, showing a degraded moral feeling, which 
were stated to me as contributing mucli to this lax stiiteof female 
morals. One is, that no woman in the middle or higher ranks, or 
who can afford to do otherwise, ever nurses her own child. A 
girl who has got a child is not therefore in a woi-se, but in a better 
situation, as she is pretty sure of getting a place for two years, 
which is the ordinary time of nursing. The illegitimacy of the 
child is in this community rather a recommendation of the 
mother, as the family is not troubled with the father or friends. 
As to the girl's own child, there is a foundling hospital, the second 
minor cause; in that it can be reared at a trifling expense, dur- 
ing the time the mother is out nursing. The imchasteare, there- 
fore, in point of fact, better off than the chaste of the female sc.x; 
in this town.'^Laiiit/'s Swokn, pp. 115, 117. It is well known 
that the results of the unrestricted reception of bastard children 
into the foundling hospitals in Belgium made it necessary for the 
government to take steps, in lit.34, for discouraging the operation 
of, if not for repealing, the law under which it took place. I do 
not know what the present state of this question in that coimtry 
is.— (See Senior, Forciijn Poor-Lairs, p. 1.37.) The legislation of 
the French Republic, by the laws of 27th Frimaire year 5, and 
3()th VentOse year 5, explamed by an edict of 19th January 1811, 
was most favourable to the mothers of bastards, and relieved them 
from all care of their own offspring. 5L de Beaumont says— 
' On sait qu'une loi de la revolution r^compcnsait les filles m^res 
d'enfanti naturels.' — {L'lrlaii'lr, ii. 122, note 2.) 

Under the influence of these laws, which only carried out the 
principle involved in our foraier practice, the illegitimate children 
increased from l-47th (which they were, on an average of seven 
years, in 1780) to l-14th, in 1825. (See Senior, Foreign Poor-Laws, 
p. 120; M'Culloch, notes to Adam Smith, p. 102, n.) — Malthus 
(voL i. p. .375) reckoned the illegitimate bu:ths in France, at the 
time he was writing, as 1-llth of the whole. 

Since writing the above, I have received the Aiiniiaire du 
Bureau (leg Lono'ihides. for 1840, which gives the most recent 
iuformation on French statistic?. 



3. The Influence of Political and Religious Institutions. 

Nothing appears more adapted to multiply the 
population of a state, -without inducing injury, than 
miiltiplying the products of agriculture and iiidustry, 
and, at tlie same time, ensuring a prudent de.Srree of 
liberty, -which may be a guarantee for tlie public con-- 
fidcnce. The absence of liberal institutions, which 
excite the activity of man, and at the same time 
increase his energy and coiufort, must produce the 
effects which are observed in the East, Avhere popula- 
tion languishes and decreases. On the contrary, in 
the United States, population increases Avith a rapidity 
which has no parallel in Europe. M. Villermc* ob- 
serves, that at the period of the French revolution, 
" when the tithes, duties on wine, salt, feudal tenures, 
&c., and corporations and wardenships, had just been 
abolished (that is to say, when petty workmen and 
cultivators, in a word, the persons of no property, 
bj' far the most numerous class in the nation, found 
themselves all at once in a state of unaccustomed 
case and competency, which they cclebi-ated through 
the greatest i)art of the territory by feasts, and re- 
joicings, and more abundant food), the number of 
births increased, to diminish gradually afterwards." 

Years of war and peace have likewise a marked 
influence on the population : we shall only quote one 
example at present. Erom the date of the wars of 
the empire, it was insimuited that tiic French popu- 
lation, far from being reduced, only made greater 
increases. ^I. DTverneis, who has succeeded in pro- 
curing the number of births and deaths for this period, 
has endeavoured to verify this assertion, so often re- 
peated, and he has found that it was essentially in- 
correct : he has, moreover, established two remarkable 
facts, t " Whoever investigates births, learns that, 

It appears that in 1838 the number of births in Paris was 
pf. »,„ (2tl,4.")4 legitimate. 
"'' I 9,20'J illegitimate. 
The illegitimate were therefore 31-2 per cent., or, to the legiti- 
mate, as 1 to 2-2— a proportion larger thiin that existing at Stock- 
holm. 
In the whole of France, in 1(137, 

The total number of births was 913,319i^;'!'f?2 !fP'!'l''i*<; 
' I 69,829 illegitimate. 

That is, 74 per cent., or as 1 to 12-5. 

The ' niouvenient moyen' of the population, calcuLited on the 
twenty-one years from 1817 to 1837, gives, as the annual number 
of births, 

n,:o -..,j0!)9,451 legitimate, 
''t 69,301 illegitimate. 
That is, the illegitimate to the legitimate as 1 to 12-;»79. 

It thusappears that the proportion of illegitimate births is greater 
in France than in Sweden, the former being as 1 to 12-979, and 
the latter as 1 in 14-6, according to Jlr Laing (p. 115), while the 
morality of France would seem to have deteriorated since the 
calculation of Pcuchet. I fear thatthere are rural districts in this 
country in which the proportion of illegitimate to legitimate 
births is far more unfavourable than that existing in the French 
empire. The population of the county of Radnor, in 1831, was 
24,«jl. According to Mr Rickman, the number of baptisms re- 
gistered in 1830 was 

(M9 
'26 add for unentered births and baptisms. 

675 total. 

The number of illegitimate children born in 103<i is stated, on 
the same authority, to be 100 ; that is to say, 1 in 6-75, or more 
than twice as many in proportion as in Franco. This will not 
seem incredible, when we find from the table published in the 
appendix to the Second Annual Report of the Poor-Law Commis- 
sioners, that the average annual number of bastards chargeable 
to the parishes of the county of Radnor, in 1835 and 1836, was 417, 
or l-59th of the whole population of the county, according to the 
census of 1831 ; and it is not to be wondered at that there are at 
present fifteen women with bastard children inmates of the 
workhouse of the Knighton Union, of which the population is 
only 8719 — census 1831."]— i\'o?c by the PuOlifhers. 

* Sur la Distribution par 5Iois, &c. 

t Bibliotheque Universello de Geneve. 



24 



ON MAN. 



since the return of peace, the mhabitauts of Normandy 
have been attemptuig to repair as soon as possible 
the breaches caused by the war. We are likewise in- 
formed, that, as soon as the breaches were filled up, 
the births have so exactly regained what maybe con- 
sidered as their former ratio of increase, that in 1830, 
the last year of which the returns are kno-mi.the 
births do not exceed the deaths by 5000, which, in a 
popidation of 2,645,798 inhabitants, is the slowest 
rate of increase we know of The slight variations 
of the Norman registers for the third of a century, 
and their stationary condition during the year 1819, 
authorise us in regarding this movement of the popu- 
lation as the law which had for a long time regulated, 
and probably will long continue to regulate, the re- 
newal of generations. The second fact, relative to 
deaths, informs us also, that far from being diminished, 
they have undergone a slight increase during the 
peace. But not to exaggerate the latter, we should 
always remember that, during the time of Napoleon, 
the soldiers who died abroad, or in the hospitals at 
home, were never put on the state registers ; whilst, 
from the period of the restoration, the bureau of the 
civil state has inserted all mihtary deaths, except, 
perhaps, those who have perished in the short expe- 
ditions to Spain and Algiers." 

Political and religious prejudices appear to have 
been at all times favourable to the multiplication of 
the species -, and great productiveness was considered 
as an unequivocal proof of celestial benediction and 
a prosperous state, without considering whether the 
births were in proportion to the means of subsist- 
ence.* It is astonishing that learned economists have 
fallen into the same notion. Have they not, in many 
instances, confounded the effect with the cause ? How- 
ever this may be, when a nation, after having been 
in a languishing state, regains its prosperity, we gene- 
rally see an increase of fruitfulness ; but we should 
err if we were to conclude that this increased fertility, 
which is only an effect of the better condition of the 
people, is, on the contrary, the source of it. 

We cannot doubt that the overthrow of powerful 
religious bodies in several countries, the suppression 
of a great number of festivals formerly held sacred by 
the church, such as a less rigorous observance of Lent, 
and other similar causes, may not in our time have 
modified the degree of fecundity. From the re- 
searches of M. Villerme, it appears that in almost all 
Cathohc countries. Lent, observed as it now is, and 
especially as it used to be, seems evidently to diminish 
the number of conceptions, at least during its con- 
tmuance. 

We have already seen that the time of marriage 
influences both the number and kind of births which 
the marriage produces. M. Villerme has endeavoured 
to ascertain if the number of marriages which are 
contracted during the different months of the year, 
has a direct ratio to the number of conceptions, and 
he has come to the following conclusions : — 1st, that 
this ratio is scarcely perceptible ; 2d, that, neverthe- 
less, marriages appear to be rather more fruitful dur- 
ing the early months than afterwards ; and, 3d, that 
it is not proved, probable as it may seem, that a woman 
is more likely to become pregnant within the first 
week or two of her marriage, if she marry in April, 
May, June, or July, than if she wedded at any other 
time of the year. 



CHAPTER IV. 

OF STIIX-BORN CHILDIIEN'. 

In concluding what we have to say concernmg births, 
and before examining the subject of deaths, I thought 
*When a seventh son was born, it was customary for the 
prince to hold it at the baptismal font. This practice has not 
become obsolete in Belgium , and we might quote several examples 
jn which the m.igistrate or one of liis officers has been the re- 
presentative of the monarch in such cases. 



it necessary to say something on still-births, whose 
equivocal existence seems to belong as much to the 
aimals of life as of death. 

To take a general idea of the subject at first, it 
vnll be proper to state the ratio of stiU to Uve births, 
in the different coimtries of Europe, according to the 
calculations of the principal statisticians.* 



Places. 


Bu-ths to 1 
Still-Birth. 


Authors. 


Strasbm'g, 


U 


Friedlander 


Hamburg, - 


- 15 


Casper. 


Dresden, 


17 


Rambach. 


Paris, 


- 19 


Baumann. 


Berlin, - 


20 


Casper. 


^ ienna, 


- 24 




London, - 


27 


Black. 


Brunswick, • 


- 33 


Rambach. 


Stockhobn, 


36 


AVargentin. 



The average of this table would give about 1 still- 
birth to 22 living ones : this ratio differs slightly from 
that of Berlin, which has continued almost the same 
for the last sixty years. The following are the values 
wliich have been obtained, taking periods of several 
years : — 

Births to 1 

StiU-Birth. 

23-5 



Periods. 



From 1758 to 1763, 

. . 1764 to 1769, 

. ■ 1770 to 1774, 

• ■ 1785 to 1792, 
■ ■ 1793 to 1800, 

• ■ 1801 to 1808, 
• . 1812 to 1821, 

Average, 



20-2 
17-7 
18-6 
200 
18-6 
19-7 

19-8 



Few statistical docimients are more liable to be 
faulty than those which belong to still-births ; Iio'nv- 
ever, when the same ratio is so nearly maintained 
throughout, and within periods so close to each other, 
and when the data have been collected under different 
administrations, we have strong reason to believe 
that it is not far from the truth. 

Casper thinks that the number of still-births, com- 
pared with live-births, is greater in town than in 
country ; but he does not quote any results in proof 
of this assertion, which, however, is quite justified by 
the numbers Avhich I have found for Western Flan- 
ders (^Recherches sur la Reproduction et la Mortalitf). 
The following are the values obtained for the years 
from 1827 to 1830 inclusive:— 





Average Number of 


Ratio. 




Live-Births. 


Stm-Bii-ths. 




Town, - - - • 

Comitry, - - - - 


5,424 
14,037 


266 
383 


20-4 
38-2 



The ratio of stiU-births to live-births in town, is 
almost exactly the same as at Berlin ; but it differs 
very much from that of the country, indeed it is 
alinost double. It is natural, then, to inquire, whence 
arises the gi'cat danger which in town threatens the 
life of the child before it is born ? May we not attri- 
bute it, in some measure, to the use of corsets and 
the habit of tight-lacing ? 

What is still more remarkable is, that the morta- 
lity is greater among boys than girls : thus, of 2597 
still-births which have been counted for Western 
Flanders, 1517 were male and 1080 female cluldren, 
which gives a ratio of 14 to 10 nearly. This difference 
is considerable, and since it is nearly the same for tlic 
tables of each particular j'ear, we must ascribe it to 
a special cause. At Berlin, from 1785 to 1794, tlie 
computation is 1518 still-births of the male and 1210 
of the female sex: also, from 1819 to 1822, 771 boys 

* Dr Casper, in his Jlemoir on the Mortality of Children at 
Berlin, has presented some interesting researches on stiU-births, 
of the principal results of which I have availed myself.— U6«>' die 
SlerbUchlieit dcr Kinder in Bcrliit^Bietracie zur Medicinischen Ste- 
tistiek, SfC. 8vo. Berlin : 1825. 



ON MAN. 



25 



and 533 girls came into the world without life. M. 
Casper says the ratio appears to be 28 to 20 ; it is, 
then, exactly the same as for Western Flanders. This 
new identity of results is very remarkable ; and it 
will be interesting to inrestigate the causes of a cir- 
cumstance which is so imfavourable to the male sex. 
If we were desirous of guessing at this point, we might 
say, with those who suppose that a male conception 
requires a certain excess of energy iu the woman, that 
this excess of energy was absent or wanting during 
the growth of the foetus, and that energy failing, the 
child would suffer more from it, if a boy, than a girl. 
Hence the disproportion of dead births between the 
two sexes ; hence, also, the greater mortality of boys 
immediately after birth, and during the period of 
suckling, at which time they are still in some mea- 
sure connected Avith the mother. It is also evident 
that women in town, wlio are more deUcate than those 
in the country', will be more liable to bring forth 
still children, and especially when they are pregnant 
of boys. 

We possess statistical documents of still-births for 
the city of Amsterdam,* which it will be interesting 
to compare with the preceding. The following are 
the original numbers furnished for the years from 
1821 to 1832 :— 

Number of Still-Births and of Births for Amsterdam. 





Still-Births. 




Births. 




















Boys. 


Girls. 


Total. 


Boys. 


Girls. 


Total. 


1821, - 


288 


SAG 


634 


3,742 


3,600 


7,342 


1822, - 


280 


222 


.'-.02 


3,887 


3,713 


7,600 


1823, - 


268 


198 


466 


3,734 


3,448 


7,182 


1824, - 


266 


216 


482 


4,011 


3,849 


7,860 


1825, - 


207 


128 


335 


3,802 


3,550 


7,352 


1826, - 


231 


173 


404 


3,803 


3,635 


7,«a 


1827, - 


■ • 






3,524 


3,366 


6,890 


1828, - 








3,079 


3,529 


7,208 


1829, ■ 








3,7a5 


3,018 


7,403 


1830, - 


241 


lao 


410 


3,727 


3,579 


7,306 


1831, - 


208 


108 


376 


3,843 


3,499 


7,342 


1832, - 


210 


151 


361 


3,351 


3,101 


6,452 


Average, 


244 


186 


430 


3,741 


3,541 


7,283 



We therefore calculate 1 still-birth for 16"9 births, 
which is a very unfavourable proportion from Avhat 
we have seen above. The number of still-births of 
the male sex likewise here exceeds that of still-births 
of the other sex ; and this would appear to be a gene- 
ral law, since none of the papers which have been 
quoted are contrary to it, and in all cases the diffe- 
rence is very considerable, and nearly about the same. 
Here the average numbers are in the ratio of 244 to 
186, or 13 to 10 nearly. 

The Annuaires du Bureau des Longitudes give the 
following data for Paris : — 





StiU-Birth 


s. 




Births. 




















Boys. 


Girls. 


Total. 


Boys. 


Girls. 


Total. 


1823, - 


847 


662 


1,509 


13,752 


13,318 


27,070 


1824, - 


810 


C77 


1,487 


14,647 


14,165 


28,812 


1825, - 


846 


675 


1,521 


14,989 


14,264 


29,253 


1826, - 


810 


737 


1,547 


15,187 


14,783 


29,970 


1827, - 


904 


727 


1,631 


15,074 


14,732 


29,806 


1828, - 


883 


743 


1.026 


15,117 


14,484 


29,601 


1829, - 


925 


788 


1,713 


14,760 


13,961 


28,721 


1830, - 


943 


784 


1,727 


14,488 


14,099 


28,587 


1831, - 


954 


755 


1,709 


15,110 


14,414 


29,530 f 


1832, - 


9!)4 


726 


1,720 


13,494 


12,789 


26,283 


Average, 


8,910 


7,274 


16,190 


146,624 


141,009 


2fJ7,639 



* .Taarboekje par Lobatto. See also a memoir by M. Engeltrum, 

a prize-essay at Utrecht, and printed in 1830. The author counts, 

for the hospital at Amsterdam, from 1821 to 1826 — 

Births— Legitimate, 488 Dcid births, 28 Ratio, 17 to 1 

Illegitimate, 1770 •• •• 151 •• 12 to 1 

t In these numbers, 1099 and 1005 children, who were acknow- 
ledged and legitimatised after birth, are not included. 



From this table, we calculate the still-births to 
births, in Paris, as 1 to 177 — almost the same as for 
Amsterdam and Berlin. Tliis ratio does not seem to 
differ much fi'om that of large towns, which may be 
generally considered as 1 to 18. We see here, also, 
that the dead births of the male are more numerous 
than those of the female sex : the ratio is 12 "2 to 10. 

The official tables for the Prussian monarchy in 
1827, and for Denmark iu 1828, furnish the following 
results :* — 

Prussian Monarch v, 
Demnark-{Bo>-; " 

These numbers, also, are similar to those which 
have been already given. 

K we regard the influence of the seasons on still- 
births, the following are the data of Berlin, and for 
Western Flanders, durhig the five years from 1827 tu 
1831 inclusive: — 



Births. 


StiUBu-ths. 


Ratio. 


490,660 
19,954 
18,840 


16,720 
882 
690 


29tol 
23tol 
27tol 





Still-Births 


Still Births in Flanders. 




at Berlin. 




















To^vn. 


Country. 


Total. 


Januarj-, 


117 


140 


225 


365 


Februarv, - 


123 


141 


V)7 


338 


March, - 


120 


115 


205 


310 


April, 


112 


100 


160 


200 


May, - 


110 


102 


162 


264 


June, 


98 


104 


162 


266 


July, - 


92 


117 


153 


270 


August, 


108 


108 


136 


244 


September, • 


89 


100 


139 


247 


October, - 


104 


110 


152 


262 


November, - 


124 


90 


143 


233 


December, - 


121 


100 


179 


285 




1,305 


1,341 


2,013 


3,354 



These data tend to show that the number of still- 
births is greater during winter, and at the end of 
winter, than in summer. 

M. Casper has examined some particular circum- 
stances wliich may influence the number of still-births, 
such as illegitimate conceptions, venereal diseases, 
the abuse of strong drinks, &c. Thus, at Gottingen, 
in 100 births, there are 3 dead births of legitimate 
children, and 15 of illegitimate children. At Berlin, 
the dead births in 100 illegitimate births have been, 
for half the last century, three times as numerous as 
the dead births among 100 legitimate children : and 
this state of things has not improved ; for, during the 
four years fi-om 1819 to 1822, it is computed there 
were — 

Living Children. Dead Childi-en. Ratio. 
Legitimate births, - 22,643 937 25 

Illegitimate births, - 4,002 317 12 f 

Lideed, a woman generally takes less care to pre- 
serve the child which she carries in her bosom, when 
it is illegitimate. Moreover, it is necessary to add, 
that those children, who are almost always the fruit 
of misconduct, presuppose less vigour and soundness 
in the parents. M. Duges says, that at the Venereal 
Hospital in Paris, he has found two premature births 
to six or seven accouchements. J At Hamburg, during 
the year 1820, in one house which contained scarcely 
any but public women affected with the venereal dis- 
ease, of 18 illegitimate births, 6 were dead births ; 
and in another house in the same city, hkewise partly 
occupied by public women, the still-births were 1 1 
out of 93. 

These different examples prove too well the great 
influence which the condition of mothers exercises 
over the children of which they are pregnant, and 

* Bulletin de M. Fenissac, Janv. and Mai 1830. 

t The official tables of the whole Prussian monarchy for 1827 
gave IBiiUetin de M. Fenissac, Janv. 1830, p. 118) 490,660 births, 
of which 16,726 were still-births, a ratio of 29 to 1. 

t Rccherches sur les Maladies des Nouveaux Ncs. Paris: 1824. 



26 



ON MAN. 



convince us of the utility of researches into still-births, 
and the causes -which may multiply the number of 
them. 

Wliile considering the mortaUty of new born chil- 
dren, it is proper also to examine the fate of the 
mothers. According to "Willan, the mortality in the 
great L}dng-in Hospital of London, into which about 
5000 women were annually admitted, was — 

Of the Mothers. Of the Children. 
From 1749 to 1758, - - 1 in 42 1 in 15 

• • 1759 to 1768, - - 1 in 50 1 in 20 

• • 1769 to 1778, - - 1 in 55 1 in 42 
■ • 1779 to 1788, - - 1 in 60 1 in 44 

• • 1789 to 1798, - - 1 in 288 1 in 77 * 

Mr Hawkins observed the mortality in the London 
Hos{)ital in 1826, to be 1 in 70. According to the 
same statistician, in the Lying-in Hospital of Dublin, 
from the time of its foundation in 1757 to 1825 — 



The loss of children has been, 
still-birtlis, 
mothers, 



1 in 19 
linl7 
1 in 89 



At the same hospital, also, twin cases have occurred 
in the proportion of 1 to 60 accouchements ; and three 
or more childi'en in the proportion of 1 to 4000. 

According to Tenon, at the end of the last century 
the mortality at the Hotel-Dieu of Paris, was I woman 
in 15, and 1 still-born child to 13 births ; but in 1822, 
the mortality at La ISIaternitc was not more than 1 
woman in .30. At the same time, in the INIaternite of 
Stockholm, the proportion was almost the same as at 
Paris, or 1 woman in 29. 

At the Lying-in Hospital of Edinburgh, during the 
years 1826, 27, and 28, the loss was only I woman in 
100. 

According to Casper,t the mortality of confined 
Avomen at Berlin, has been — 



I^rom 17.58 to 1703, 

• ■ 1/64 to 1774, 

• • 1785 to 1794, 

• • 1819 to 1822, 



1 in 95 

- 1 in 82 
1 in 141 

- 1 in 152 



Here, again, we see how much the mortality de- 
])ends on the care taken of the woman and child at the 
time of confinement. The greatest mortality wliich 
lias been noticed, was that of the Hotel-Dieu of Paris 
at the end of the last century: it was 1 woman in 15 
for the mothers, whilst in London it was reduced to 1 
in 238, or nineteen times less. 



CHAPTER V. 

O.N TItE INFLUENCE OF NATURAL CAUSES ON MORTALITY. 

1. Influence of Locality. 

We possess, in general, fewer documents respecting 
births than respecting deaths ; for this reason, per- 
haps, that man takes less interest in wliat regards his 
entry into life than his exit from it. The laws re- 
giUating births he views more as an object of ciurio- 
sity, wiiilst it is of the highest moment for him to 
know all his chances of life and death. Nevertheless, 
in inquiring into the mortality, it behoves us to pro- 
ceed with the greatest caution, and not to hold, as 
many authors have done, all numerical statements to 
be of the same importance. 

The mortality is generally estimated by the ratio 
of deaths to the population. Now, if it be in general 
difficult to ascertain, by the registers of a countr3'-, 
the precise number of deaths, it is still more difficult 
to determine exactly the total numbers of the i)opu- 
lation. A census is a very delicate operation, wliicli 
can be executed only from time to time, and will be 
found productive of very different results, according 

* From Elements of Medical Statistics, by Mr Hawkins, 
t Bcitrage, p. 180, 



to the care bestowed in its execution. In places, for 
example, where there may exist an interest for con- 
cealment of numbers, we should naturally expect to 
find a low estimate of tlie peoi:)le, and in consequence 
too high an estimate of the mortality ; hence tlie ne- 
cessity for extreme caution in comparing one country 
with another, or the same coimtry with itself at difie- 
rent periods. 

The influence which climate exercises over the 
mortality of the human species, deserves to be first 
considered. But climatology^ taking the word in its 
most extended sense, is a science still too little ad- 
vanced to engage our attention here :* ive absolutely 
want data, and particidarly comparative data, with 
respect to countries out of Europe, and even some 
European countries themselves, where pohtical sciences 
have not been sufficiently cultivated. It becomes thus 
impossible to appreciate at all correctly the effects of 
temperature, and its relations to moisture and dryness, 
the direction of the winds, of running streams, &c. 
We ought, therefore, in our first view, to leave out 
these latter circumstances, and busy ourselves only 
with the most general results. 

If we, in the first place, consider only Europe, and 
if we divide this part of the globe into three principal 
regions, with a view of setting aside as far as jjossible 
accidental causes, we may arrive at means to solve 
the problem wliich now occupies us. It would be 
better, also, to adopt the resiilts of late years, thus 
giving a more extended comparison. 



Countries. 


Periods. 


1 Death in 


Authorities. 


Jiorth of Europe. 








Sweden & Norway, 


1820 


4M 


jMarshall. 


Denmark, 


1019 


45-0 


Moreau de Jonnes. t 


Russia, 


about 1829 


27-0 


Sir F. D"Ivernois4 


England, 


1821 to 1831 


51-0 


Potter & Eickmiin. 


Central Europe. 








Prussia, - 


1816 to 1823 


36-2 


Babbagc. 


Poland, 


1829 


44-0 


Moreau de Jonnes. 


Germany, 


1825 to 1828 


45-0 




Belgium, 


1825 to 1829 


431 


An.dcl'Ob.deBrux. 


France, - 


1817 to 1831 


39-7 


An. du B. de Long. 


IlolUind, - 


1815 to 1825 


380 


(Rech. Statistique 
1 sur les Pajs Bas. 


Austrian Empire, 


1828 


400 


iloreau de Jomies. 


Switzerland, - 


1827 to 1820 


400 




South of Europe. 








Portugal, - 


1815 to 1819 


400 




Spain, - 


1801 to 1826 


40-0 




Italy, 


1822 to 1828 


300 




Greece, 


1828 


30-0 




Turkey in Europe, 


1828 


30-0 




Naples and .Sicily, 


1822 to 1824 


32-0 


Bisset Hawkins. 



As several of the authors just quoted have merely 
given ratios, without tlie numbers from which these 
were deduced, I have been forced to take the averages 
from the ratios themselves, and not from the numbers, 
which would have been more exact. Upon the whole, 
wc sliall probably approach the truth in statmg the 
mortality in Europe to be as follows : — 



In the North of Europe, 
Central Europe, - 
Southern Eui-opc, 



1 Death for 41-1 Inhabitants. 
40-8 
3;j7 



Whatever distrust the numbers relating to morta- 
lity may excite in us, I beUeve it may be admitted, 
that upon the whole the mortality is greater in the 

* See the Researches of Sir J. Clarke in England on the Influ- 
ence of Climate on Clironic Diseases — (Annates d'Hyfjicne, Avril 
ia30.) Sec also La Fliilosopliic de la Statistique, par Melchoir 
Gioja, 2 vols. 4to, 1826. 

t The numbers of M. Moreau de Jonnes are taken from a 
notice on the Mortidity of the Difierent Countries of Europe : it 
is to be regretted that the author has not stated the somces of his 
information. 

± Dibliothc>]ue Universcllc, Oct. 1833, p. 154. 



ON MAN. 



27 



south of Eiu'ope than in the north or centre, without 
anticipating the cause of this difference, and whether 
it depends on tlie political institutions or on the 
nature of the climate itself. It is England which 
turns the balance in favour of the north of Europe ; 
and were it left out, the centre of Em-ope would pre- 
sent the least mortality. If we now quit the limits 
of Europe to consider those localities nearer the equi- 
noctial hne, and more exposed to extreme temperature, 
we have, according to 51. IMoreau de Jonues* — 

Under the Latitude Places. 



G" W 


Batavia, 


1 Deatli for 2C Inhabitants 


10= ](»' 


Trinidad, 


27 


i3= 54' 


St Lucia, 


27 


14° 44' 


Martinique, 


28 


15° oy 


fluadaloui)e. 


27 


18° 3(5' 


Bombay, 


20 


23=11' 


Havaim^h, 


3.1 



This last table seems to pi'ove that the mortality 
increases as Ave approach the equinoctial line. Still, 
these numbers must Ije received with distrust, because 
amongst the places referred to there are several cities, 
and the mortality in cities, as we shall shortly see, is 
generally greater than in the country. We must also 
regret that we have so few data in respect to places 
stiU nearer the equinoctial line. According to M. 
Thomas, the mortality of Avhites in the island of 
Bourbon is only 1 in 44'8 ; and from documents pub- 
lished in England in 1826, b}- order of the House of 
Commons, the mortality at the Cape of Good Hope 
is still less.f 

Amongst the local causes which influence mortality, 
I have mentioned that of a town or country residence ; 
this influence is sufficiently well marked. In Belgium, 
for example, the following have been the results of 
late years : — 



Cities, - 
Country, 



Population. 

998,118 
3,066,091 



Average Number 
of Deaths. 
27,026 
65,265- 



1 Death to 

3(!-0 Inhabitants. 
46-9 



We see that the ratios of mortality are almost as 
4 to 3. This difference will be particularly apparent, 
if we examine the mortality of the principal cities of 
Europe. 

* In Iceland, from 1825 to 1831, it has been computed that there 
ia 1 death for 30-0 inhabitants, which would tend to show that 
excess of cold is as injurious to man as excess of heat. — Bihlio- 
thique Vniversclle, Oct. 1833, p. 177- 

t Elements of Medical Statistics, p. 51. 

[The reader will be pleased to observe, that the question of 
the influence of climate on mortality is a more intricate one 
than perhaps our distin^iished author was fully aware of. Firstly, 
it involves the simple question as to the influence of climate over 
the mortality of any particular race of men, who have been known 
to inhabit that countrj' from time immemorial, or at least be3'ond 
the usual historic periods ; secondly, it involves the question of 
the influence of climate over the mortality of another race foreign 
to the country, or wlio have migrated to it within liistoric periods. 
The numbers, for example, in the above table, placed opposite 
Batavia, have nothing whatever to do with the eSects of climate 
over the native Javanese, but express merely the fearful morta- 
lity wliich sweeps off the Saxon foreigners migrating to a climate 
which nature never intended they should inhabit. On the other 
hand, the climate at the Cape of Good Hope, the healthiest per- 
haps in the world, seems equally favourable to all the three races 
inhabiting the colony and its frontier, namely, the aboriginal 
Hottentot and the invading Caffre and Saxon. "We shall after- 
wards endeavour to show, that by putting the above table in 
comparison with the preceding one, a great and important ele- 
ment of statistics has been left out, and Quetelet has given us 
the statistics of .Java and Bombay, as if the native inhabitants 
had ceased to exist ; whereas it is manifest that the effects of cli- 
mate over the migi-atory part of the human race, the Celt and 
Saxon, should be stated apart, and not mingled up with, or rather 
substituted for, the natural statistics of countries wliich pi-o- 
bably they can never retain possession of, v.hatever be the extent 
of their cmigi-ations.] 

C 





Inhabitants to 1 Death, 


Inhabitants to 1 Birth . 


Cities. 


according to 


according to 




Czoeming. 


B. Hawkins. 


/ — 
Czoeming. 


1 
B. Hawkins. 


Sarth if Europe. 










London, 


51-9 


40-0 


40G 


29-5* 


Glasgow, - 




46-8 




27-7 


St Petersburg, 


34-9 


37-0 


467 




Moscow, - 


.■«•(» 




28-5 




Copenhagen, - 


30-3 




30-0 




Stockholm, - 


24-3 


24-9 


27- 


24-8 


Central Europe. 










Lyons, - 


.32-3 


320 


27-5 




Amsterdam, - 


31-0 


24-0 


26-0 




Paris, - 


30-6 


32-5 


270 




Bordeaux, 


29 




240 




Hambiu-g, - 


.300 




25-5 




Dresden, - 


27-7 




23-0 




Brussels, 


25-5 


96'0 


21-0 




Berlin, - 


25-0 


.34 


21-0 




Prague, 


24-5 


24-4 


23-3 




Vienna, - 


22-5 


22-5 


200 


i 


SouthernEurope. 








r 


Madrid, 


36-0 


35-0 


26-0 




Leghorn, - 


350 


310 


• 25-5 




Palermo, 


33 




24 




Lisbon, 


31 1 


28-2 


23-3 


52-5 


Naples. 


29'0 


520 


24-0 


250 


Barcelona, 


27-0 


24-8 


27-0 




Rome, • 


24-1 




31-0 


23-6 


Venice, 


19-4 




26-5 




Bergamo, - 


18-0 




20-0 


30-2 



Comparing this table with the preceding one, it is 
easy to observe that the mortality of cities is generally 
much greater than that of those countries to which 
they belong. I tliink this fact established, not^vith- 
standing the inaccuracies inherent in such calcula- 
tions. 

We venture to conclude, then, with a high degree 
of probability, that in the actual state of things the 
mortality is less in temperate climates than in the 
north or south, and that it is greater in cities than in 
the country.f 

If we consider each country in pai'ticular, we shall 
afterwards find, according to the localities, very great 
differences. Thus in France, in the department of 
the Orme, there is 1 death for 52-4, and in that of 
Finisterre, there is 1 for 30-4 inhabitants — a remark- 
able difference for places so near each other. In the 
foi-mer kingdom of the Low Countries, and during 
the period from 1 8 1 5 to 1 834, in the province of Zea- 
land, there was 1 death for 28-5 inhabitants, and in 
the province of Namur, 1 for 51-8 inhabitants. We 
must here remark, that a great mortahtj' keeps pace 
with the great fecundity. In the localities just quoted, 
for example, there were — 



Countries. 


Inhabitants 


r 
for one 
Birth. 


for one 
JIaiTiage. 


for one 
Death. 


Department of Oi-nie, - 

Finisterre, 
Province of Namur, 
Zealand, 


44-8 
260 
30-1 
21-9 


147-5 
11 3-9 
141-0 
113-2 


52-4 
30-4 
51-8 
28-5 



* Topographisch-Historich Besehreibung von Reichenberg. 
See Bulletin des Sciences Geographiqucs, Avril 3833. 

t SI. Villerm(5 informs me that he has arrived at the same 
conclusion, in an unpublished work, On the Laics of Population, 
or the Relation of Medicine to Political Economy. 

[ There is an inherent inexactness in these calculations which 
it is extremely difficult to get rid of. Norway, for example, and 
Sweden, and even the northern parts of Russia in Europe, are 
each of them inhabited by two races of men , of whom it is impos- 
sible to say, from a want of historic evidence, which foi-med the 
primitive race. The Fins, inhabiting the north of Sweden and 
Norway, and even of Russia, and perhiips also the Laplanders, 
are perfectly distinct races froni their Scandinavian and Sarma- 
tian masters, and of course their statistics ought to be considered 
apart.] 



28 



ON MAN. 



Thus Zealand and the department of Fmisterre 
had more marriages, births, and deaths, than the de- 
partment of Orme and the province of Namur. I 
declare that I have often been tempted to attribute 
these discrepancies to a faulty census of the popula- 
tion ; but more attentive researches have induced me 
to believe that tliis state of things is dependent on 
local causes. In the province of Zealand, for example, 
continually buried in a humid atmosphere, there pre- 
vail fevers and other diseases causing this excess in 
the mortality ; and this, reacting on the amount of 
subsistence, naturally increases the marriages and 
births. 

What -we have observed in these provinces may 
also be noticed in other coimtries, where we equally 
observe a great mortality and a great fecundity. Of 
this truth, England and the republic of Guanasuato 
offer striking examples :— 



States. 


Inhabitants 


c 

to one 
Marriage. 


to one 
Birth. 


1 
to one 
Death. 


England, . - - - 
Guanaxuato,* 


134-00 
6976 


35-00 
16-08 


50-00 
19-70 



These are, so to speak, the two extreme limits in the 
scale of population, and, we may also add, in the scale 
of civilisation. 

It may be said, that a country proceeds onwards 
to a more prosperous condition, when fewer citizens 
are produced, and when those existing are better pre- 
served. The increase then is entirely to its advan- 
tage ; for, if the fecundity be less, the useful men are 
more numerous, and generations are not renewed with 
such rapidit}^ to the great detriment of the nation. 

Man, during his early years, lives at the expense 
of society ; he contracts a debt which ought one day 
to be paid ; and if he dies before having been enabled 
to do so, his existence has rather been a loss, or cost, 
to his fellow-citizens than an advantage. Is it desired 
to know what he costs ? Let us take the lowest price : 
from birth to the age of twelve or sLxteen, the expenses 
attending the support of a child in the hospitals of 
this kingdom (the Low Countries) amounted to about 
1110 francs, say 1000 only, and this rate is certainly 
not too high, even for France.f Every person, then, 
who escapes from infancy, has contracted a kind of debt, 
of which the minimum is 1000 francs, which society 
pays for the support of a child abandoned to its cha- 
rity. Now, there are born in France annually more 
than 960,000 children, of whom 9-20ths are cut off 
previous to tlieir having become of the smallest uti- 
lity to the state ; these 432,000 unfortunate persons 
may be viewed as so many friendless strangers, who, 
without fortune and without industry, have come to 
take part in the consumption of the general produce, 
and have then \vithdrawn themselves, leaving only, 
as traces of their existence, sorrowful adieus and 
eternal regrets. The expense they have caused, with- 
out reckoning the time devoted to them, amounts to 
the enormous sum of 432,000,000 of francs. And if 
we consider, on the other hand, the griefs caused by 
their departure, griefs which no human sacrifices can 
compensate, it is easy to see how worthy this subject 
is of tlie attention of the statesman and of the true 
philosopher. We cannot too often repeat, that the 
prosperity of states consists less in tlie multiplica- 
tion than in the conservation of the individuals com- 
posing it. 

The assertion that a great mortality unhappily 
coexists with a great fecundity, seems opposed to the 

* According to M. D'lvDmois {BibliotMque Vniverselle de 
Geneve, 1833.) 

t [In this countn,', the cost of bringing up a child to the age of 
twelve, on the lowest calculation, could scarcely be considered 
as lower than £'144. We of course mean that he shall be brought 
up with due regard to his future health and strength.] 



observations of Mr Sadler; but, as I liaA'e already 
remarked, the fecundity of marriages must not be 
confounded with the fecundity of the population ; I 
have even shown, that, all things being equal, a great 
mortality is rather productive of a less fecimdity of 
marriages, because second and third marriages are 
more multiplied, and the duration of marriages be- 
comes then less. 

To examine the question which now occupies us, 
the absolute number of births and of deaths must be 
compared with that of the population. 

The following table contains some results in respect 
to the different countries already quoted : — 



States. 



England, 

Sweden, 

Belgium, 

France, 

Holland, 

Prussia, 

Sicily and Naples, 

Guanaxuato, 



Inhabitants 



For one Death. For one Birth. 



51-0 
47-0 > 

431 ; 

39-7 
330 
36-2 
32-0 
19-7 



51-0 
45-0 



197 



35-0 

27-0) 

30-0/ 

31-6 

27-0 

23-3 

24-0 

16-1 



35-0 
28-5 



I regret that the actual state of statistics does not 
allow me to present the observations of a greater 
number of countries. Still I think that these data 
prove an intimate ratio to exist between the morta- 
lity and the fecundity. And this ratio exists also 
between the different provinces of the same country. 

In classing the cities according to their mortahty, 
we find, according to the medium value of the num- 
bers given above, leaving out St Petersbm'g, in re- 
spect to which there is evidently some error : — 



Cities. 


Inhabitants 


Inhabitants 


to one Death. 


to one Birth. 


London, - 


46-0 1 ^c 1 


40-8 1 ,^ -, 


Glasgow, 


46-8) 


^ 


29-5 i 


- 


Madrid, - - - 


36-0^ 




26-0^ 




Leghorn, 


35-0 




25-5 




Moscow, - 


33-0 




28-5 




Lyons, 


32-2 




27-5 




Palermo, 


320 


)■ 32-3 


24-5 


I 27-0 


Paris, 


31-4 




27-0 




Lisbon, - 


31-1 




28-3 




Copenhagen, - 


30-3 




30-0 




Hamburg, 


30-oJ 




25-5J 




Barcelona, 


29-5~ 




27-0~ 




Berlin, - 


29-0 




210 




Bordeaux, 


29-0 




24-0 




Naples, ... 


28-6 




23-8 




Dresden, 


27-7 




23-0 




Amsterdam, 


27-5 


I 26-6 


26-0 


I 24-2 


Brussels, 


25-8 




21-0 




Stockholm, 


24-6 




27-0 




Prague, 


24-5 




23-3 




Rome, 


24-4 




306 




Vienna, 


22-5^ 




20-0 




A''cnice, - - - 
Bergamo, 


19-4 
18-0 


18-7 


26-5, 
20-0 


23-2 



The numbers thus cited tend, then, to show, that 
there exists a direct relation between the intensity of 
the mortaUty and that of the fecimdity, or, in other 
terms, that the number of births is regulated by tlie 
number of deaths. This confirms fully the ideas of 
the economists who admit that the population tends 
alwaj's to a certain level, regulated by the quantity 
of the products. And in those localities where there 
exist particular causes of a greater mortality, it must 
liappen that the generations arc shorter, and succeed 
each other more rapidly. 

AVe may remark, moreover, that in the countrie.s 
we have just compared, the number of deaths is less 
than that of births; and this happens also in respect 
to the cities, with the exception of Stockholm, Eome, 
Venice, and Bergamo. It may, moreover, be ob- 
served, that these numbers have a greater tendency 
to become equal in proportion to the direct extent of 



ON MAN. 



29 



the mortality, with the exception of England and its 
cities ; we have, in fact, for the 



Localities. 



Ratio of Births 
to Deaths. 



England, - - - - - 1-46 

Sweden and Belgium, - - - 1'58 

France, Holland, Prussia, Naples and Sicily, 1-37 

The republic of Guanaxuato, - - 1-23 

Cities having more than 40 inhabitants to 1 death, 1'15 

30 to 40 .. .. 1-20 

20 to 30 • • • • 1-10 

less than 20 ■ ■ • • 0-!)l 

In studying the influence of localities on a less 
extensive scale, and in comparing the different parts 
of the same province, we frequently arrive at very 
dissimilar results : thus, as the country is level or 
mountainous, intersected with forests or marshes, the 
numbers which the mortality maj'- offer will be found 
to differ very sensibly. M. Bossi, in the Statistique 
du Department dc I'Ain, gives a striking example : 
with a view to study the influences of localities, he 
divided the department into four portions, and from 
documents collected during the years 1812, 1813, and 
1814, he obtained the following results : — 

Inhabitants Inhabitants Inhabitants 

to one Death to one Marriage to one Birth 

annually. annually. annually. 

In mountain parishes, 38-3 179 34-8 

On the sea-side, ■ 36 6 145 28-8 

In corn districts, - 24-6 135 27-5 
In stagnant and marshy 

districts,- - 20-0 U>7 261 

These remarkable results offer a new confirmation 
of the direct ratio which exists generally between 
deaths, marriages, and births. It may be seen, also, 
how the neighbourhood of marshes and stagnant 
waters may become fatal. M. ViUermc cites a re- 
markable example of the influence of marshes. 

" At Vareggio," observes M. Villerme,* " in the 
principality of Lucca, the inhabitants, few in num- 
ber, barbarous, and miserable, were annually, from 
time immemorial, attacked about the same period 
with agues ; but in 1741, floodgates were constructed, 
which permitted the escape into the sea of the 
waters from the marshes, preventmg at the same 
time the ingress of the ocean to these marshes, both 
from tides and storms. This contrivance, Avhich 
permanently suppressed the marsh, also expelled the 
fevers. In brief, the canton of Vareggio is at the 
present day one of the healthiest, most industrious, 
and richest on the coast of Tuscany ; and a part of 
those famihes whose boorish ancestors sunk under 
the epidemics of the arria cativa, without knowledge 
to protect themselves, enjoy a health, a vigour, a 
longevity, and a moral character, imknown to their 
ancestors." 

Similar epidemics prevail at fixed epochs on the 
borders of the Escaut, producing what are there called 
the fevers of the polders : these fevers foUow great 
heat, and cause Zealand to approach the condition of 
Vareggio, and of the marshy comitries quoted by 
M. Bossi. 

M. Villerme pointed out to me a new example of 
the increase of mortality caused by the influence of 
marshes. In the Isle of Ely, from 1813 to 1830 in- 
clusive, in 10,000 deaths, from birth to the most 
advanced age, there were 4732 before the age of 10, 
whilst in all the other agricultural districts of Eng- 
land together there were but 3505 deaths. In the 
Isle of Ely, also, there were 3712 deaths from 10 to 
40 years in 10,000 deaths, which took place from 10 
years to extreme old age ; and only 3142 in the other 
agricultural districts which were not marshy.f 

* Des Epidemics (An. d'Hj-giene, Janv. 1833, p. 9.) 
t See the letter of M. Villerm^ inserted in the Bulklin dc 
V Academic de BruxcUcs, No. 23, for June 1834. 



We owe, also, to M. Villerme a very curious memoir 
on the mortality of Paris and other large cities,* 
showmg that wealth, independent circumstances, and 
misery, constitute, in the actual state of things, in 
respect to the inhabitants of the different quarters of 
Paris, the principal causes to whicli must be attri- 
buted the striking differences observed m the rate of 
mortality. The distance or proximity of the Seine, 
the nature of the soil, its depression to the east or 
west, the elevated grounds shutting in Paris to the 
north or south, the pecuHar exposure of certain quar- 
ters, tlie different kinds of water made use of— are all 
circumstances modifying in some measure the general 
climate of the city ; yet they do not seem to produce 
sensible differences in respect to the mortality. To 
make this more apparent, I have collected in a 
single table the principal results arrived at by M. 
VUlermo : the numbers refer to the periods from 1822 
to 1826. 



;fU.S 



c3 flJ ir 

1 



« 



0-75 
0-55 
0-57 
0-46 
0-59 
0-.55 
0-82 
0-62 
60 
0-53 
0-46 
0-64 






metres. 
26 
15 
65 
19 ■ 
7 

22 
11 
13 
16 
■ 46 
47 
37 



«-H- 



0-11 
007 
0-11 
0-22 
015 
0-19 
0-22 
0-21 
0-31 
0-23 
0-32 
0-38 



^1 



francs. 
605 
426 
498 
226 
328 
258 
217 
242 
172 
285 
173 
148 



Taxed Localities. 



Personal 
Contri- 
bution. 



0-40 
0-38 
0-49 
0-28 
0-23 
0'30 
0'29 
0-20 
0-26 
0-46 
0-25 
0-19 



By a patent 
of more 
than 30 
francs. 



0-47 
0-44 
0-35 
0-36 
0-49 
0-32 
0-3.5 
0-45 
0-30 
0-24 
0-31 
0-29 



2. Influence of Sexes. 

The influence of the sexes is extremely evident in 
every thing which pertains to death ; it has already 
])een shown to be so before the birth of the chUd. 
Dm'ing the four years from 1827 to 1830, there have 
been in Western Flanders 2597 stiU-born children, 
1517 of which were males and 1080 females, which 
gives a ratio of about 3 to 2. This difference is con- 
siderable, and as we find it appear annually, it must 
have a special cause. 

Again, this mortality affects male children not only 
before their birth, but pretty nearly during the ten 
or twelve months which follow that event ; that is to 
say, pretty nearly during the period of lactation, as 
may be seen from the following documents respecting 
Western Flanders : — 



* An. d'Hygi6ne, July 1830. 

t The 2d arrondissement comprises the following quarters : — 
Chauss<5e d'Antin, Palais-Royal, Feydeau, and Faubourg Mont- 
martre ; the 3d, Montmartre, Faubourg Poissonnifere, St Eus- 
tache, and Mail ; the 1st, Roule, ChampsElys^es, Place-Ven- 
d6me, and Tuileries ; the 4th, St Honors, Louvre, Marches, and 
Banque ; the 5th, Faubourg St Denis, Porte St Martin, Bonnc- 
Nouvelle, and Mont-Orgueil ; the llth, Luxembourg, Ecole de 
Bledicine, Sorbonne, and Palais-de-Justice ; the 7th, St Avoie, 
Mont-de-Pi6t^, March^ St Jean, and Arcis ; the 6th, Porte 
St Denis, St Martin-dcs-Champs, Lombard, and Temple; the 
9th, He St Louis, Hotcl-de-Ville, Cit(J, and Arsenal ; the 10th, 
Monnaie, St Thomas d'Aquin, Invalides, and Faubourg St Ger- 
main; the 8th, St Antoine, Quinze-Vingts, Marais, and Popin- 
court ; the 12th, Jardin du Roi, St Marcel, St Jaques, and 
L'Observatoire. 

:j: All the locations of each quarter have been reduced to 100, so 
as to show how many of that number there are who pay no tax, 
how many are taxed by personal contribution, and how many by 
patent. The untaxed localities represent the poor. 



30 



ON MAN. 



Ages. 


Cities. 


6 


Country. 


.2 


Boys. 


Girls. 


Boys. 


Girls. 


« 


to 1 month, 
lto2 .. 

2 to 3 .V 

3 to 4 . . 

4 to S . . 
StoB .. 
6 to 8 . . 
8 to 12 . . 

1 to 2 yeais, 
2to3 .. 

3 to 4 '■: 
*to5 .. 


3,717 

830 

607 

532 

403 

34G 

569 

1,148 

2,563 

1,383 

908 

556 


2,786 

682 

500 

382 

322 

329 

508 

1,030 

2.409 

1,337 

908 

683 


1-33 
1-3G 
1-21 
1-39 
1-25 
1-05 
112 
Ml 
1-06 
1-03 
1-00 
1'96 


8,180 
2,012 
1,480 
1,192 
908 
831 
1,331 
2,505 
4,994 
2,927 
1,600 
1,200 


5,769 

1,609 

1,161 

984 

774 

707 

1,117 

2,453 
4,920 
2,879 
1,748 
1,184 


1-42 
1-25 

1-27 

1-22 
1-25 
1-18 
1-20 
1-02 
1-02 
1-02 
0-92 
0-99 



It appears, then, beyond doubt, that there is a par- 
tici/hr cause ofmortalitij ivhich attacks male children, by 
■preference, before a7id immediately after their birth. The 
effects are such, that the ratio of" deaths before birth 
is as 3 to 2 ; during the two first months after birth 
the ratio is 4 to 3 ; during the third, foui-th, and fifth 
months, 5 to 4; and after the eighth or the tenth 
month, a difference scarcely exists. 

The inequaUty in the number of deaths for childi-en 
of both sexes, towards the period of birth, is a remark- 
able fact in the natural history of man, and merits 
the attention of physiologists. It cannot be attributed 
to the excess of male births over female bh'ths, seeing 
that the ratio of these last numbers is scarcely from 
20 to 19 ; this ratio could, at the most, explain the 
difference of mortaUty in ages beyond the first year. 

The influence of sex shows itself at different ages 
in a manner more or less curious : an idea may be 
formed of this by an inspection of the following table, 
constructed from numbers collected in the different 
provinces of Belgiiun : — 



Age. 



StiU-bom, 

From to 

. . 1 to 

. . 2 to 



ai 


ale Deaths 


to one 


Female Death. 


City. 


Country 


1-33 


1-70 


1-33 


1-37 


1-37 


1-20 


1-22 


1-21 


1-24 


116 


l-0(i 


103 


1-06 


0-97 


l-(ll) 


0'94 


0-9-.) 


0-93 


002 


0-75 


0-98 


0-92 


1-24 


Ml 


1-00 


0-86 


0-88 


0-63 


r02 


0-83 


1-07 


M8 


0-96 


1-05 


0-77 


1-00 


0()8 


052 



1 month, 

2 . . 

3 .. 
. . 3 to C . . 
. . 6 to 12 . . 

1 to 2 years, 

. . 2 to 5 . . 

. . 5 to 14 . . 

.. 14 to 18 . . 

. . 18 to 21 . . 

.. 21 to 26 . . 

. . 26 to 30 . . 

. . ,30 to 40 . . 

. . 40 to 50 . . 

. . 50 to 60 . . 

. . 60 to 70 . . 

. . 70 to 80 . . 
.. SOtolOO .. - ■ 

This table gives the ratio between the deaths of the 
two sexes for eacli year, without regard to population. 
The numbers for the country may, moreover, be con- 
sidered as representing faithfully the amount of the 
relative mortality, because at each age tlie individuals 
of both sexes are nearly equal in number, Avhich is 
not the case in cities, at least with respect to aged men. 
The ratioof cities in respect to the population is in gene- 
ral very great for those of advanced years ; there exist, 
nevertheless, the same alternations of increase and of 
decrease as in the ratio calculated for the country. 

Thus, about the period of l)irth, tliere die more 
males than females ; about the age of two years, the 
mortality of both sexes becomes pretty nearly equal ; 
that of women thereafter increases, and becomes sen- 
sibly greater between the ages of 14 and 18 years, that 
is to say, after puberty; between 21 and 20, \\\c most 
active epoch of the passions, the mortality of the male 
exceeds that of the female i from 2G to 30, epoch of 
marriage, the mortality is once more equalised, but 
becomes sensibly greater for women during the whole 
period of fecundity : when that period ceases, the 
mortality diminishes, and this condition or ratio con- 
timies until the final iieriod of existence for both. 



The great mortality of the female peasantry (femmes 
de la campatine) during the period of child-bearing, 
may be owing to the laborious duties of their station, 
which the}' are thus called on to perform at a period 
requiring the greatest care.* These laborious agri- 
cultural emploj^ments are, on the contrary, from their 
regularity, very far from being equalh^ jirejudicial to 
man. The male inhabitants of towns suffer much at 
this period of life from irregular conduct, and the 
facilities offered for following the dictates of passion. 

3. Influence of Age. 

Of aU the causes Avhich modify the mortality of 
man, none exercises a greater influence than age. 
This influence is universally acknowledged, and its 
appreciation is one of the first objects to which the 
doctrine of the calculation of probabiUties was directed. 
The first table of mortality appears to be dated in 
1693; it was composed by the astronomer Hallej^ 
who constructed it from documents of the city of 
Breslaw. Similar tables have been constructed since 
that time for the principal European comitries ; yet 
there are few in which the distinction of the sexes 
has been observed. Even France does not possess a 
general mortaUty table keeping in view this distinc- 
tion ; and all the assurance societies continue to base 
their calcidations on the hypothesis that the morta- 
lity is the same for both sexes. Nevertheless, the 
English have observed the necessity for modifying 
their rates of insurance ; and Mr Pinlaysou, secretary 
for the national debt, has perfectly shown that the 
greater mortality of men ought to be kept in view. 

The tables which I give here for Belgium, keep in 
view not only the distmction of the sexes, but notice, 
for the first time, the differences caused by a town or 
country residence. I have taken care, also, to indi- 
cate the mortality during the early months folloAving 
birth. The data emploj^ed in the construction of 
these tables have been collected with care for a period 
of three years, from the registries of the ciAal state 
in Belgium. To enable the reader to compare these 
results, I have taken the same basis, and calculated 
the mortality, assuming 10,000 births for each of the 
sexes in town and country. A fifth table shows the 
mortality of the kingdom, without regard to the dif- 
ferences just alluded to. 







Table of Mortality 




General 






of Bel 


gium. 




Table : 
Town and 
Countrj- ; 


Age. 


Town. 


Country. 












Men and 
AVomen. 




Men. 


Women. 


Nen. 


Women. 


Birth, 


10,000 


10,000 


10,000 


10,(XiO 


100,000 


1 month, 


8840 


9129 


8926 


9209 


90,a96 


2 ■• 


8.550 


8916 


8664 


8988 


87,936 


3 ■■ 


83<jl 


8760 


8470 


8029 


86,173 


4 


8195 


8641 


8314 


Sim 


84,720 


5 .. 


8fK)9 


8.540 


8187 


a587 


83,571 


6 •• 


7961 


8437 


8078 


8490 


82,526 


1 year. 


7426 


7932 


7.575 


8(Kll 


77,528 


18 months, 


6854 


7500 


7173 


7603 


73,.367 


2 years. 


(me 


717!) 


6920 


7326 


70,5,36 


3 •• 


6194 


6761 


65.37 


6931 


66,531 


4 .. 


.5911 


6477 


6326 


6691 


64,102 


5 


.57.38 


6295 


6169 


6.528 


62,448 


6 ■• 


r>(m 


6176 


60.38 


6395 


61,166 


7 •• 


5547 


60,05 


.5939 


6299 


60,249 


8 •■ 


.5481 


6(^26 


5862 


6215 


59,487 


9 •• 


.5424 


mm 


6792 


6147 


58,829 


111 .. 


5:m 


.5916 


57.14 


6082 


58,258 


11 •• 


.5.-i52 


5i!73 


mH3 


6018 


57,749 


12 •• 


5.i23 


5838 


SCM 


59(i0 


57,289 


13 •• 


.5298 


6807 


5509 


5908 


66,871 


14 •• 


5271 


5/71 


6546 


5862 


.56,467 


15 • • 


.5241 


6732 


5603 


67.96 


56,028 



* [Tlie reader will be pleased to observe that M. Qtietelet 
•alludes here to the whole period of child bearing in the female 
peasantry, as contrasted with the habits of to^\-ns ; on the other 
hand, it is a fact generally admitted, although we know not the 
precise data on which the opinion is founded, tliat the indivi- 
dual accouchements are not only safer but much easier in the 
country than in towns.] 



ON MAN. 



31 



Age. 



IG years, 
17 



Table of Mortality 
of Belgium — ( Contintiol.) 



Men. 



5209 

5171 

5131 

.W87 

5(138 

4,978 

4908 

4827 

4740 

4()G2 

4590 

4523 

4459 

4397 

4335 

4275 

4214 

4154 

4094 

4034 

3976 

3918 

3860 

38(>2 

3744 

3078 

^ni 
^77 

3411 

a?52 

3293 
3233 
3174 
3115 
3040 
2962 
2881 
2810 
2/39 
2667 
2583 
2499 
2415 
2329 
2239 
2146 
2051 
1956 
1859 
1754 
1649 
1556 
1466 
1372 
1279 

im 

108/ 
989 
891 
806 
721 
631 
541 
463 
394 
332 
273 
225 
184 
150 
120 

93 

69 

49 

37 

28 

18 

11 
9 



Women 



SC89 

5645 

560O 

5551 

.5500 

5445 

5387 

5326 

52G4 

5201 

5138 

5074 

5010 

4946 

4881 

4816 

4751 

4680 

4622 

4558 

4490 

4418 

4347 

4277 

4208 

4148 

4088 

4027 

3967 

3907 

3846 

3783 

3720 

3656 

3592 

3520 

»t48 

.^375 

a300 

3225 

3150 

3080 

3010 

2939 

28(a 

27:9 

2689 

2595 

2498 

23;;7 

2292 
2187 
2085 
1983 
1864 
1741 
1627 
1514 
1389 
1261 
11»4 
101 1 

900 

789 

682 

585 

495 

411 

ai6 

289 

2.39 

192 

150 

116 

86 

65 

47 

33 

24 

18 

12 

8 

4 

2 

1 



Country. 



Men. Women. 



5456 

5408 

5357 

53(>2 

5242 

5178 

5109 

5036 

4958 

4881 

4805 

4734 

4673 

4620 

4572 

4525 

4478 

4431 

4384 

4337 

4296 

4255 

4215 

4174 

41.34 

4090 

4044 

3995 

3!M3 

3;J87 

3(J27 

3767 

37f»7 

3fA7 

3588 

3512 

34.35 

3358 

3276 

3194 

,3111 

3(86 

29.39 

2U51 

2767 
2677 
2587 
2495 
2387 
2277 
2163 
2049 
1942 
I»15 
1713 
1587 
1474 
1358 
1236 
1114 

996 

882 

770 

664 

566 

4a> 

414 

353 

294 

239 

191 

152 

117 
88 
67 
48 
.38 
27 

20 
14 
10 

7 

4 
2 



5668 
5608 
5546 
5484 
5421 
5.356 
5289 
5222 
5153 
5085 
5016 
4948 
4880 
4812 
4744 
4677 
4609 
4542 
4474 
4401 
4329 
4257 
4185 
4112 
4041 

mi 

3901 
.3831 
3761 
3701 
3G40 
3579 
3519 
.'J458 
;i392 
3323 
3256 
3187 
3118 
.3049 
2982 
2912 
2840 

27(i2 

2677 

2586 

2495 

2405 

2310 

2-2IX) 

2086 

1983 

1875 

17.58 

1()42 

1530 

1420 

13(J0 

1182 

1061 
940 
832 
723 
619 
5.35 
460 
390 
323 
262 
211 
168 
1.32 
!)7 
71 
54 
40 
.32 
24 
18 
12 



General 
Table : 
Town and 
Country ; 
Men and 
AVomen. 



55,570 
55,087 
54,575 
54,030 
53,450 
.52,810 
52,172 
51,465 
50,732 
49,995 
49,298 
48,602 
47,965 
47,350 
46,758 
46,1/0 
45,584 
44,996 
44,409 
43,823 
43,2.36 
42,650 
42,064 
41,476 
40,889 
40,.300 

3.'»,(;!i7 
39,io(; 

.38,504 

■37,900 

37,295 

3(),690 

.36,084 

35.477 

34.789 

.•U,153 

a3,418 

.32.676 

.31,9.30 

31,179 

3f),42i 

29,656 

28,875 

28,081 

27,242 

26,.356 

25,423 

24,465 

23,478 

22,462 

21,362 

20,263 

19,219 

18,175 

17,017 

15,860 

14,749 

13,638 

12,461 

11,273 

10,120 

9014 

7910 

68.53 

5867 

5031 

4299 

3627 

3016 

2464 

1989 

158^ 

12X3 

'.m 

6*2 
510 
387 
282 
2(»7 
1.53 
105 



7 
4 


67 


39 


2 


20 




10 




■ 5 




2 








An inspection of tliis tabic shows that the probable 
value or duration of life after birth is in general about 
25 years, that is to say, that at the age of 25, the 
number of children born at the same time is reduced 
to one-half. Keeping in view the distinction of the 
sexes, Ave find that the probable life of girls (filles, 
unmarried females) is longer than that of boys (un- 
married males) ; in fact, it is 27 years in the country, 
and more tlian 28 in cities, whilst for unmarried males 
it is less than 24 years in the country, and less than 
21 in cities. 

Towards the age of five years, the chances of pro- 
longed life are the greatest, whatever be the sex or 
place of abode ; at this epocli, the probable duration 
of life of women in city, and men in the country, is 
50 years, and of 48 years for Avomen in the country 
and men in the city. ' ' 

This age of five years, Avhen the more urgent dan- 
gers of infancy have ceased, is very remarkable in the 
natural history of man : in proportion as we recede 
from it, the probable duration of life becomes sliorter 
and shorter ; thus, at the age of 40, it is only 27 years 
for the inhabitants of the country, and for Avomen in- 
habiting towns, and of 25 years only for men inha- 
biting tOAvns ; for tiiose Avho haA-e reached 60 years, 
the probable duration of life is from 12 to 13 A^earsj 
and Avith the octogenarian it is reduced to four years! 
In general, the mortality is greater for man inha- 
biting t0A\Tis, oAving, Avithout doubt, to the irregu- 
larities and excesses to Avhich he is exposed. 

The value, then, of the average life in Belgium is 
32-15 years; for men inhabiting cities, 29-24, and for 
the male agricultural population, 31-97; for women 
inhabiting cities, 33-28, and 32-95 in the country. 
According to Mr Eickman's last Avork, the average 
life in England Avould be 33 years, 32 for the men 
and 34 for the Avomen.* In France, it is estimated 
at 32-2, calculated from the numbers of birtlis. f 
Finally, these calculations presume the population to 
be stationary, and Ave shall afterAvards have occasion 
to see that they lead to serious errors. 

I shall next make a more attentive examination of 
the different critical periods of man and woman, as 
well as of the degrees of duration of life (viability, 
existibiliti/) at different ages. 

What first occupies our attention, is tlie great mor- 
tality of children after birth : to have an accurate idea 
of this, it is sufficient to consider that, in toAvn as well 
as country, four times as many children die Avithin 
the first month after birtli as in the second ; and 
almost as many as during the second and third years, 
although tlie mortahty then is very great. Indeed' 
the table of mortahty shows, that one-tenth die Avithin 
the first month after birth. TJiis number is equal 
to tlie aggregate number of deaths of tlie survivors 
between 7 and 24 years of age, or betAveen 24 and 40 
years ; or, still further, it is equal to the number of 
surA-ivors Avho reach the age of 76 years. MM. 
Milne Edwards and Villerme have made some inte- 
resting researches on the mortality of new-born chil- 
dren ; Toaldo, in Italy, attributes it chiefly to the 
custom of taking the infants to church immediately 
after birth, Avhere they often endure the severest cold, 
and are exposed naked to the waters of baptism. 

The mortality is so great, especially for male chil- 
dren, that, from the first year after bu-th, the number 
is already reduced one-fourth. The loss of boys in 
toAvns is such, that at tlie fifth year, out of 10,000, there 
are only 5738 remaining. 

The age of five years is very remarkable, because 
the mortahty, wliicli until that time is very great, is 
suddenly reduced, and becomes extremely small until 
the age of puberty. At tlie age of fiA-e years, the 
probability of hfe attains its maximum, that is to say, 
man may reckon upon a longer existence. 

The epoch Avhich precedes puberty, and Avhicli 
* Preface to tbe Abstract, &c., p. 46. 
+ Anniiaire du Bureau des Longitudes for 1H.34, p. 102. 



32 



ON MAN. 



commences at 13 in town and 14 in tlie country, 
is equally deserving of attention : it also presents a 
maximum of a peculiar kind — it might be called the 
maximum of viability ; it is the period when man can 
most depend upon his actual existence, and when he 
can wager with most probability that he will not die 
the moment after. 

After the age of puberty, the mortality becomes 
greater, especially among women : tliis increase is 
even perceptible among women in the country. 

Towards the age of 24, there is a peculiar circimi- 
stance connected with men ; namely, a maximum 
which is not observed in the curve of the mortality 
of women. (See the table of curves at the end of the 
volume). The period of this maximum coincides with 
that when man shows the greatest inclination to 
crime;* it is the stormy age of passion, which occu- 
pies a most conspicuous place in the moral life of man. 
The mortality afterwards diminishes insensibly, and 
reaches for men in town and covmtry a new minimum 
about the age of 30. 

The reason why these periods of maximum and 
minimum are not observed in the curve of female 
mortahty, proceeds undoubtedly from the circum- 
stance, that the effect which the development of the 
passions in woman might have over the deaths is 
combined with the effect resulting from the dangers 
of childbearing ; for, after the age of 24 years, the 
deaths of women continue to increase, and, taken from 
28 to 45 years, exceed the number of deaths of men. 
The difference is very apparent between 30 and 40 
years.f 

From 60 to 6.5 j^ears, also a remarkable period, 
viability loses much of its energy, that is to say, the 
probability of life becomes very small. 

Lastly, the length of one century appears to be the 
limit of man's existence. Very few exceed this bound. 
On the 1st of January 1831, of sixteen centenarians 
found in Belgium, fourteen of them lived in the three 
provinces of Hainault, Namur, and Luxembourg. Lim- 
bourg and Eastern Flanders had each one, and none 
were found in the provinces of Brabant, Anvers, 
Western Flanders, and Liege. The three oldest in- 
dividuals were 104, 110, and 111 years— they belonged 
to the province of Luxembourg ; the others did not 
exceed 102 years. 

Of the sixteen centenarians, nine belonged to the 
male sex ; none of them liad been soldiers : it is re- 
markable that all these persons had been, or still were 
married, and generally were living in very ordinary cir- 
cumstances. It is generally thought that the greater 
number of centenarians are males, although the ave- 
rage life of females is longer. 

A German physiologist, M. Biu'dach, has pubhshed 
some very singular approximative comparisons of 
human mortality and the periods of human life. J This 
philosopher divides hfe into 10 periods of 400 weeks 
each ; and thus makes an age of the first dentition, of 
adolescence, of youth, &c. ; in the first period is found 
a secondary one of 40 weeks, the age of lactation. 

To complete the documents relative to mortality 
at different ages, it would be necessary to consider 
the dangers to which man is exposed every moment. 
Indeed, when we say that the infant at birth has a 
probable life of 25 years, we know nothing of the 
dangers to which he may be exposed durmg this 
period. It is for the purpose of considering these 
dangers that I have constructed the following table, 
which points out the actual degree of mortality of 



* Recherchcs sur le Penchant au Crime au.\ differens Ages. 
See also the third book of this work. 

t It haa long been thought that the time of cessation of the 
monthly period was more fatal to women than the other periods 
of life. M. Benoiston de Chateaimeuf has shown that this opi- 
nion is groimdless, in a Memolre sur la MorlaliU cles Femines de 
rAgedei0d50Aiis. Paris: 1822. 

t Die Zeitrecbnnng des Menschliehcn-rebens. Licpsic : 1820. 



each age, that is to say, the probability of dying 
within a very limited period. This table is calcu- 
lated from the one on mortality : the inverse ratio 
of each number, placed opposite, may be considered 
as the relative degree of the duration of the life of 
man at different ages, or the relative probability of 
living : — 



Age. 


Degrees. 


Age. 


Degrees. 


< 


1 


! 


1 




of 


of 




of 


of 




Mortality. 


Viability. 




Mortality. 


Viability. 


1 month, 


960 


1 


23 


12 


85 


2 •• 


273 


4 


24 


12 


82 


3 •• 


200 


5 


25 


12 


83 


4 ■• 


168 


6 


30 


11 


95 


5 


135 


7 


35 


11 


90 


6 •• 


127 


8 


40 


12 


83 


1 year. 


115 


9 


45 


13 


77 





77 


13 


50 


15 


67 


3 ■• 


60 


17 


55 


20 


50 


4 •• 


27 


37 


60 


27 


37 


5 ■• 


21 


48 


65 


39 


26. 


6 •• 


15 


67 


70 


57 


18 


7 •• 


12 


83 


75 


187 


11 


8 •• 


10 


100 


80 


29 


8 


10 ■• 


8 


131 


85 


174 


6 


14 ■• 


6 


161 


90 


250 


4 


15 •• 


7 


155 


95 


283 


3 


20 •• 


10 


100 


100 


4217 


2 



I have endeavoured to render these numbers sen- 
sible to the eye by the construction of a curve abode. 
(See Plate 2, placed at the end of the volume). The 
greater or less divergence from the axis A B, indicates 
the greater or less degree of viability. Thus we see 
that, about the age of 14, viability is greatest : it after- 
wards presents an anomaly between the 15th and 
30th years. This curve lias been constructed for men 
and women mdiscriminately : the dotted line serves 
for females. Its form is more regular than that of 
males alone : it descends in a continuous manner from 
the point m, which corresponds to the 13th year, to 
the point 7i, corresponding to the 50th, where it is 
confounded with the other curve. We see that viabi- 
lity after puberty dimmishes more rapidly in females 
than males ; it is also less during the time of child- 
bearing, from the 27th to the 45th year, but greatest 
at the age of the passions, about the 24th year. The 
curve of viability has a striking similarity to that of 
the propensity to crune, and a still greater similarity 
to that showing the development of the physical 
powers. 

The age of shortest viability would be then imme- 
diately after birth, and the age of longest viability 
immediately before puberty : the viability of the child 
after the first month of life is gi'eater than that of the 
man near 100 years old. 

Towards the 75 th year, it is scarcely greater than 
for the infant about the sixth month after birth. 

We shall add to what has already been said, the 
law of the duration of diseases, expressed in weeks 
and fractions of a week, as M. VUlerme has given it 
in the Annalcs d'Hi/giene for January 1830, according 
to the documents of the philanthropic Highland So- 
ciety of Scotland. 



Age. 


Weeks of sickness 


Age. 


Weeks of sickness 


for one Person. 


for one Person. 


21st year, 


•■ 0-575 


65th year, 


- 1-821 


25th • • 


0-585 


57th • • 


2-018 


30th • • 


- 0-621 


60th • • 


- 2-246 


35th •• 


0-6/5 


63d •• 


3100 


40th .. 


- 0-758 


65th . • 


- 4-400 


45th .. 


0-962 


67th •• 


6-000 


50th .. 


- 1-361 


70th .. 


- - 10-701 



The committee of the Scotch Society which has 
collected these data, thinks that below the age of 20 
the average annual duration of diseases ought to be 
estimated at three days, or nearly ; and above 70 



ON MAN. 



S3 



years, also, for the working class, about 4 montlis, or 
16i weeks. These researches coincide very well with 
the measures of viabilit}' given above. 

M. Villerme has also been investigating the law of 
mortality of each age during epidemics,* and he has 
been led to conclude that it seems to agree Avith the 
general law of mortality according to age, that is to 
say, that those who, all things being equal, have the 
least probability of life, are those who fall most readily, 
■when attacked by epidemics : f thus, one epidemic 
attacks more particularly children, another old per- 
sons. Well, of an equal number of diseases at each 
age, the mortality of children is greater the younger 
they are, and when old persons are attacked, the 
older they are. 

This observation is confirmed by the researches of 
DuviUard on death caused by the small-pox ; by those 
which have been collected after the sweating miliary 
fever, which was epidemic in 1821 in the department 
of Oise ; and by several others quoted by M. Villerme. 

" According to the unanimous accounts from diffe- 
rent parts of Germany," says this philosopher, " ac- 
counts which fully confirm the official report on the 
ravages of cholera-morbus in the city of Paris and 
department of the Seine, the children rmder four 
or five years, and the old persons of advanced age, 
attacked by this malady, almost always die, wliilst 
young people less frequently fall under it. 

Indeed, some researches Avhich I have made on the 
influence of marshes, show that the same circimistance 
attends the fevers or epidemic maladies resulting from 
them (marshes) ; for of an equal number of sick per- 
sons, more young children died than of all the others, 
and after these the old persons. 

The influenza, or catarrhal fever, Avhich prevailed 
through a great part of France during the spring and 
summer of 1831, and which especially attacked adults 
and old persons, at least in Paris, has principally been 
fatal to the latter Avlien very old. 

All these facts concerning diseases so different, 
render it extremely probable that the mortality occa- 
sioned by epidemics commonly follows, as has been 
already stated, for the sick persons Avho are attacked 
by them, the general law of the mortality according 
to age. 

Hence the inference, that epidemics which attack 
the two extremes of Ufe, are, every tiring considered, 
the most fatal and deadly." 

4. Influence of Years. 

It has been observed that the annual number of 
deaths may, in certain circumstances, be considerably 
modified by scarcity, wars, and other scourges. 

The influence of famine had been confirmed long 
ago; nevertheless, an English statistician, Mr Sad- 
ler, recently thought he perceived in the relative 
numbers of England almost the opposite of what his 
predecessors found. Similar discordances between 
the results of observers have often been quoted by 
superficial persons to establish the small importance 
of statistical inquiries, instead of seeMng for the true 
cause of them. 

Now, to explain the difficulty which here presents 
itself, it is necessary to observe, in the first place, that 
mortality does not increase just at the moment when 
bread becomes dearer — the excess of mortality is only 
induced by the diseases and privations which poor 
people are obliged to endure at periods of distress ; so 
that, diu-ing the greater part of the time, the influence 
of the scourge on the registers of mortality only be- 
comes visible several months, and sometimes a year, 
after its commencement. The consequences, more- 
over, do not stop suddenly : the price of bread may 

* An. d'Hygifene, Janv. 1833, p. 31. 

t [Typhus fever, which occasionally spreads epidemically, 
seems to form an exception to this law.] 



have resumed its ordinary course, or even become 
lower, and yet the excess of deaths may be stiU very 
sensible. 

AVe sliould be wrong in admitting, also, that the 
smallest fluctuations ki the prices of bread ought 
proportionally to show themselves in the number of 
deaths : in the midst of so many causes modifying 
mortality, a single one, in order to leave manifest 
traces, must be strongly marked. We must not, then, 
ascribe, as Mr Sadler has done, the same importance 
to every year from the time that the price of grain 
had somewhat exceeded the average— we must keep 
to those years in which there was a positive scarcity; 
and, above all, we must not suppose the mortality 
to proceed equall}^ with the price of provisions. An 
examination of the tables showing the movement of 
the popiilation in Belgium from 1815 to 1826 inclu- 
sive, will point this out. We may there observe, that 
the price of wheat and rj'e reached their maximum 
in 1816 ; but the effects of the scarcity over the deaths 
and births became apparent only the year following. 
Were we to follo\v Mr Sadler's plan, the calamitous 
year of 1816 would be arranged among the happy 
ones, since, comparatively to the other years, there 
were fcAver deaths. To proceed as Mr Sadler has 
done, we ought to compare the deaths of the four 
years from 1815 to 1818, during which the prices of 
grain exceeded the average, with those of the four 
following years, and Are have as a medium of each 
period — 



Average of Deaths — 
In To^vn. In Country. 



Tcirs of famine, - 
plenty, 



50,186 
- 51,015 



91,501 
95,222 



Observe how this conclusive table would lead to re- 
sults entirely opposed to those we have obtained. 

We cannot be too much on our guard against con- 
clusions drawn from statistical documents, and espe- 
cially against the methods of reasoning which may 
be employed. The greatest sagacity is necessary to 
distinguish the degree of importance to be attached 
to each influencing element; and we have frequent 
proofs that even clever men have been led into ab- 
surdities by ascribing to certain causes influences pro- 
duced by other causes which they had neglected to 
take into consideration. 

The fatal influence of the years 1816 and 1817 
shows itself not only in the general results of deaths 
for all Belgium, but also, as has been remarked,* in 
the particular resiilts in the foundling hospitals, and 
in houses of refuge. This may be judged of by the 
following numbers : — 



Years. 



1815, - 
1816, 
1817, - 
1818, 
1819, - 



Foundling Hospitals. 



Population. Deaths. 



10,739 
11,176 
11,829 
12,813 
13,248 



1,597 
1,459 
1,793 
1,290 
1,346 



Mendicity 

Houses : 

Inhabitants to 

one Death. 



8'25 
1015 
5-49 
6 79 
9-29 



We ought to attribute this greater mortality to the 
individuals admitted into the hospitals and mendicity 
houses having been already sufferers from the famine, 
and not to the privations which they had to undergo 
in these establishments. The number of admissions 
of foundlings, which, one year with another, never ex- 
ceeded .3000, reached to 3945 in 1817: it is this which 
has rendered the mortality greater, because the in- 

* Page 35 of Recherches sur la Poptilation, les Naissances, <feo., 
dans le Royaume des Pays Bas. See also, on the Mortality of 1817f 
the Statistiaue Nationale of M. Ed. Smita, 



34 



ON MAN. 



fants exposed at this critical time had within tliem 
the germs of death already.* 

Another observation whicli may he made on the 
preceding numbers, is the dreadful mortality of men- 
dicity houses, which was about 4 or 5 times as gi-eat 
as in the least healtliy provinces of Belgium : we may 
say the same for the houses for foundlings. This 
confirms the very judicious remarks which have been 
made by MM. Villerme and Benoiston de Chateauneuf, 
in the Armales d Hygiene, on tiie unequal mortaUty 
of the rich and poor. The deaths in the prisons of 
Belgium were incomparably less numerous than in 
the houses of mendicity. At Vilvorde, in 1824, 1825, 
and 1826, there was 1 to 28 inhabitants; at Saint- 
Bernard, 1 to 22 in the year 1826 ; and at Ghent, about 
the same period, 1 to 44 only : this ratio is somewhat 
less than that for the whole kingdom. We ought to 
make a distinction between the prisons and houses of 
mendicity, because the individuals who enter these 
latter establishments rarely make a stay of 7 or 8 
months, and generally arrive there, as has been 
already stated, with a constitution undermined by 
privation and disease; on the contrary, those who 
enter prison after having undergone sentence, ai'e 
generally in a less unfavourable state of health, and 
the a^'erage duration of their confinement is not less 
than 5 years, f 

In investigating the influence of j'ears of peace or 



war, it seems to me that in general the same degree 
of confusion has been made. A country in time of 
war suffers, indeed, because its male population f\ills, 
on the one hand, either in engagements, or in conse- 
quence of fatigue and privation ; and, on the other hand, 
the chances of reproduction become fewer ; the coun- 
try, moreover, siifFers, because its industry and acti- 
vity are impeded, or because importations of all kinds, 
especially of grain, are diminished: but a nation might 
be engaged in war without any of these causes under- 
going a very sensible alteration. It would be then 
deceptive to look for the effects of it in the tables of 
mortality. It is in this manner that Mr Sadler* also 
denies the influence of years of war, when making 
use of English da,ta ; and without inquiring Avhether 
tlie means of subsistence, the imports, and tlie ex- 
ports, had undergone any change, or whether the 
nation had been deprived of a i^art of the male popu- 
lation more than at another time. I think that we 
might more accurately appreciate this influence in 
sucli a country as Holland or Belgium, several pro- 
vinces of which have a great maritime trade, and the 
ports of which have long been closed. Thus I sliall 
collect the numbers given during the two decennial 
periods which have preceded and followed 1814: the 
one includes the years from 1804 to 181.3 inclusive, and 
we shall take it as a period of war ; the other extends 
from 1815 to 1824, and forms a time of peace :t — 





Deaths. 


Births. 


Marriages. | 


Provinces. 














1st Period. 


2d Period. 


1st Period. 


2d Period. 


1st Period. 


2d Period. 


Brabant, Nortliein, - 


75,771 


69,507 


89,488 


]00,8';3 


21,210 


20,300 


Southern, 


1:8,3.%' 


119,109 


145,255 


169,181 


30,862 


36,423 


Limbourg, 


75,679 


70,.549 


91,. 397 


101,781 


20,453 


22,960 


Gueldres, - 


53,764 


59,818 


67,300 


90,862 


15,627 


19,337 


Liege, - . . . 


74,683 


82,698 


102,949 


113,633 


22,671 


24,387 


Flanders, East, - 


169,966 


162,834 


207,334 


218,830 


42,549 


43,120 


West, 


144,726 


141,310 


179,099 


191,1.39 


37,668 


.37,882 


Hainault, - . . 


110,344 


118,289 


158,762 


183,198 


37,093 


39,591 


Holland, Northern, 


143,1(18 


121,735 


132,275 


145,744 


33,.533 


34,789 


Southern, 


1.3'J,457 


123,850 


135,703 


165,741 


32,498 


.34,942 


Zealand, - - - . 


46,237 


42,436 


45,805 


55,331 


10,731 


10,645 


Namur, 


30,519 


34,134 


48,557 


.58,690 


11,40!) 


12,592 


Antwerp, 


({7,126 


70,623 


96,058 


101,471 


21,579 


23,075 


Utrecht, 


31,150 


29,.')28 


36.0.J5 


41,03i! 


8.674 


8,982 


Friesland, ... 


45,387 


38,219 


49,354 


65, Wi5 


14.186 


15,327 


Overyssel, - 


.3I,4a3 


37,479 


43,114 


51,951 


9,960 


11,629 


Groningen, ... 


.37,026 


30„5.39 


41,592 


51,673 


11,940 


11,492 


Drenthe, 


9,418 


9,859 


13,254 


16,723 


3,691 


3,954 


Luxembourg, ... 


66,406 


58,695 


91,809 


92,242 


20,412 


18,740 


Total, 


1,487,606 


1,421,600 


1,765,179 


2,015,646 


406,743 


430,247 



* Gioja, in his Filosqfia deUa Statislica, has taken the same 
years, 1815, 1816, and 1817, as examples of the influence of famine 
on mortality. The following are the results at which he has 
arrived ; they do not require any comment : — 
Number of Children exposed at the Luogopio de Sainte-Catherine, 

at Milan, and of the sick persons in the large hospital of that 

city. 









rn 




■« 






ce 


i-i o (1 


g 


n, i- 




o 
















Years. 


s « s 


(2 
1 


lit 


o '2 S 

o 


ill 


1815, 


2280 


1750 


17,974 


14,010 


59 liv. 


25 \i\: 


1816, 


2625 


(from 1818 


20,993 


(from 1818 


75 .. 


(from 1818 


1817, 


3082 


to 1825). 


23,350 


to 1825). 


63 .. 


to l!^25^ 



Mortality in the private houses and hospitals of Milan. 





<u 




. 




0) 


















Years. 




m 


Ill 


3 M .a 


*o5 

1° 


c S a 


181.5, 


3n24 


X'M 


arm 


2028 


(;304 


5333 


1816, 


39(K 


(from 1818 


.3085 


(from 1818 


7051 


(from 1818 


1817, 


3806 


to 1825). 


4620 


to 1825). 


8426 


to 1825). 



t Annales d'llygifene. 



This table shows us at first that in all the pro- 
vinces, without exception, the muuber of births has 
been greater during the decennial period of peace than 
during that of war ; the number of deaths, on the 
contrary, has been smaUer, except in some provinces 
in the interior, such as Gueldres, Overyssel, Drenthe, 
Brabant (Southern), Hainault, Liege, and Namur; yet 
the difference in several of them may be owing to the 
increase of population, and it must be observed that 
these provinces are chiefly agricultural, and that 
Hainault, Namur, and Liege, were actively engaged in 
tlie clearing of lands and toil of arms. Tlie number 
of marriages has varied very little durmg the two 
periods. 

The provinces wliicli have very sensibly sufieredby 
mortality were those especially which are maritime, 
and whose ports were closed for a considerable time. 
Thus the two J loUands and Zealand had more deatlis 
than birtlis. This state of things ceased at the peace. 
It seems to me that the results contained in this table 

* [Mr Sadler seems to liave been anxious to maintain the 
accur.icy of the old saw, " few die of want, thousands of sur- 
feit." Like most ancient adages, the truth will be found by as 
near as may be reversing it.] 

t See, on the influence of the wars of the French Empire, the 
observations of M. F. D'lvernois, the results of which liave been 
given at page 2.3. 



ON MAN. 



35 



are as conclusive as can he desired, and show to Avliat 
extent wars influence mortalitj', by impeding the acti- 
vity of the people and injuring their industry. 

We may here find an apparent contradiction to 
what has been stated elsewhere. I have observed that 
the deaths generally, in becoming more numerous, 
likewise increase the number of marriages and births ; 
but the obstacle to the multiplication of marriages 
was that very state of war, the influence of which I 
have just been showing — a state which removed the 
major part of the young men from society/. Never- 
theless, we observe that the number of marriages has 
been almost the same during the two periods ; and I 
find a new confirmation of my conjectures. The great 
mortality ought to have shortened the duration of 
marriages, and brought on more marriages of second 
and third unions, which have, by that cause, been less 
fruitful, and produced fewer births. I particularly 
insist on this fact, whi''h appears to me very remark- 
able, namelj% that the fecundity of marriages has been 
incomparably less during the first period. 

Remarks somewhat similar sliovdd be made for the 
influence of years of famine. Here the contradiction 
appears greater. A great mmiber of deaths has fre- 
quently been accompanied by fewer marriages ; this 
was owing to tlie want which momentarily induced 
the death exciting a fear to undertake new establish- 
ments, so that persons did not pass rapidly from the 
state of widowhood. What has been observed con- 
cerning the deaths, whicli, by multiplying, multiply 
the man-iages and births, ought only then to be gene- 
rally understood for those countries whicli are not 
imder the influence of accidental causes, such as Avars, 
epidemics, famines, &c. 

5. Influence of Seasons.* 
The number of deaths, like that of births, under- 
goes A'ery sensible variations according to the ditferent 
months of the year. Numerous researches have al- 
ready been presented on this subject, and it has been 
acknowledged that, in our climate, the rigours of 
Avinter are in general mortal to the human species.f 
The following table, prepared from the documents of 
Belgium, and according to the same principles as that 
Avhich has been given for births, Avill present a first 
example of the influence of seasons on mortality: — 



months : 


Deaths. 


Ratio. 


1815 to 182G. 


To^vn. 


Country. 


Town. 


Country. 


.January, - 


59,892 


116,129 


1-1.58 


1-212 


February, 


56,267 


114,758 


1'088 


1-198 


March, 


54,277 


114,244 


1-050 


1-192 


April, - 


51,818 


107,264 


1-002 


1-120 


IMay, - 


48,911 


93,714 


0-946 


0-978 


•fune. 


46,6(17 


84,464 


0-901 


0-882 


July, - 


45,212 


77,5.55 


0-874 


0-809 


August, - 


47,032 


78,8(t2 


0-910 


0-822 


September, 


50,191 


85.131 


0-971 


0-888 


October, 


51,649 


89,514 


0-999 


0-934 


November, 


52,908 


89,585 


1-024 


0-935 


Pecember, - 


.55,631 ■ 


98,705 


1076 


1-030 


Average, 


51,700 


95,822 


1-000 


1-000 



* The"gi-eater part of -what follo-ws has been extracted from a 
memoir Siir rh\fucnce cUs Saisons et clcs Apes sur la Mortality, 
which I presented to the Royal Academy of Sciences of the Insti- 
tute in 1833. I had .already published some observations on this 
subject in the first volumes of my Correspondance Maihematiquc 
el Physique. 

t [Another old saw, and as like the preceding as possible in 
its almost inconceivable want of any foundation in truth, was, 
that " an open winter, or a gi-eeu C'liristmas, make a fat church- 
yard : " like the former sa^msupported by Mr Sadler, it may 
readily be shown that a precisely reverse statement -ivill approach 
tlie truth as near as possible : this had been long suspected by 
Dr Heberden. In the climate and locality of Edinburgh, for ex- 
ample, the first setting-in of frost is annually accompanied by a 
great increase of mortality ; it also aggravates both the number 
of cases of typhus fever and the deaths therefrom, occasionally 
to an alarming extent.] 



Let us here again remark that the influence of the 
seasons is more evident in the country than in town, 
where there is a greater combination of means to 
Avithstand the inequality of temperatures. 

The terms of maximum and minimum do not take 
place at the same time in all climates ; in some, they 
even appear to have been shifted by civilisation, which 
has caused local causes of epidemics to disappear. 
These epidemics were especially caused by high tem- 
peratures in marshy places or the interior of cities. 
M. Villerme has jjointed out a very striking example 
for the city of Paris {An. d' Hygiene), in the following 
table of the months, arranged in the order of the de- 
creasing mnriber of deaths of an average day: — 



.§5 

0) .a 3 


ears up to 1722, 
uding the 13th 
the preceding 
Column. 


2 o 


h 

u a 

2"" 


s . 


lii 
g.S c 

S§-2 


i 

Q) O 

Si 




'"2 — 


(H 


tx 


!^ 


03 a '^ 


<u '■' 




o.S ° 


p 


^ 


g 


h|2 


H 


Sept. 


Feb. 


April. 


April. 


April. 


April. 


April. 


Dee. 


Sept. 


March. 


March. 


March. 


March. 


March. 


Jan. 


April. 


May. 


Feb. 


Feb. 


Feb. 


May. 


Nov. 


Jan. 


Feb. 


May. 


J.an. 


Jan. 


Jan. 


JIarch. 


March. 


Jan. 


Jan. 


May. 


May. 


Feb. 


May. 


May. 


Dec. 


Jime. 


Dec. 


Dec. 


June. 


A\ig. 


Oct. 


.Jime. 


Dee. 


June. 


June. 


Sept. 


Feb. 


Nov. 


Sept. 


Nov. 


Oct. 


Sept. 


Dec. 


Oct. 


Dec. 


Aug. 


Oct. 


Sept. 


Nov. 


Aug. 


April. 


Aug. 


Oct. 


Sept. 


Nov. 


Oct. 


Oct. 


June. 


.June. 


Nov. • 


July. 


July. 


Aug. 


Nov. 


July. 


July. 


July. 


Aug. 


Aug. 


July. 


Jvily. 



This table is foimded on tAvo millions of deaths : it 
resiflts from this (says M. Villerme), that from the pro- 
gressive dimintition of the epidemics Avhich so often 
desolated Paris formerly, at the end of summer, the 
annual period of the maximum of mortality in this city 
has been shifted. During the years of the 17th cen- 
tury of Avhich we have accoimts, this maximum took 
place in autumn, but now it is in spring. Formerly 
the minimum was observed at the beginning of sum- 
mer, but in the present age it is a little later. This 
proof of the ameliorations Avhich have been made in 
Paris, since the end of the reign of Louis XIV. (con- 
tinues ]\r. Villerme), either in the health}^ state of the 
city itself, or in the lot and condition of the inhabi- 
tants, is decisive; for we may affirm that the changes 
which we have just confirmed, belong, not to an in- 
crease of mortality during the season wliich at present 
gives the maximum, but to a diminution during the 
season Avhich formerly contained the greatest nimiber 
of deaths. 

M. Villerme makes the observation, that the epide- 
mics Avhich result from famine ahvays exercise their 
ravages at annual periods, Avhen food is most scarce, 
difficult to obtain, or the diseases Avhich induce pain- 
ful conditions of life, for a great number of men, are 
more numerous or much more aggravated ; and they 
cease after harvest, which brings back abmidance. 
For example, in the ancient kingdom of Holland and 
the Netherlands, at the end of the bad harvest of 
1816, the excess of deaths became very sensible dur- 
ing the foUoAving year, and particularly durmg the 
months which preceded the ncAv harvest. 

With respect to epidemics, independent of famine, 
they seem to be generally combined with summer 
or hot Aveather, and tlie first months of autumn, at 
least in our climate. This seems to be especiaUy the 
case from the researches of M. Friedlander for Lon- 
don, Dantzic, Malta, Lavalette, and Aleppo.* 

According to Wargentin, the maximum of morta- 
lity for Stockholm Avould take place in the month of 
August ; and according to M. Mourgue, it is the same 
for Montpellier. The displacement of the maximum 
in these cities may be owing to local causes. It ap- 
* Des Epidemics, &c., An. d'Hygii'ne, p. 27. 



36 



ON MAN. 



pears, at least in most European countries, that the 
maximum of deaths generally takes place at the end of 
winter, and the minimum about the middle of summer. 

But this observation was so complex that we sought 
to analyse the particular facts which it sums up. It 
was interesting to see if the rigours of winter were 
equally fatal at aU ages, and if the maxima and 
minima of deaths invariably took place in the same 
months, at ditFerent periods of life, or whether they 
varied according to these periods. 

I have examined this thorny question vnih care, 
notwithstanding the long and irksome calculations 
which I was obliged to undertake. To perfect my 
researches as mucli as possible, I have taken into ac- 
count town or country residence, and the distinction 
of sexes, so that the tables which I have formed are 
at the same time tables of mortaUty for the different 
months, for men and women, for town and country.* 
I do not think that this subject has ever been consi- 
dered in a sufficiently comprehensive manner ; there 
were, however, some special works, particidarly on 
the mortality of new-born children. ilM. VUlerme 
and Milne Edwards had observed that the mortality 
of new-born children increases during the heat of 
summer, and stUl more during the cold of winter ;f 
but their numbers, belonging to the three months 
which follow birth, do not establish distinctions for 
each particular month, nor for the more advanced 
months. 

According to the researches made in Belgium, the 
maximum of deaths in summer was not sensible dur- 
ing the first month after birth : but, setting out from 
this period, it takes place in August, and is most con- 
spicuous towards the middle of the first year; the 
two minima, wliich were confounded during the first 
month, afterwards diverge more and more until the 
fifth and sixth months, and are placed the on$ in 
April the other in iS'^ovember : they afterwards approxi- 
mate again, to be again confoimded, after the first year, 
and to form a single minimum in September. This 
singular result is found again when we consider the 
tables for the mortality of the sexes separately ; it is 
found again, in making the distinction of town and 
country ; but the maximum of summer is manifest 
in town from the first month after birth. 

^Vhen we consider the number of deaths which 
take place soon after birth, it becomes necessary to 
take into accoimt the excess of births which takes 



place after the winter: now, in taking an account 
of this excess, we find that it does not sensibly influ- 
ence the results previously announced. It is always 
correct, then, to say, that the greatest mortaUty, 
in the first year which succeeds birth, is observed 
during winter, that it diminishes in spring, increases 
a little durmg the heat of summer, and afterwards 
undergoes a new diminution on the near approach of 
winter ; so that a mUd temperature is most fitly 
adapted to tender infancy, whUe excess of heat and 
excess of cold are prejudicial to it, either because 
tliese excesses directly influence an organisation which 
is stiU very delicate, or because they act through the 
intermediiun of the mother who supports it. 

After the first year, the mortality of children is 
entirely altered ; we only observe one maximum and 
one minimum ; the maximum appears after winter, 
and the minimum in simimer. From the age of eight 
to twelve, these terms are sUghtly altered, and advance 
in the order of the months, untU near the epoch of 
puberty, in such a manner that the maximum of deaths 
is observed in May and the minimum in October. 
Near puberty, the maximmn recedes imtil the 25 th 
year, and is invariably placed in the month of February, 
until the most remote age. As to the minimum, it 
does not again leave the month of October, but it 
establishes a second in the month of July, which re- 
mains there till the end of the mortal career ; so that 
between these two minima, placed three months dis- 
tant from each other, we observe a secondary maxi- 
mum, scarcely apparent indeed, during the month of 
September. 

Thus, when man and woman have attained their 
physical development (about the age of 25 years), 
they are like children during the first year, most 
subject to mortaUty after the heat of summer and 
the rigours of Avinter. 

The table which foUows will assist the reader to 
understand these results, and their numerical appre- 
ciation. It is well to be aware, that in the calcula- 
tions I have taken account of the unequal lengths of 
the months. On the other hand, that we may per- 
ceive at one glance the law of mortality with respect 
to seasons and ages, I have constructed a series of 
Unes, which, by their greater or less divergence from 
the horizontal line, indicate the greater or less diver- 
gence from the average mortaUty. (See the figured 
table, plate 1). 



Table Showing the Influence of Seasons and Age on Mortality. 



Ages. 


Jan. 


Feb. 


March. 


April. 


May. 


June. 


July. 


Aug. 


Sept. 


Oct. 


Nov. 


Dec. 


From to 1 month, 


1-39 


1-28 


1-21 


1-02 


0-93 


0-82 


0-78 


0-79 


0-86 


0-91 


0-93 


1-07 


- 1 to 3 „ 


1-39 


1-18 


M5 


0-95 


0-89 


0-fB 


0-a3 


0-94 


0-83 


0-92 


0-97 


113 


~ 3 to 6 ~ 


1-24 


1-06 


1-02 


0-90 


0-95 


0-95 


0-99 


1-og 


0-99 


0-94 


0-86 


1-02 


- 6 to 12 - 


128 


1-21 


1-27 


118 


1-06 


0-84 


076 


0-87 


0-81 


0-82 


0-8G 


1-03 


„ 12 to 18 ~ 


1-10 


Ml 


1-24 


1-30 


1-25 


1-03 


0-88 


0-81 


0-74 


0-77 


0-78 


0-.98 


- 18 to 24 „ 


1-23 


M8 


1-21 


118 


1-03 


0-84 


0-80 


0-7G 


0-75 


081 


1-01 


118 


— 2 to 3 years, 


1-22 


M3 


1-30 


1-27 


M2 


0-94 


0-82 


0-73 


0-76 


0-78 


0-91 


101 


- 3 to 5 - 


1-23 


M6 


1-26 


1-29 


113 


0-94 


0-78 


0-74 


0-73 


0-79 


0-89 


1-05 


- 5 to 8 ,- 


1-20 


1-17 


1-32 


1-24 


1-20 


0-96 


0-78 


0-74 


0-76 ■ 


0-75 


0*5 


1-02 


- 8 to 12 - 


1-08 


1-06 


1-27 


1-34 


1-21 


0-99 


0-88 


0-82 


0-81 


0-76 


0-80 


0-96 


- 12 to 16 ~ 


0-95 


0-95 


114 


M4 


M9 


104 


0-97 


0-95 


0-96 


81 


0-86 


1-04 


- 16 to 20 -, 


0-93 


0-94 


l-i)7 


118 


115 


103 


1-00 


0-99 


0-89 


0-87 


0-95 , 


1-01 


- 20 to 25 - 


0-97 


1-00 


I 09 


102 


109 


0-96 


0-90 


0-92 


0-96 


0-95 


1-03 


111 


-, 25 to 30 - 


105 


104 


Ml 


106 


1-02 


1-02 


0-91 


0-96 


0-95 


0-93 


0'97 


0-97 


„ 30 to 40 - 


Ml 


113 


Ml 


1-04 


0-99 


0-92 


0-85 


94 


0-99 


0-95 


0-94 


1-03 


- 40 to 50 „ 


M7 


115 


113 


1-05 


0-99 


0-86 


0-8G 


0-94 


0-93 


0-87 


0-95 


111 


- 50 to 65 - 


1-30 


1-22 


Ml 


1-02 


0-93 


0-85 


0-77 


0-85 


0-89 


0-90 


1-00 


1-15 


,. 65 to 75 ~ 


l-)3 


1-32 


M8 


0-99 


0-91 


0-77 


0-71 


0-80 


0-38 


0-86 


098 


M7 


- 75 to 90 - 


1-47 


1-39 


M6 


I -01 


0-87 


0-77 


0-67 


0-75 


0-84 


0-84 


1-00 


1-21 


— 90 & upwards, 


1-.58 


1-48 


1-25 


0-96 


0-84 


0-7o 


0-64 


0G6 


0-76 


0-74 


1-03 


1-29 


Average, - - 


1-26 


1-20 


M7 


108 


1-00 


0-88 


0-80 


0-84 


0-80 


0-86 


0-94 


109 



* These researches are founded on the official documents in- 
trusted to me bj' the Bureau de Statistique established by the 
minister of the interior. Tliey comprise about 400,000 of different 
ages, and apply to all Belgium for the years 1827 to 1831. How- 
ever, tlie occupation of Maestricht and Luxembourg, has left 
some vacancies ia the tables prepared for the eastern part of the 
kingdom. t Au. d'Hygi^ne, 1829. 



We may see, from the preceding table, that at no 
period of Ufe is the influence of the seasons on mor- 
tality more perceptible than in old age ; and at no age 
less than between 20 and 25, when the physical man, 
fuUy developed, enjoys the plenitude of his power. 

The absolute maxima and minima are very e^adent 
between 1 and 12 years, and after the age of 50, since 



ON MAN. 



37 



they afford numbers ■which, especially in the latter 
period, are as 1 to 2 and 2^. It is not so with the 
secondary maxima of summer : the numbers which 
they present differ so little from those of the minima 
between which they fall, that we may, for some pe- 
riods, attribute the difference to the almost inevitable 
errors in this species of observations, if they did not 
manifest themselves in the same manner for several 
successive years, and even in the partial tables, mak- 
ing a distinction of sexes. 

Now, if we establish this latter distinction, we shall 
find that, for the different epochs of life taken sepa- 
rately, the numbers minima and maxima, both abso- 
lute and secondary, fall almost exactly on the same 
months, and that their ratios have almost the same 
A'alues ; but it is not so with the absolute number of 
deaths for each sex. Thus, as we have already seen, 
during the first year after birth, more boys die than 
girls, and the ratio of deaths for the two sexes is 
almost the same for each month. Besides, we may 
judge better by comparmgthe deaths which have taken 
place at the same epochs and in the same localities. 
I am contented to compare the principal ages with 
each other, and I have assumed as imity the number 
of male deaths. 





.a 


. 


m 


^ 


i 




Months. 


§ 
















2 


O 




























■^ 


O 




■<r 


.January, 


75 


0-95 


1-32 


1-M 


0-83 


1-21 


February, 


0-70 


0-91 


1-42 


1-08 


0-83 


1-22 


March, - 


0-79 


090 


111 


M7 


0-78 


118 


April, - 


0-73 


094 


1-23 


1-18 


0-80 


1-21 


May, 


0-75 


0-96 


1-45 


0-97 


0-80 


1-30 


Juno, - 


067 


0-97 


1-28 


1-16 


0-73 


M8 


July, - 


0-70 


1-(10 


1-32 


1-08 


0-78 


1-17 . 


August, 


0-79 


0-92 


1-20 


0-98 


0-77 


1-08 


September, 


0-79 


09a 


1-31 


1-01 


0-73 


1(W 


October, 


0-67 


0-99 


1-22 


l-Ol 


0-68 


Ml 


November, 


0-76 


105 


1-20 


e-99 


0-64 


1-11 


December, 


076 


105 


l-2() 


&<X, 


0-64 


M8 



1-18 
1-30 
1-50 
1-44 
1-40 
1-20 
1-42 
1-08 
1-47 
1-50 
1-08 
1-48 



Li making the distinction of town and country, I 
have not found any essential difference in the results 
concerning the influence of seasons on mortidity. I 
was also equally occupied in investigating the influ- 
ence which the seasons might have on the number 
of still-born infants ; but the results which I have 
obtained have already been quoted at page 2.5. 

Since my first researches on the relations which 
exist at different ages, between the seasons and tlie 
mortality, a similar work, by M. Lombard of Geneva,* 
has appeared. I have had the satisfaction to see that 
the conclusions of this philosopher almost exactly coin- 
cide with my own ; although they only include 17,623 
deaths, it is easy to perceive that they establish 
nearly the same facts as those observed in Belgiiim. 
Some displacements of the maxima may proceed 
from the combined influence of different causes, 
which must nattxrally vary with the localities. Thus 
the tables of Geneva give for the first month after 
birth results conformable to those of Belgium, and we 
do not perceive any secondary maxinnun in summer, 
except for infants between one month and two years 
old — though this secondary maximiun is evidently 
later than in Belgium, and appears in the months of 
September and October. It is to be regretted that the 
numbers for Geneva do not make the distinction of 
children of early age, since their mortality differs so 
much, according to my observations. M. Lombard 
does not admit that this secondary maximum of 
deaths, which he finds in September and October, for 
children of one or two years old, may be caused by the 
continuance of heat, to which cause MM. Villerme and 
Edwards attribute it : he thinks that it might be attri- 

* De Ilnfluence des Saisons sur la Mortality a differens Ages. 



buted " to the difference of temperature betiveen day 
and night, which is never greater than at this time of 
the year." This difference, according to him, princi- 
pally affects the digestive tube, an organ which, in 
the child, is very hable to contract serious disease. 
The secondary maximum of September, for the most 
advanced years, which I also find in his numbers, still 
remains to be explained; moreover, the two causes 
assumed are both probable. 

6. Influence of the Hours or Time of Day. 

The different parts of the day (day and night) seem 
to exercise an uifluence over the number of deaths 
similar to that by the same cause over births ; but to 
arrive at satisfactory conclusions respecting this point, 
more numerous observations are required. The only 
data I have been able to obtain ai'e drawn from the 
records of the Hospital Saint-Pierre at Brussels for 
a period of 30 years :* — 

Hours. Deaths. 

After midnight, 12 to 6 o'clock, - - - 1397 
Before mid-day, 6 to 12 noon, ... - 1321 
After mid-day, 12 to 6 P.M., - - . - 1458 
Before midnight, 6 to 12, 1074 

5250 

The difference of day and night is not so well 
marked for the births ; and, contrary to what we ob- 
served in regard to the births, most deaths take place 
in the day time. The two first parts of the day pre- 
sent nearly the same number of deaths, the difference 
affecting chiefly the 6 hours following mid-day and the 
6 hours preceding midnight. 

The inquiries of Dr Buck of Hamburg do not 
agree so well with ours on this point as they did in 
regard to the births. The following table contains 
the results, as he has given them, the seasons having 
been taken into consideration, and their sum reduced 
to 1000. 



Deaths, t 


Winter. 


Spring. 


Summer. 


Autumn. 


Medium 

or 
Average. 


After midnight. 
Before noon, 
Afternoon, - - 
Before midnight. 


315 

243 
194 
248 


321 

260 
211 

207 


292 
236 
220 
252 


281 
220 

227 
272 


306 
242 
211 
241 



These numbers agree with the preceding only in 
this respect, that the number for the first part of the 
day exceeds that for the second. The ratio in respect 
to Hamburg is 548 to 4.52, and for Brussels 2718 to 
2532 ; and this is also what we observe with respect 
to births. But I repeat, in order to entitle them to 
confidence, these researches ought to be very consi- 
derably extended. 



CHAPTER VL 

ON THE INFLUENCE OF DISTURBING CAUSES ON THE NUMBER 
OF DEATHS. 

1. Influence of Professions, Degree of AflBuence, &c. 

It is scarcely possible, in the actual state of science, to 
determine precisely the different chances of mortaUty 
to which man is exposed in different social condi- 
tions : the elements which we have been able to coL 
lect, to determine this point, are at present too scanty; 
however, they enable us to prove that the influence of 
professions, for instance, may cause a considerable 
variation in the degree of mortality. It is the same 
with the affluence and mode of subsistence of a people. 
To obtain conclusive ideas on these important points, 
I am going to bring forward the principal results 
which have been arrived at. 

Statisticians at the present day appear to acknow- 

* For the details, see Correspondance Mathematique, 1827, vol. iii. 
page 42, and the Recherchcs sur la Reproduction, Sfc. 

t [Although the word Naissance is found here in the original 
work, it is quite evident that the author means Deces, or Deatlis.l 



38 



ON MAN. 



ledge that the chances of mortaUty are much more 
numerous in manufacturing than in agricultural coun- 
tries, and in the interior of cities than in the middle 
of the country. We have already had several proofs 
in Avhat has gone before, and Ave can produce some 
fresh ones— I do not say for toAvn and comitry, for Ave 
have seen that the difference of mortality is too appa- 
rent to require us to return to it again — but for manu- 
facturing provinces. 

Jfvre first look at England, Ave shall there find very 
evident differences betAveen the manufacturing and 
agricultiu-al provinces. The foUoAving are some re- 
sults Avhich have been communicated to me by M. 
VUlerme, Avho has deduced them from the ncAv docu- 
ments pubhshed in England by Mr Rickman, for the 
years 1813 to 1830 inclusive: — 



In the whole of the agricultu- i 
ral districts, . - - ) 

In the whole of the districts ^ 
partlyagriculturaland partly r 
manufacturing, - - 3 

In the whole of the manufac- | 
luring districts, - - ' 



Of 10,000 Deaths which have 
taken place 



From Birth to 
the most ad- 
vanced Age, 
before the Age 
of 10 Years had 
been com- 
pleted, there 



3,50J 
3,828 
4,355 



From the Age 
of 10 Years to 
the greatest 
degree of lon- 
gevity, from 
the 10th to 
the 40th, there 
were — 



3,142 
3,310 
3,7^7 



We here see very evidently that aU the advantages 
are on the side of the agricultural districts. 

In the Netherlands, the most agricultural province is 
Gueldres : tlie mortality there is only 1 in 537 indi- 
viduals, Avhilst in the commercial provinces of Hol- 
land it is 1 in 35. 

In Belgium, the provmces generally displaying the 
fcAvest deaths are those of Luxembovirg, Namur, and 
Hainault ; these are also essentiaUy agricultm-al pro- 
vinces, although the tAvo latter have some manufac- 
turing toAvns. 

France presents similar results, but Avhich will appear 
less conclusive, because the departments most exposed 
to mortality are certainly the manufacturing depart- 
ments in general; but since these are also those Avhich 
include the greatest cities in the kingdom, Ave cannot 
exactly discern Avhether it is reaUy the professions of 
the inhabitants or their dense croAvding Avhich causes 
the excess of mortahty. 

It would appear evident that the most favourable 
state for man is a regular life, Avhich produces a suffi- 
ciency for his Avants, and which is not agitated by the 
passions or irregularities of town life. In the agri- 
cultural state, man generally attains a state of com- 
parative affluence: he does not undergo, as in the 
manufacturing districts, the alternate changes of su- 
perfluity and Avant — he is less acquainted with these 
tAvo extremes Avhich subject him to privations or 
drive him to excesses. 

Misery, Avith the privations Avhich it brings in its 
train, is one of the most poAverful causes of mortahty. 
Several statisticians haA'e endeavoured to demonstrate 
this obserA\ation ; and again, very recently, M. Benois- 
ton de Chateauneuf has given a ncAv confirmation of 
it in a paper entitled "On the Dm-ation of Life in the 
Rich and in the Poor."* The author, to Avhom Ave 
are indebted for a valuable collection of researches on 
the mortahty of man in his different social conditions, 
has made, on the one hand, an abstract of the deaths 
of 1600 persons of the highest rank, among Avhich are 
157 sovereigns or princes; on the other hand, he has 
taken from the civil registers of the state the deaths 
of 2000 persons in the l'2th arrondissement of Paris, 
* Sec the Monitcur for 3Iay 11, lai'J. 



Avhich contains a population of Avorkmen of all kind^, 
ragmen, sAveepers, delvers, day-labourers, &c., a class 
subjected to pain, anxiety, and hard labour, who live 
in Avant, and die in hospitals. These researches, 
Avhich bring together the extremes of wealth and po- 
verty, have given the folloAving results : — 



Age. 



25 to 30 years, 

30 to 35 „ 

35 to 40 -, 

40 to 45 „ 

45 to 50 -, 

50 to 55 „ 

55 to 60 ~ 

60 to 65 „ 

C5 to 70 - 

70 to 75 ~ 

75 to 80 « 

80 to 85 ~ 

85 to 90 „ 

90 to 95 - 



Jlortality 



of the Com- , ,, _ . , 
monrank.* of the Rich. 



1-41 
1-5G 
1-71 
1-91 
2-21 
2-68 
3-39 
4-41 
5-85 
7-80 
10-32 
13-15 
13 55 
14-05 



0-00 
0-85 
1-20 
0-85 
1-59 
1-81 
1-68 
3-06 
4-31 
6-80 
809 
11-58 
16-29 



of the Poor. 



2-22 
1-43 
1-85 
1-87 
2-39 
2-.58 
4-GO 
5-76 
9-25 
14-14 
14-59 



The registers of insurance societies likcAvise tend 
to point out the greater mortality of the poor. The 
Equitable Society had ahvays employed the tables of 
mortality of Northampton ; but the secretary, Mr 
Morgan, shoAved, in 1810, that the deaths of 83,000 
insured persons, Avhich had taken place in the space 
of 30 j-ears, Avere in the ratio of 2 to 3 compared Avith 
those glA'en in the tables. Among these select per- 
sons, the mortality of females is stiU lower than that 
of males, because, in the middle class, Avomen are 
more exempt from anxiety and fatigue, as Avell as the 
fatal eftects of passion and irregularities of conduct. 
In general, among the persons insured by the Equi- 
table Society, the average death annually Avas only 
1 in 81-5 from the year 1800 to 1820.t 

On .the other hand, to take an extreme limit also, if 
Ave consider man in the state of greatest miserj' and 
deepest degradation, it is calculated that one negTo 
slave dies annually out of 5 or 6, AvhUst the free 
Africans who served in the English troops only lost 1 
man in 33-3.J 

It is likcAvise proper that Ave should duly under- 
stand the Avord riches, Avhen speaking of population : 
a great abundance of goods is often only a ready means 
of gratifying the passions and giving Avay to excesses 
of every kind. The most favourable state of a people 
is that in which they liaA-^e the means of providing for 
every real want, Avithout exceeding the boimds of tem- 
perance, and Avithout creating artificial wants. It is 
to be observed, as M. de Tracey very judiciously re- 
marks, that the people are almost always richer in 
nations caUed poor than in those cahed rick. Thus, 
there is no nation possessed of more Avealth than 
England, yet a great part of the popiilation subsist on 
pubhc money.§ The rich proAince of Flanders cer- 
tainly contains more poor than Luxembourg, Avliere 
great fortunes are rare ; but here the population live 
in a state of general afiluence, and find tlie means of 
procuring moderate incomes, and Avhich never vary 
from day to day, as in the manufacturing districts. 
The same may be said of Switzerland, and agricul- 
tural countries generally. 

According to Mr Hawkins, the mortality of the 
Avhole marine of England, in the different parts of the 
Avorld, without excepting the popiUation in hospitals, 
was in 1813 1 in 42. The same author thinks that 

* According to the table of JI. Diivillard- 

t M. D'Xvemois has quoted several striking examples of longe- 
vity among insured and select persons in the affluent classes of 
Geneva. — (Bib. Universelle). 

± l^.lements of Medical Statistics, p. 208, et seq. 

§ [M. Quetelet here refers to the exorbitant sums levied in 
England in the form of poor-rates, and which amounted to 
£4,123,6i>4 in the year 1838. No alteration of consequence has 
since taken place in the annual expenditure on this score.] 



ON MAN. 



39 



the troops on land have a still smaller mortality than 
tlie seamen. 

M. Benoiston de Chateaunenf has also been occupied 
with investigations on the mortality of the French 
army compared with that of the rest of the popula- 
tion, and lie has been led to several curious results, 
which I shall endeavour to state succinctly.* 

M. de Chateauneuf here likewise finds that the pri- 
vileged class is that which is the best fed, and under- 
goes the least fatigue : thus, according to the docu- 
ments of France, the mortality of the soldier was a 
little greater than that of the mass of the people ; the 
guard has fewer deaths than the army ; and the sub- 
ofEcer dies more rarely than the soldier, both in the 
guard and army. 

If we investigate the influence of seasons on the 
mortahty of soldiers, the following are the results 
wliich we obtain for the deaths of the infantry from 
1820 to 1826:— 

Seasons. Blonths. 

Winter. January, February, March, 

Spring. April, May, June, - - - 

Summer. July, August, September, 

Autmnn. October, November, December, 



The maximum of deaths falls in summer. But 
without taking notice of the astronomic calculation 
which fixes the period of the seasons, if we determine 
the seasons by their influence on the atmosphere alone, 
after the manner of several German and Italian phy- 
sicians, Ave have a new division as follows : — 



Seasons. Jlontlis. Deaths. 

Winter. Df'ccmber, .January, February, - 3-09r, 

Spring. Starch, April, Blay, - - . - 4-;So7 

Summer. .June, July, August, . - - 4-143 

Autumn. September, October, November, - - 4'.")!)(j 

The maximum of deaths is no longer in sunnner, 
but takes place in autumn. Thus, in whatever way we 
divide the year, whether into half-years, quarters, or 
seasons, the intensity of mortality reaches its minimum 
in Avinter. Taking the numbers of each month, we 
find two minima and two maxima : these results differ 
less from those of civil life than IM. de Chateauneuf 
thinks, who, moreover, when he composed his memoir, 
was not acquainted with the influence of seasons on 
different ages. We may form an opinion of it by 
bringing together the numbers of France, and those 
which I have found for Belgium. 





Deaths in France 
from 


Deaths in Bclgimn 










18^0 to 1820. 


From 16 to 20 


From 20 to 25 






Years. 


Years. 


Januarv, - 


1-4(12 


0-93 


0-97 


February, 


i-a34 


0-94 


1-00 


JMarcb, - 


1-432 


1-07 


1-09 


April, - - 


1-475 


1-18 


1-02 


May, - - 


1-450 


1-15 


1-09 


•June, - - 


1-257 


1-03 


0-96 


July, - - 


1-279 


1-00 


0-90 


August, 


l-fi07 


0-99 


0-92 


September, 


1-577 


0-89 


0-96 


October, - 


1-C38 


0-87 


0-95 


November, 


1-381 


0-95 


1-03 


December, 


1-ifiO 


1-01 


Ml 


Total, - 


17-092 


12-00 


12-00 



We see, however, that after the great heats of sum- 
mer, the soldier is exposed to a degree of mortality 
which is not observed in civil life. 

If we consider the different regions of France, Ave 
shall find that the inhabitants of the provinces in the 

♦ Essai sur la Jlortalitd de I'lnfanterie Franyaiso {An. d'lli/- 
yiine, tome x. 2d part.) See also a memoir by M. le Comte 
Jlorozo, Sur la Mortality dcs Troupes Pidmontaises, in the IMc- 
moires de VAcailcmk tie Turin. 



north are more capable of bearing the fatigues of ser- 
vice than those of the soiith ; but none appear less 
fitted for service than tliose of the centre. 

M. de Chateauneuf has also endeavoured to inves- 
tigate Avhat causes the increase of mortality of the 
soldier, and he has examined the influence of several 
causes, such as duels, A'enereal diseases, suicides, nos- 
talgia, phthisis, &c. This able statistician had already 
examined in another work the influence of certain 
professions on the development of pulmonary plitliisis,* 
and he had arrived at several interesting conclusions. 
M. Lombard of Geneva has since been occupied with 
the same subject of reseavch,f and has collected a 
great number of facts, of the principal results of Avhich 
Ave ought not to be ignorant. 

After having discussed the data afforded him by 
five different lists, formed for Paris, Hamburg, Vienna, 
and Geneva, M. Lombard has put them together, and 
divided the professions into three classes, according 
as they are favourable, indifierent, or unfavourable to 
the development of phthisis, or, in other terms, accord- 
ing as they have a greater, equal, or smaller number, 
than the general average. 

The folloAving is the general list : — 

I. — PROFESSIONS PLACED ABOVE THE AVERAGE, 
A. — Among Men. 

1. In all the lists. — Sculptors, printers, hatters, jjo- 
lishers, gendarmes, brushmakers, soldiers, jeAvellers, 
tailors, millers, mattress-makers, lacemen or embroi- 
derers, lemonade-makers, domestics, and hairdress- 
ers. 

2. In the mcijority of the lists. — Copy -writers, cooks, 
turners, joiners, barbers, shoemakers, and coopers. 

3. Jii one list only. — Ironmongers, vinedressers, J 
commissioners, old - clothesmen, tinmen, porteurs de 
lessive, pavicrs, engravers, mechanics, calico-printers, 
doorkeepers, shoAvmen, springmakers, enamellers, 
design-painters, street-sweepers, pastry-cooks, show- 
makers, instructors, carters, brokers, sundial-makers, 
showpillar-makers, upholsterers, Protestant minis- 
tcrs,§ iron-merchants, lime-makers, basket-makers, 
shepherds, teachers of arithmetic, police-officers, ser- 
vants in place, feather-sellers, crystal-cutters, gauze- 
Aveavers, sportsmen, and ribbon-makers. 

B. — Among Women. 

1 . In all the lists. — Seamstresses, shoemakers, glovers, 
and embroiderers. 

2. In the majority of the lists. — Polishers. 

3. In one list only. — Makers of Avatch -needles, clock- 
makers, milliners, teachers, laundi'csses, old-elothes- 
women, toilet and niercer-Avomen, hatters, bookbind- 
ers, knitters, jewel-makers or dealers, feather-makers 
or dealei's, florists, brushmakers, and lacemakers. 

II. — PROFESSIONS AVITIIIN THE LISTS, SOMETIMES ABOVE 
THE AVERAGE, SOMETIMES BELOAV IT. 
A. — Among Men. 
Students, plasterers, stone-cutters, saddlers, delvers, 
clockmakers, waggoners, cellarmen, |1 goldsmiths, 
stocking - makers, charcoal-makers, gilders, musi- 
cians, saAvyers, and glaziers.^ 

* An. d'llygidnc, tome vi. partic 1, July 1831. 

t Idem, tome xi. partie 1, Jan. l&Sl. 

:(: This result is founded solely on six deaths, and requii-es con- 
finiiation. — Note by 31. Lombard. 

§ The number of consumptive persons is increased by the deaths 
of several English ecclesiastics, who arrived out of health at Ge- 
neva. — M. Lombard. 

II The first eight may be considered as belonging to the first 
class, that is to say, to those among whom the niiraber of phthi- 
sical persons is above the average ; in fact, they are so placed in 
the Geneva list, Avliich may be considered more exact than the 
other. — M. Lombard. 

f The remark made in the preceding note Avill apply to the last 
seven professions, which, in tlie Geneva list, arc placed below the 
avcnigc. — M. Lombard. 



40 



ON MAN. 



B. — Among Women. 
Housekeepers, day-labourers, spinners, weavers, 
gauzemakers, gilders, stocking-menders, and mantua- 
makers. 

III. PROFESSIONS BELOW THE AVERAGE. 

A. — Among Men. 

1. In all the lists, — Coachmen, quarrymen, carpen- 
ters, tavern-keepers, butchers, porters at the market 
and message-boys, porters, tanners, bleachers, barge- 
men, confectioners, slaters, foundry -men, and order- 
lies. 

2. In the majority of the lists. — Bakers, smiths, far- 
riers, locksmiths, masons, and weavers. 

3. In one list only. — Surgeons, braziers, cutlers, dif- 
ferent merchants, woodcutters, advocates, sedan-car- 
riers, chamois-leather-dressers, agriculturists, men of 
letters, negotiators, grocers, persons employed under 
government, bookbinders, governors of colleges, com- 
missioners, loaders, clogmakers, merchant -drapers, 
druggists, annuitants, veteran officers, grooms, mes- 
sengers, bankers, magistrates, dyers, physicians, coal- 
measurers, notaries, carvers, lawyers, money-changers, 
breeches-makers, candle-makers, tobacco-merchants, 
librarians, harness-makers, blanket-weavers, furbish- 
ers, plumbers, wood-merchants, professors, chocolate- 
makers, funeral assistants, landlords, cheesemongers, 
skin-dealers, furriers, chimney-sweepers, agents, ar- 
chitects, gunsmiths, packers, pinmakers, assizers of 
wood, vermiceUi-makers, teachers of foreign languages, 
needle-makers, spinners, cotton-weavers, marble-cut- 
ters, starch - manufacturers, ragmen, water-carriers, 
tojTuen, stuff-manufacturers, shop-boys, miners, mer- 
chant-mercers, and combmakers. 

B. — Among Women. 

1 . In all the lists. — Carders of mattresses, sicknurses, 
retailers, bleachers, gardeners. 

2. In the majority of the lists, — Women employed in 
doing tailor- work. 

3. In one list only. — Fringe-makers, embroiderers, 
winders, gauzemakers, ragwomen, cotton-spinners, 
Avatch-chainmakers, calico-printers, cooks, domestics, 
annuitants, washerwomen, merchant-grocers, coimter- 
pane-makers, butchers, midwives, bakers, female por- 
ters, and leech-appliers. 

Next, passing to the causes which may influence 
the frequency of phthisis in the dilferent professions, 
M. Lombard arrives at tlie following conclusions : — 

1. The circumstances which multiply phthisis, are 
misery, sedentary life and absence of muscular exer- 
cise, shocks sustained in workshops, a curved posture, 
the impure air of shops, the inhalation of certain 
mineral or vegetable vapours, and, lastly, air loaded 
with thick or impalpable dust, or light, elastic, fila- 
mentous bodies. 

2. The circumstances which exercise a preservative 
influence, are riches, active life, and fresh air, regular 
exercise of all parts of the body, inhalation of watery 
vapour,* or animal and vegetable emanations. 

If we want to ascertain the degree of influence of 
each of these causes, in tlie production of phthisis, 
among the workmen who are found exposed to them, 
it may be considered as being as follows : — 

Average number of phthisical persons, 114 in 1000. 
I. — Noxious Influences. 

1. Mineral and vegetable emanations, - - O-l/G 

2. Dust of different kinds, - - - 0-145 
.% Sedentary life, . - - . . 0-140 
4. Life passed in workshops, - - - 0-138 
.5. Dr>- hot air, ...... 0-127 

6. Bent posture, - - - - - 01 22 

7. Movement of the arm, sti-iking the chest, - 0-116 

* [The theory evidently alluded to in the text, that the inha- 
bitants of marshy countries were less liable to pulmonarj- phthisis 
than others, was supported for a while by a few medical men, 
but aftei-wards entirely abandoned.] 



II.— Preservative Influences. 

1. Active life, muscular exercise, 

2. Exercise of the voice, 

3. Life passed in the open air, 

4. Animal emanations, . . . 

5. Watery vapours, 



0-089 
0-075 
0-073 
0-060 
0-053 



There are, then, many other researches which have 
for their object the determination of the influence of 
professions on mortaUty:* it Avould be difficult to 
present a siunmary here, since the facts at present 
collected are very few ; however, I cannot pass over 
in total silence the researches of Casper of Berhn, who, 
by his labours in medical statistics, has taken a dis- 
tinguished rank in science.f Casper finds that the 
profession of medicine is perhaps more exposed to 
mortality than any other, contrary to the prejudices 
so generally received ; and he has observed that theo- 
logians occupy the other extreme in the scale of mor- 
tahty. Undoubtedly, we must here include under 
the name of theologians, the clergjTuen and not the 
learned men who descend into theological studies ; 
Avhich may make a great difference, for the activity 
of mind, carried to a certain degree, may become as 
prejudicial, as a regular and quiet life is advantageous, 
to the preservation of man. The following table, pre- 
sented by Casper, points this out clearly : — 

Of 100 theologians, there have attained the age of 70 

and upwards, -------- i2 

Agriculturists and foresters, 40 

Superintendants, 35 

Commercial and industrious men, - - - - 35 

Military men, ....---.. 32 

Subalterns, 32 

Advocates, - 29 

Artists, 28 

Teachers, professors, -..---. 27 
Physicians, ...--..-24 

It would seem to follow from this table, that mental 
labour is more injurious to man than bodily, but that 
the most injurious state is that where fatigue of body 
is joined to that of the mind. A sedentary life, which 
is not exposed to any kind of excess, appears, on the 
contrary, to be most favourable. The summary which 
foUows will suffice to point out the extremes. 

Of 1000 deaths, there were as follows : — 



Age. 


Phj-sicians. 


Theologians. 


Ratio 


From 23 to 32 years, 


82 


43 


1-91 


• • 33 to 43 • • 


149 


58 


2-57 


• • 43 to 52 • • 


160 


64 


2-50 


•• 53 to 62 •• 


210 


180 


M7 


•■ 63to72 •• 


228 


328 


0-70 


.. 73 to 82 .. 


141 


257 


0-55 


• • 83 to 92 . . 


30 


70 


0-43 



I do not know whether we have any precise re- 
searches on the influence wMch study in general has 
on the constitution of chUdren and young persons. 
This subject deserves a serious examination at the 
present day, especially since many parents, by im- 
proper attention, and sometimes from motives of self- 
love or very censiu-able cupidity, bring up their chil- 
dren as we should grow plants in a hot-house, to enjoy 
their flowers and fruits the sooner. Numerous ex- 
amples have shown hoAv short these fruits endure, 
and how subject those are who produce them to pre- 
mature decay : we have seen few of these prodigies 
preserve their reputation beyond the period of infancy, 
or withstand the excessive efforts of an organisation 
too feeble for the labours imposed upon it. "We shall 
also have occasion to examine, when speaking of 
mental alienation, to what extent excessive studies, 
especiallj' in the exact sciences, may predispose to 
this dreadful malady, or even entirely rum the most 
happy organisation. 

* See especially, in the AnnaUs d'Hyglenc, different memoirs 
by MINI. Parent Duchatelet, D'Arcet, Leuret, Marc, Villermi, 
Benoiston de Chateaimeuf, &c. 

t Gazette JMedicale Hebdomadaire de Berlin, .3d January 1834 ; 
and An. d'Hygitnc, April 1834. 



ON MAN. 



41 



There are diseases, of more or less danger, inherent 
in the habits of individuals, and the quality of the 
food and drink which they use. Of tliis number ap- 
pears to be stone in the bladder, which especially 
afflicts certain locahties. I am under obhgations to 
M. Civiale, for different data on this cruel scourge, 
which is now combated with so much success ; and I 
thought that those respecting age were not without 
interest in a work the object of which is the study of 
the development of man. Although the observations 
are at present scanty, it appears certam that the dis- 
position to this disease is the greatest in childhood : 
we may judge from the following table : — 





Patients affected with Stone. 


Ages. 






Norwich 






Lun^ville. 


Bristol. 


and 
Norfolk. 


Leeds. 


From to 10 years. 


943 


46 


255 


83 


- 10 to 20 - 


377 


05 


99 


21 


„ 20 to 30 - 


lOG 


41 


47 


21 


~ 30 to 40 ~ 


38 


34 


46 


12 


- 40 to 50 „ 


23 


37 


41 


28 


~ SO to 60 - 


18 


28 


92 


21 


~ 60 to 70 - 


16 


18 


63 


9 


— 70 & upwards, 


^ 


2 


6 


2 


Total, 


1526 


371 


649 


197 



It is about the age of five years especially, that the 
number of calculous patients appears to be the great- 
est. Indeed, at Lmieville, the following numbers have 
been observed from year to j'ear, commencing at in- 
fancy and reaching to the 10th year: — 0, 17, 79, 131, 
145, 143, 116, 119, 84, and 75. 

It would appear that after puberty age had no 
great influence on the predisposition to this disease, 
especially taking into account the number of indivi- 
duals of each age which a population contains. 

The difference of the sexes has a marked influence : 
it is generally supposed that about 21 men are af- 
fected with the disease to one woman ; this would be 
inferred from the following table : — 





Stone Cases. 


riaecs. 


Men. 


Women. 


Men to 
1 Woman. 


Lun^ville, 


1463 


63 


23 


Bristol, 


■348 


7 


49 


Paris, .... 


423 


16 


26 


Ulm, .... 


123 


4 


31 


Leeds, .... 


188 


9 


21 


Norwich and Norfolk, - 


618 


31 


20 


Lombardj', ... 


758 


36 


41 


Diction, de Medicine, - 


312 


44 


7 


Practice of M. Civiale, 


419 


10 


42 


Total, - 


4652 


220 


21-14 



Women, like men, have a greater disposition to 
stone in infancy than at a more advanced age ; as to 
the danger of death from it, we may calculate on about 
1 death to 5'3 cases nearly, in different coimtries, when 
lithotomy is had recourse to. The danger of opera- 
tion is least during infancy. 

2. Influence of Morals. 

Up to the present time, we possess few researches 
on the influence which morals may have on the num- 
ber of deaths in a nation, excepting in the case of 
violent deaths. This is a vast field open to the in- 
vestigations of statisticians, who might arrive at 
results no less interesting for the preservation of so- 
ciety than for moral and political philosophy. 

We have already seen, from the preceding researches, 
what advantage ^n industrious and prudent people 
has, with respect to mortality, over a depraved and 
indolent one. In establishing a parallel between Eng- 
land and the unfortunate republic of Guanaxuato, I 



have shown that, proportion stiU being kept in view, 
the deaths were almost three times as numerous in 
the latter as in the foi-mer country. We have like- 
wise seen that the mortality was much less in the 
higher classes of society than in the lower ; and this 
state of things is not merely owing to abundance on 
the one hand and privations on the other, but also 
to rational and temperate habits, more regidated 
passions, and less rapid transitions in their mode of 
livmg. 

The violence of the passions seems to have consi- 
derable influence in shortening the duration of human 
life. Thus, when the physical man is fully developed, 
about the age of twenty, it woidd be supposed that he 
ought to resist all the destructive tendencies of his 
nature ; but the contrary is the case. This excess of 
mortality, which is not observed in females, continues 
in man until very near the age of thirty, a period at 
which the fire of the passions is somewhat deadened. 
We shall be better enabled to understand this critical 
period in the life of the male, when we have exammed 
the development of his moral nature. 

It is particularly in epidemics that we are enabled 
to recognise the influence of morals on the number 
of deaths. We have been enabled to judge, especially 
during the ravages of cholera in Europe, how much 
intemperance has been fatal to those who gave them- 
selves up to it. Opinions have been greatly at vari- 
ance on the nature and curative means of this scourge, 
but all agree in establishing the fact which I have 
stated.* 

From numerous observations, it appears that theN 
fear of a disease may singularly predispose to an at- 
tack of it : the moral influences here exercise a re- 
markable action over the physical, and one which 
deserves the greatest attention from philosophers. 
This interesting subject has already been made the 
object of many researches -, but it has scarcely been 
examined by that rigorous method of analysis which 
has for some time been appUed to science. Persons 
have been seen to fall down dead, through the violent 
excitement of a passion ; others have been seen, la- 
bouring imder a presentiment of death, really to die, 
when their excited imagination had made them dread 
death. It would be extremely mteresting to determine 
what are the i^assions most dangerous to excite inor- 
dinately, and at what point fear may cause death. 
These researches would induce essential modifications 
in our habits _ and institutions. Thus, the custom of 
attending with religious forms on the patient whose 
condition is hopeless, may cause death in many cases ; 
and we cannot but applaud the precautions taken in 
certain countries, of discharging these forms from the 
commencement of the disease, when it only presents 
symptoms of slight danger. ReUgious ceremonies then 
appear less hke the signal of a passage to another 
state of existence. 

I shall also class among the disturbing causes which 
increase mortalitj', man's tendency to self-destruction, 
or to destroy his species, although he shares it in 
common with animals, who are obedient only to the 
laws of nature. But here the tendency is manifested 
under entirely diflTerent forms ; thus, destruction of 
man by man is a crime or a virtue, according to the 
manner in which it takes place : and it would be very 
difficidt to assign the limits of two siich opposite con- 
ditions, especially if we regard the difference of times 
and places. An historical account of the displacement 
of this limit in different nations, would of itself be a 
work of the highest interest, and would show us under 
what phases humanity has been fated to appear. 

* [The translator's experience in respect to cholera has a ten- 
dency to modify M. Quetelet's opinion. So far as he ohserved, the 
temperate and the intemperate fell equally under this temble 
scom-ge ; in fact, its origin, progress, and disappearance, are quite 
a mysterj'. It can scarcely now be said that a single well-esta- 
blished fact respecting this disease was made out by the medical 
profession in Eiu-ope.] 



42 



ON MAN. 



An examination of sucli questions as these, liow- 
ever, vnR more naturally find a place when I consider 
the development of the moral qualities of man, and 
have to speak of duelling and homicide. This will 
also be the place to treat of the destruction of man by 
his fellow-man, when on a larger scale, and in modes 
consecrated by our manners and institutions ; for our 
ideas of war belong also to moral statistics. 

I have just shown, by different examples, how much 
mortaUty is influenced by morals: another no less 
striking example of this influence is that Avhich still- 
births afford, when we have made the distinction 
between legitimate and illegitimate ones. The fatal 
heritage of vice does not affect the child before its 
birth onlv, it pursues it still, for a long tune after it 
has escaped this first danger, and misery often aggi-a- 
vates the evil. Thus, it follows from the researches 
of Baumann and Siissmilch, that the mortality pre- 
sents the following ratio, aU things being equal :— 



Stm-births, 

1st month after birth, 

2d aud 3(1 month, 

4th, 5th, and Gth month, 

Remainder of the year, 

2d year, ... 

3d and 4th year. 



1 legitimate, 

- 1 
1 
1 

- 1 
1 

- 1 



2- (I illegitimate. 

2-4 

2-0 

1-7 

1-5 

1-4 

13 



The difference continues very evident until the se- 
venth vear; so that, according to Baumann, only 
one-tenth of illegitimate children will arrive at ma- 
turity. This result just explains what is observed in 
the republic of Guanaxuato, " where nothing can 
equal the mass of i)hysical, moral, and political pollu- 
tion." * 

Casper gives a table of the mortality of children at 
Berlin,! from which it appears that of 28,705 children 
who died before the age of 1.5 years, during the decen- 
nial period from 181.3 to 1822, there were 5598 ille- 
gitimate, wliich gave annually 2.311 deaths of illegi- 
timate, and 160 of legitimate children, before the age 
of 15. But according to this savant, about the same 
period, 5663 legituuate children were born, and 1080 
illegitimate ones. The ratio of deaths, therefore, was 
1 to 2'5 for the first, and 1 to 1'9 for the second. 

"What especially tends to increase the mortality of 
illegitimate children is, that the greater number of 
them are abandoned to public charity. The absence 
of the cares of a mother, at a time Avhen they are 
most needed, and the other privations of every kind, 
which are the necessary consequences of such an aban- 
donment, sufficiently e.vplain the great mortality which 
generally exists in foundling hospitals. 

To understand this mortaUty, ISI. Benoiston de 
Chateauneuf, in his Considerations sur les Enfans 
Trouves,X thus estimates the mortality of infancy in 
Europe during the century which has just elapsed : — 



Minimum. 
From to 1 year, 19 in the hundred. 
• • to 3 years, 2()g 
. . to 4 • • .•*» 

. ■ to 10 • • 35 



IMaxhnum. 
45i in the hundred. 
50 
53 
55 6-7ths ■ ■ 



According to this savant, the mortality of foundlings 
in several cities of Europe was, from birth to the end 
of the first year — 



At Petersburg, in 1788, 

• ■ Florence, ditto, 

• ■ Barcelona, in 1780, - 
. ■ Paris, in 178!l, - 

• • Dublin, in 1791, 



40 per cent. 
40 •• 
CO .. 
«0 .. 
f)l •■ 



" From birth to four years old, at Eome, ]\Iadrid, 
Dublin, and Paris, we find 50, 62, 76, and 98 in the 
hundred. § 

* Sir F. D'lvemnis, S«)- la Mortalili! ProporlionncUc. 
t Beitrage, p. 1/3. 
$ Paris, 1824, 1 vol. 8vo. 

§ M. de G6rando, in his excellent work Lc Viflteur dit Paiivre, 
makes the mortaUty 1 in 7 of the children which the civil hob- 



Lastly, at the end of 20 years, of 19,420 children 
received into the house at Dublin, only 2000 remained 
aUve, and 7000 at Moscow out of 37,600. What an 
awful destruction ! "War and epidemics are less ter- 
rible to the human race. And let no one suppose 
that modern times have produced more happy results, 
or that this dismal catalogue, which we might still 
extend, at the present day presents fewer numbers. 
According to the authentic accounts which M-e have 
before us, at Madrid, in 1817, there died, either in 
hospital or country, 67 children out of 100 ; at Vienna, 
in 1811, 92 ; at Brussels, fi-om 1812 to 1817, 79. At 
this period, the hospital, which was small, imhealthy, 
and badly ventilated, was removed to another quarter 
of the city, and from that time there has been a con- 
siderable decrease of the average number of deaths, 
which is not more than 56 in the 100."* 

"\'Vliat has preceded, sufficiently shows what influ- 
ence well-directed conduct may exercise over the life 
and death of foundlings. This is not the place to 
examine how far these institutions should be approved 
of, where unfortunates are collected together ; but it 
may be interesting to know how much the number of 
foundlings and deserted children has increased smce 
these institutions arose. At Paris, for example, the 
ratio of their number to that of births, in one century, 
makes the following progress : — 



"i'ears. 



Ratio in 100. 



From 1710 to 1720, - 

■ • 1720 to 1730, - 

• ■ 17.'^0 to 1740, - 

• • 1740 to 1750, 

• • 1750 to 1760, - 

■ • 1760 to 1770, - 



9-73 
11-37 
14-48 
18-21 
23-71 
30-75 



Years. Ratio in 100. 

From 1770 to 1/80, - - 33-(X) 

■ • I780toi79fi, - - - 2370 

■ ■ l/W to 1800, - - 17-69 
• . IbOO to 1810, - - - 20-95 

■ ■ 1810 to 18-20, - - 22-88 



We see that the proportion rises rapidly during 
the latter years of the reign of Louis XV. ; it dimi- 
nishes more than two-thirds under the Convention ; it 
increases again under the imperial government ; and 
has been stationary since the revolution. 

IM. de Chateauneuf, from whom I borrow the greater 
number of the preceding data, gives the following 
ratios for some of the principal cities of Europe : — 





Foundlings. 


Lisbon, from 1815 to 1819, 


£6-2fi in 


100 births 


Madrid, ~ ~ .- - 


25-58 


„ 


Rome, ~ 1801 to I8O7, 


27-90 


„ 


Paris, ~ 1815 to 1821, - 


20-91 


„ 


Brussels,- 1816 to 1821, 


14-68 


„ 


Vienna, - 1815 to 1821, - 


23-43 


„ 


Petersburg, 1820, 


45-00 


,- 


Moscow, ... 


27-94 


-, 


County of Nice, 


6-OG 


„ 


Savoy, ... 


5-83 


~ 



Thus, in the greater number of the cities quoted 
pre\-iouslyj nearly one-fourth of the children arc ex- 
posed. This state of things is very apt to give rise 
to reflections on the misery and immorality of great 
cities. Paris annuallj' produces about 21 foundlings 
to 100 births, whilst the rest of France only produces 
3"52. It is true that this disproportion would be 
much less, if throughout France there were tlie same 
facility as at Paris of sending children to the hospi- 
tals ; and it is also just to remark, that many chil- 
dren are sent to Paris, who do not belong to the city. 
In Belgium the following values have been obtained, 
according to the results of the ten years i^receding 
1833 :t— 

pitals in Paris send out to be supported (p. 293) ; but we must 
observe, that these children vary from 1 day to 12 years of age : 
and in tliis the numbers agi-ee with those of M. Benoiston, at 
p. 76 of his Considerations, &c. 

* I have found, from tlie average results of the eight years from 
1815 to 1822, that the mortality of the hospital at Brussels was 
66-30 in the 100 : at this period, it had a gicater mortality than 
any of the nineteen hospitals in the kingdom ; the average 
mortality has been 45-07 in UK).— See Reckavlics sur ks Nais- 
sniices, S^c. 

t .See Correspondance Mathematiquc et Physique, tome viii. 
livraison 2, p. 135. 



ON MAN. 



43 





Births : 


Foundlings 


Foundlings 


Provinces. 


Annual 


and 


to 




Average. 


Deserted. 


100 Births. 


Antwerp, 


11,018 


2156-.5 


19-6 


Brabant, 


18,893 


2.307-4 


12-2 


Flanders, AVest 


20,315 


480-5 


2-3 


East, - 


24,148 


693-8 


2-9 


Hainault, 


20,016 


1830-2 


9-1 


Liege, 


11,837 


212-2 


1-9 


Namur, . - - . 


0,399 


844-9 


13-2 


Tlie kingdom,* 


112,626 


8525-5 


7-e 



It is very difficult to explain the differences which are 
presented by the several provinces of such a country 
as Belgium, unless as regards the facility which mothers 
find, in certain localities, of exposing their childi'en. 
On this subject, we ought to read the observations of 
M. Gouroff, one of the persons who has paid most 
attention to all that concerns foundlings.f " The 
city of London, the population of which is 1,250,000, 
in the space of five years from 1819 to 1823, has only 
liad 151 children exposed; and the number of illegi- 
timate children received into eighty-four workhouses, 
durmg the same period, only reaches to 4668 ; and, 
moreover, about one-fifth of these children are sup- 
ported at the expense of the father. Wliat a striking 
contrast is Paris, which, having only two-thii'ds the 
population of London, has had, within the same years, 
25,277 children, all maintained at the expense of the 
state ! 

Do we stiU ask for a more certain proof of the in- 
fluence which foundling hospitals have in multiplying 
the abandonments of infants ? Mayence had no esta- 
bhshment of this kind; and from 1799 to 1811, there 
were 30 children exposed. Napoleon ordered a ' tour' 
to be established in this city. It was opened on the 
7 th November 1811, and existed until the month of 
March 1815, when tlie Grand-Duke of Hesse-Darm- 
stadt caused it to be suppressed. During these three 
years and four months, the house received 516 found- 
lings. When it Avas once suppressed, as the habit 
of exposing the children had not taken root in the 
people, all things retm-ned to their former order : in 
the course of the nine following j'ears, only seven 
children were exposed." 

Wlien proposing the reform of foundling hospitals, 
M. de Gouroff does not desire it to be done precipi- 
tately. " On the contrary, it requires reflection, time, 
and patience, to prepare and gradually execute the 
measures which ought to precede it, and to avoid the 
error committed in some of the cities of Belgium, 
which, in 1823, that they might not be burdened ivith 
the expense of the children left out of doors, suppressed 
the ' tours' Immediately the lives of several new-born 
infants were sacrificed, and public opinion obliged the 
government to order tlieir re-establishment." 

The principal conclusions of the work of IM. de 
Gouroff are : — 

1. That in Catholic countries, or rather in those 
where asylums have been opened to all children in- 
discriminately who are abandoned at the time of birth, 
these little imfortunates are much more common, 
much more numerous, than elsewhere. 

2. That in these asylums there is a frightful mor- 
tality, and quite bej'ond the proportion of the greatest 
mortality which cuts off other children, even in the 
most indigent classes. 

3. That infanticide is scarcely prevented by found- 
ling hospitals ; or rather, that, in order to prevent a 
few infanticides, whether direct or indirect, through 
the effect of unrelieved exposure, these houses do 
themselves destroy an incomparably greater number 
of children. J 

* Except the provinces of Liege and Lnxembom-g. 
1 Essai sur I'Uistoire des Enfans Trouves. 8vo. Paris : 1829. 
% [Perhaps the question is not very fairly stated by M. de Gou- 
roff. Infanticide, when direct, is a horrible crime, in fact, mur- 



3. Influence of Ivaowledge and of Political and Religious 
Institutions. 

Civilisation, which sweetens the existence of man, 
has also prolonged it : the progress of knowledge has 
contributed to the health of the individual houses and 
interior of cities, and has gradually caused marshy 
lands and the other sources of the epidemics which 
habitually harassed our ancestors, to disappear. Know* 
ledge, by multiplying the commercial relations of na- 
tions, has also rendered famines less frequent and for- 
midable ; the chances of which, on the one hand, have 
been diminished by bettering the culture of the earth, 
and varying the means of subsistence : medical science 
and public hygiene have likewise found out valuable 
means for resisting mortality ; whilst the development 
of industry, and the securities which society received 
from more hberal institutions, have contributed to 
diffuse afiluence and the most active means of preser-» 
vation. 

At the present day, it appears clearly established, 
that in countries where civilisation makes the greatest 
progress, we may also observe the greatest diminution 
of mortality. However, Ave must not exaggerate these 
advantages, as has been done in respect to some coun- 
tries : the greater accuracy statistical documents ac- 
quire, the more numerous appear the prejudices which 
have been entertained on this subject. England is 
placed in an advantageous position, which has always 
fixed the attention of savants Avhen studying the 
theory of population ; but it is perhaps to this king- 
dom tliat my remark is most applicable. K we examine 
Avhat has been the mortality from the commencement 
of the eighteenth century, we shall find, according to 
two of her most eminent statisticians :* — 



Years. 

1700, - 

1750, 

1776 to 1800 inclusive, 

1806 to 1810 

1816 to 1820 

1826 to 1830 



Inhabitants 

to one Death. 

43 

- 42 
48 

• 49 
55 

- 51 



According to these numbers, there would be a very 
sensible decrease of mortality; but we know that 
very numerous omissions have taken place in the 
figures of mortality. Mr Rickman himself thinks 
that, in consequence of these omissions, we ought to 
reckon 1 death in 49 inhabitants, instead of 1 in 51, 
for the five last years ; whilst, according to Mr Haw- 
kins, the mortality for 1822 would have been 1 in 60.f 
On the other hand, the census may likewise have been 
faulty. Moreover, it might be objected, that these 
inaccuracies, if they could be corrected, would pro- 
bably only place in a clearer light a still greater dif- 
ference of mortality, since the figure of mortality is 
generally smaller in proportion as there is more negU- 
gence in collecting it. That would suppose always 
that the census of the population is correct. 

The changes which have taken place in great towns 
should especially receive our attention. For example, 
in 1697, the total number of deaths in London rose 
to 21,000; however, a century after, in 1797, the 
number Avas only 17,000, notwithstanding the increase 
of tlie population.^ These advantages have been 

der ; but the exposirre of a child is a misdemeanour ; so that 
foundling hospitals were established in Catholic countries without 
doubt with a view to prevent crime, and it is astonishing and 
almost incredible that they have not succeeded in effecting even 
this : in other respects, they themselves are an evil of the first 
magnitude.] 

* Jlr Marshall gives 5,475,000 and 6,467,000 as the population of 
England and AVales in I7OO and 1750 ; and the deaths 132,728 and 
154,686. The other ratios are drawn from the last work of Mr 
Rickman. 

t El<!ments of Medical Statistics, by F. Bissct Hawkins. 

% Ibid., p. 18. 



44 



ON MAN. 



obtained especially between 50 to 60 years ago, since 
which time the city has increased with great rapidity 
in extent and population. In the middle of the last 
century, the annual mortality was still 1 in 20 ; at 
present, it is only 1 in 40, according to the census of 
1821 ; so that it has exactly diminished one-half. It 
is then correct to say, that the mortality, towards the 
end of the last century, had undergone an increase, 
which may he attributed to the excessive abuse of 
spirituous liquors Avhich then prevailed. 

The towns of IManchester, Liverpool, and Birming- 
ham, have presented almost the same decrease of 
mortality as London. It is very difficult to believe 
that some error may not have crept into such esti- 
mates. 

France, like England, has experienced a diminution 
of mortality, if we may refer to ancient documents.* 
According to M. Villerme, it was computed in 1781, 
that 1 death took place to 29 inhabitants ; in 1802, 
1 in 30 ; and now, 1 in 40.t 

In Sweden, from 1755 to 1775, 1 death took place 
to 35 inhabitants; in 1775 to 1795, 1 to 37 ; and in 
1823, 1 to 48. 

Likewise, at Berlin, from 1747 to 1755, the annual 
mortahty was 1 to 28 ; and from 1816 to 1822, the 
ratio was less than 1 to 34. 

M. Moreau de Jonnes, in a notice on the mortality 
of Europe, has presented the following table, which 
likewise tends to prove the influence of civilisation 
on the number of deaths, in periods of Avhich the in- 
tervals have been marked by social ameliorations.J 







One 




One 


Countries. 


Years. 


Death to 


1 ears. 


Death to 


Sweden, 


mi to 1768 


34-0 


1821 to 1825 


45-0 


Denmark, 


1751 to 1754 


320 


1819 


45-0 


Germany, - 


1788 


32-0 


1825 


45-0 


Prussia, 


1717 


30'0 


1821 to 1824 


39-0 


AVurtemburg, 


1749 to 1754 


31-0 


1825 


45-0 


Austria, 


18-22 


40-0 


1825 to 1830 


43-0 


Holland, ■• 


1800 


26-0 


1824 


400 


England, 


16.00 


33-0 


1821 


58-0 


Great Britain, - 


1785 to 1789 


430 


1800 to 1804 


47-0 


France, 


1776 


25-5 


1825 to 1827 


39-5 


Canton de Vaud, 


1756 to 1766 


35-0 


1824 


47-0 


Lombardy, 


1767 to 1774 


27-5 


1827 to 1828 


31-0 


States of the Church, 


1707 


215 


1839 


28-0 


Scotland, - 


1801 


44-0 


1821 


50-0 



111,883 females. The following table will show the 
number of deaths, year by year :* — 

Deaths in the City of Amsterdam. -f 



I repeat, that I am far from giving my belief to 
the pros^Dcrous state Avliich these figures seem to 
point out. However, we cannot but be inclined to 
admit that deaths have diminished with the develop- 
ment of civilisation and affluence. Some countries 
have afterwards lost their population, or at least it 
has remained stationary, ^vhen those advantages were 
lost which they previously enjoyed. Thus, the opu- 
lent city of Amsterdam, which, by its activity, has 
for some time been unrivalled in Europe, is affected 
by the diminution of its commerce. In 1727, the 
mortality there was 1 to 27, and it still preserved the 
same value, according to the average results of tlie 
12 years Avhich preceded 1832. The deaths really 
rose to the number of 7336 ; and on the 1st of January 
1830, of 202,175 persons, 90,292 were males, and 

* Mr Finlayson ha,s succeeded in ohtaininp; the registers of 
tontine-holders, botli in France under Louis XIV. and in Eng- 
land under Willuim III., .ind lie is convinced that the life of the 
French tontine-holder at that time was longer than the English 
one. — See on the question the observations of M. D'lvernois, 
BiblioihUqHe Universelle, Oct. 1053, p. 146. 

t It is well to premise, that the mortality calculated for the 
beginning of the present century is extremely imcertain. — See the 
judicious remarks of Sir F. D'lvernois in the Bihliothcque Unircr- 
selle de Geneve, 1833. 

i It is to be regretted that the author has not pointed out the 
sources of his information : his results would have had much 
more value. Several numbers of this table must certainly appear 
very doubtful. 







Deaths. 






Years. 








Births. 




Male. 


Female. 


Total. 


Total. 


1821, - 


3,618 


3,507 


7,125 


7.342 


1022, 


4,041 


3,957 


7,998 


7,6CO 


1823, - 


3,279 


3,355 


6,634 


7,182 


1824, 


3,082 


2,994 


6,076 


7,860 


1825, - 


3,184 


3,118 


6,302 


7,3.52 


18264 - 


4,351 


4,457 


8,808 


7,438 


1827, - 


4,133 


4,107 


8,240 


6,890 


1828, 


3,562 


3,516 


7,078 


7,208 


1829, - 


4,056 


3,942 


7,998 


7,403 


1830, 


3,387 


3,427 


6,814 


7,306 


1831, - 


3,479 


3,659 


7,138 


7,342 


1832, § - 


4,057 


3,765 


7,822 


6,452 


Average, • 


3.686 


3,650 


7,336 


7,282 



In comparing the births with the deaths which 
have taken place during the years pointed out in the 
table above, we see that they have been in average 
value numerically inferior to the number of deaths ; in 
fiict, there have been annually 7282 births, and 7336 
deaths. It is true that Amsterdam has been troubled 
by several scourges ; nevertheless, it constantly ap- 
pears that its population is not on the increase, which 
is an almost infallible index of the loss of prosperity, 
when the average life does not attain a high value. 

If we consider the ages on which the mortality falls, 
we shall have a new proof of the influence which our 
institutions and habits have in modifying it. In speak- 
ing of still-births, Ave have shown how much their 
number may be increased in the interior of cities, 
and especially in the midst of excesses of every kind, 
which give rise to demoralisation ; we have, more- 
over, seen that the children who are born under these 
unfortunate circumstances, have fewer chances of liv- 
ing, especially if the parents are in misery. Different 
dangers gather round their early years, and wait 
upon the whole course of their career : thus, without 
speaking of those to which, by our nature, Ave are 
exposed, some belong to our manners, others to our 
religious institutions, and lastly'', others to our politi- 
cal institutions. As to those Avhich belong to our 
manners, I have already attempted to point them out ; 
I have also shoAvn the influence Avhich certain reli- 
gious institutions may have- — baptism, for example — 
on tender infancy ; the Lent and fasts on our repi'o- 
ductive powers, and probably on our vitality; and 
religious ceremonies and the preparatives for death 
on the minds of the sick. Moreover, we may join 
to these active causes, which modify the amount of 
population, the state of celibacy which is imposed on 
a class of persons, Avhose number, during the SAvay of 
Catholicism, Avas much greater than it is in our OAvn 
day. 

Amongst political institutions, the IcA'ying of sol- 
diers, and Avars, are likewise, notwithstanding all that 
has been said on the point, ever recurring causes of 
mortality, and causes so much the more afflicting, 
because they fall on the healthiest and most valuable 
part of the population — on the man Avho has just at- 
tained his full physical development, and is prepared 
to repay to society the debt which the infinite cares of 

* Jaarbockje, by Lobatto, different years. 

t The five years from 1816 to 1820 have given — 

1816, 6,333 6,615 

1817, 8,416 («) 7,040 

1818, .... 0,300 6,888 

1819, 6,557 7,154 

1820, ..... 7,066 6,850 



Average, .... 6,914 
(a) This was a year of scarcity. 

t Period of the epidemic of Groningen. 
§ Year of the cholera. 



6,909 



ON MAN. 



45 



his infancy have contracted. In some countries even, 
by too extensive an enlistment into tlie army of men 
before tliey had time to become fuHj' developed, they 
are exposed to neiv chances of death; or, by the 
fatigues of war, the vigour of the new generation is 
prematurely undermined. 

Governments dispose, in some sort, of the lives of 
the men whom they have constantly under their in- 
fluence, from the moment of birth to the day of their 
death. I sliall not here speak of the kind of govern- 
ments : we know too well that those which are favour- 
able to despotism arrest tlie development of the spe- 
cies ; and, on the other hand, liow much a prudent 
degree of liberty, by seconding every individual in- 
dustry and exertion, gives to man the means of pro- 
viding for his preservation. I shall not speak of the 
immense distance which exists between the degree of 
mortality of the slave and his master, notwithstand- 
ing aU the excesses to which the latter class give 
themselves up ;* but i cannot omit taking a rapid 
view of the mortality in institutions created by man 
for tlie protection of society, and giving a glance at 
the influences of vaccination, hospitals, asylums, pri- 
sons, &c. My design is not so much to treat this sub- 
ject deeply, as to show to Av'hat extent the numbers 
may vary, according to the locality. 

In most civilised covmtries, there are enactments 
on vaccination, of greater or less severitj', which are 
enforced with proportionate rigour. According to 
Casper, and several other savants who liave written 
on the ravages caused by small-pox, it would appear 
that formerly generations were decimated by this 
scourge, that is to sa}', one-tenth of the human race 
died from it. Duvillardf has found — 1st, that in the 
natural state, of 100 individuals of 30 years of age, 
scarcely four individuals haA'e escaped an attack of 
smaU-pox ; 2d, that two-thirds of all infants are at- 
tacked by it sooner or later ; 3d, that small-pox, in 
the early 3-ears after birth, destroys, on the greatest 
average, one out of every three who are afiected with 
it ; 4th, and one dies out of every seven or eight 
affected, at whatever age it may be. Such was the 
state of things before the discovery of vaccmation ; it 
has since been much ameliorated. However, in 1817, 
745 persons died in Paris of small-pox ; in 1818, 993 ; 
and m 1822, the number was as many as 1084. Also, 
at St Petersburg, in 1821, 408 deaths took place from 
it; and at Vienna, 238 in 1822; Avhilst in London, 
during that year, there were 712. Prussia has been 
much better dealt with than other countries ; during 
the two years 1820 and 1821, taken together, only 
1 in 7204 persons died from it, whilst Prance lost 
1 m 4218 the last two years. The following are the 
data of Berhn, for almost half a century : — 



From 1782 to 1791 inclusive, 
• . 1792 to 1801 
• • 1802 to 1811 
•• 1812 to 1822 



4,453 deaths. 

4. Of 19 • ■ 

2,955 • • 

555 ■• 



The number of deaths for the last period, wliich is 

* The mortality of Europeans at Batavia appears to he as gi'eat 
us that of the slave population ; but it would seem that the chances 
of mortality are increased for the adult man who is transported 
to a climate very different to that in which he was developed. 
This is confirmed by the following table, given by M. Moreau de 
Jonnes, imfortunately without mentioning his sources : — 

Batavia, 1805, - - Em-opeans, 1 death to 1 1-0 persons. 

~ - Slaves, ~ 130 ~ 

~ - - Chinese, - 290 - 

■~ — - Javanese, ~ 400 — 

Bombay, 1815, - - Europeans, — 18-5 - 

~. ~ - Mussulmans, ~ 17'5 — 

~ „ - - Parsees, — 24-0 — 

Guadaloupe, 1811 to 1824, "NVhites, .. 23-5 „ 

-, „ Free Blacks, - 35-0 ~ 

Martinico, 1815, - - Whites, - 24-0 ~ 

-, ^ - Free Blacks, -.• 33-0 - 

Grenada, - - - Slaves, ,. 22-0 - 

St Lucia, ... Slaves, — 20-0 ,. 

t Analyse et Tableaux de I'Infiuence de la Petite-Vt^role. 



extremely small m comparison with the preceding 
years, would be still less if the deaths for 1814 and 
1815 were subtracted, during Avhich time vaccination 
was neglected. Indeed, these two years had 411 deaths 
from it, so that during the remaining there was only 
114. Moreover, we should fall into a serious error, 
as M. ViUerme * has said, if we counted as gain to the 
population all those individuals who had been vacci- 
nated, and not carried off by the smaU-pox. " An 
epidemic, or any other malady against which we en- 
deavour to secure ourselves," says M. ViUerme, " in- 
deed suppresses one cause of death, but from that 
circumstance the probability of dying from other dis- 
eases becomes greater. In other words, by closing 
one of the gates of death, we open the others wider, 
so that more persons pass through these latter, which 
is not saying that mortality should be equally rapid- 
Consequently, vaccination, and every preservative 
against epidemic disease, or any disease whatever, 
does not increase the population of old Europe directly; 
but, what is still better, it aUeviates the lot of those 
whom it snatches from the chances of sraall-pox, it 
diminishes the number of the blind, it preserves the 
native beauty of the person, and increases the ave- 
rage duration of life." 

We may, then, regard the valuable discovery of 
Jenner as a real conquest of knowledge. "We espe- 
cially recognise the progress of civilisation, in all that 
which was hideous and miserable being removed from 
society: perhaps a feebly enlightened philanthropy 
has been too zealous, and in seeking to avoid certain 
evils, given rise to others. Notliing can more excite 
our compassion, than the feeble infant which a mother 
in her distress abandons to public charity ; notwith- 
standing, an excess of pity may become an encourage- 
ment to vice, and a real burden always increasing on 
society.f 

It appears that it is this dread which has prevented 
the formation of a foundling hospital in Edinburgh.^ 
Moreover, it has been shown how dreadful the mor- 
tality is in the greater number of these establishments, 
notwithstanding all the efforts of art, which has com- 
bated them with some success. INIr Hawkins, in his 
Elements of Medical Statistics,^ says that the morta- 
lity in tlie foimdling hospital in Dublin was so great, 
that it became the object of parliamentary inquiry : 
of 10,272 sick children sent to the infirmary attached 
to the hospital, during 21 years ending in 1796, only 



* Des Epidemics, Jan. 1833. 

t [No one now disputes that the poor ought to he the objects 
of national and legislative care ; but great differences exist as to 
the amoimt of provision which ought to be made for them. One 
party contend, that not only the infirm and aged poor, but the 
able-bodied also, when out of work, are entitled to an ample sup- 
port. Another, in which Dr Chalmers takes the lead, would 
only extend a limited public provision, in very necessitous cases, 
and that only after aid from relations and neighbours of the par. 
ties had been found to fail. The principle of the modern English 
poor-law appears a fair medium between the two extremes : it 
affords out-of-door relief to the infirm, the aged, and the help. 
lessly young, and to the able-bodied in necessity holds out accom- 
modation in work-houses, where the provision is a little inferior 
to that usually enjoyed bj' the independent labourer, so that it 
may act as a test of real necessity, and not be an attraction to 
sloth. It has long been a favourite doctrine with the second of 
the extreme parties, that provision of every kind vitiates a popu- 
lation, by taking away motives for self-dependence ; but it has 
been sho^vn more satisfactorily, on the other hand, that wheli a 
population is allowed to sink below a certain point of comfort, it 
tends to become excessive, in consequence of the recklessness 
which attends a state of great miserj-. Unquestionably, the inte- 
rest, as well as humanity, of every civilised nation, is concerned 
in making provisions to prevent any portion of the population 
sinking into very abject circumstances. — Publishers' Note.] 

i. In Edinburgh, an attempt has occasionally been made to form 
a foundling hospital, but has failed, from the opinion of its in- 
jury to morality. — Hawkins, Elements o/Med. Stat., p. 132. 
§ Page 130; 



46 



ON MAN. 



45 were preserved ! — 10,201 of these unfortunate cliil- 
dren were aflFected with syphilitic symptoms, whilst 
of late there has only been 1 in 30. We have also 
shown how much art and good management have 
diminished the mortality of lying-in institutions. My 
object in speaking of these establishments was not, 
of course, to present a complete table ; but to show 
how political institutions and philanthropic establish- 
ments may cause the degree of mortality to vary, 
whatever other causes of variation there may be. It 
is with the same object that I think I ought to take 
a view of the mortality of hospitals in diiferent coun- 
tries. This difficult subject may give rise to serious 
errors, because all hospitals do not receive patients 
affected with disease of equal severity or advance- 
ment. It is requisite, therefore, to use much reserve, 
and especially only to compare those hospitals with 
each other which admit the same kind of patients. 
In this I shall folloAv Mr F. B. Hawkins as my guide, 
and borrow the numbers which he gives in his Ele- 
ments. 

In 1685, in the Hospitals of St Bartholomew and 

St Thomas, the Mortality was - - 1 in 7 

- 1689— St Thomas, 1 in 10 

~ 1741 ~ 1 in 10 

From 1773 to 1783, 1 in 14 

„ 1783 to 1793, 1 in 15 

~ 1803 to 1813, 1 in 16 

According to the first report of St George s Hospi- 
tal, for 1734, the mortahty was 1 in 8 ; from 1825 
to 1827, it was 1 in 9. 

The mortahty in the Royal Infirmary of Edinburgh, 
for the decennial period which terminated 1818, Avas 
1 in 16, or the same as St Thomas's.* 

M. Casper, in his researches on the state of the 
poor in Paris, f has presented a table, including the 
proportion of deaths and duration of stay in the hos- 
pitals and asylums of Paris. Since these data deserve 
confidence, from the sources from which they have 
been drawn, and from the care which the author has 
taken to test them, I have thought proper to extract 
the following numbers : — 

Average 
Hospitals of Paris— 1822. Mortality. duration 

of Stay. 

Hotel-Dieu, - - - - 1 in 6-8 25-2 days. 

Piti6, ~ 8-2 280 ~ 

Charity, ~ 5-5 306 ~ 

StAntoine, - 6-7 31-6 ~ 

Necker, . - . . - « 5'6 33'6 ~ 

Cochin, ~ 8.3 25-8 ~ 

Beaujon, ~ 6-2 30-8 ~ 

St Louis, ~ 14-4 60-3 ~ 

Veneriens, .... „ 33-2 66'4 — 

Enfans Malades, - 4-4 51-3 ~ 

Maison d'Accouchemens, - - ~ 28-0 21'1 ~ 

Foundling Hospital— indoor patients, ~ 4-3 12-2 „ 

— « outdoor patients, ~ 6-2 

Maison Royale de Sant^, - - „ 5-8 24-7 ~ 

MaisondeSant6 (Veneriens), - ~ 113-0 410 - 



Asylums of Paris— 1822. 

Salp^triere, . . - . 

Institute de St Ferine, 

Bicfitre, . . . . 

Incurables — men, 
„ women, 

Hospice des Menages, 
— des Orphelins, - 
~ de la Rochefoucauld, 



8-4 
91 
7-6 
6-7 
111 
11-8 
75-3 
8-4 



64 
31-5 



It appears that the mortality of hospitals, in the 
remainder of France, is not so great as at Paris. Thus, 

* [The mortality of the Royal Infirmary of Edinburgh has 
f^ince that period, namely in 1838-.39, risen to 1 in 6, chiefly, as 
is supposed, from the frightful mortality caiiscd by typhus fever.] 

1 Beitrage — Das Annen-und Armen Kranken-wegen in Paris. 



at the Hotel-Dieu of Lyons, it is only 1 in II ; at IMont- 
pellier 1 in 10, for the average of all the hospitals. 
The following is a summary of the mortality in the 
principal hospitals of Europe, * which may be com- 
pared with the preceding data : — 

Mortality. 
Berlin— La Charite, from 1796 to 1817, - 1 in 6 nearly. 

Vienna — Large Hospital, - - - . . 6 . . 

Pesth in Hungary — Civil Hospital, 1826, - . . 6 . . 

Dresden— City Hospital, 1816, - - . . 7 . . 

Munich— New Hospital, 1819, - - . . 9 . . 

Petersburg — Imperial Hospital, 1817, t - . . 4-5 
Geneva— Hospital, 1823, - - - . . 11 . . 

Brussels— St Peter's, 1823, - - - . . 9 . . 

Amsterdam-St Peter's, 1798 to 1817, - . . 8 . . 

Turin and Genoa, 1821, - . - .. 7 .• 

Milan — Large Hospital, 1812 to 1814, - . . 6 . . 

Pavia— San-Matheo della Pieta, 1823, t - . . 10 7 
Bologna— Clinic of Tommasini, 1816 to 1819, . . 7-7 

Leghorn, 1818 to 1825, - - - . . 7-3 

Palermo — Large Hospital, 1823, - - . . 8*2 

It would appear, from these documents, that the 
mortality in the principal hospitals on the continent 
is generally greater than in those of England. We 
may be astonished, moreover, in comparing the prin- 
cipal states of Europe, that we do not find great 
differences, especially when we consider the influence 
which the local position and resources may have, 
without speaking of the different plans of medical 
treatment which may be pursued. Mr Hawkins has 
made a very curious remark on the latter subject. 
" We rarehi ought to attribute mortality to bad treat- 
ment, which probably seldom destroys the patient. 
A friend took particular notes on the comparative 
mortality under three physicians, in one hospital. 
The practice of the one was eclectic, the second expec- 
tant, and the third tonic. The mortality was the same, 
but the duration of indisposition, the character of the 
convalescence, and the chances of relapse, Avere very 
different." § 

This is not the place to speak of hospitals for men- 
tal infirmity, on the mortality of which Ave stUl have 
little accurate information. I shall have occasion to 
speak of them when considering the development of 
the moral and intellectual faculties, and the diseases 
to which they are subject. Neither shall I stay to 
consider the mortality of mendicity houses, these 
establishments being very few in Europe, and based 
on plans so different as not to admit of comparison. 
But I ought not to omit mentioning the great mor- 
tality observed in those of the old kingdom of the 
Low Countries. In the seven depots which Avere 
formed at different places in the kingdom, and be- 
tween the years 1811 and 1822, there annually died 
of the average population 1 in 8 "9 ; that is to say, 
as many as in hospitals, whilst the mortality of the 
whole kingdom Avas 1 in 43"8. " The mortality in the 
mendicity houses is indeed more dreadful, since the 
population of these establishments does not include 
persons of tender years. We must not forget that a 
great number of old and infirm persons of both sexes 
occupy these abodes, and that tlie state of extreme 
emaciation m which they are found in general, Avhen 
they arrive, brings with it the developed seed of a 
speedy dissolution, and should undoubtedly be classed 
Avith the causes to which we must attribute this fatal 
result. This latter circumstance Avas made especially 
remarkable in the disastrous year 1816. A multitude 

* Elements of Med. Stat. 

t AVitli respect to the hospitals of Russia in 1811, the mortality 
in establishments containing more than 30 patients Avas 1 in 9, 
and 1 in 10 in those which had fewer than 30 patients. 

X AA'omen are received there during labour. 

§ [In fevers of all descriptions, and epidemics, as the plague, 
cholera, &c., there seems much reason to fear that medical at- 
tendance is generally of little avail. On this subject, the trans- 
lator will be found to treat in the appendix.] 



ON MAN. 



47 



of unfortunate persons then only entered these houses 
to die in a few days after their arrival, and the greater 
number of the remainder expired, in the following 
years, from weakness. On the other hand, it is not 
impossible that the sudden transition from the most 
dreadful privation to a diet which comparatively 
may appear superabundant, here exercised a more 
deplorable influence than with a little more precau- 
tion it could have done. A third observation, which 
ought not to be passed over in silence, is, that in 
order to find the laws of mortality in an establish- 
ment whose population is moveable, it is not sufficient 
to compare the number of deaths with the daily 
entries, but it is also necessary to attend to the num- 
ber of individuals to whom this number of entries 
have a reference. The greater this latter number, 
especially in asylums of human misery and infirmity, 
the more chances are there for the mortality to ajjpear 
great." * 

The mortality which has just been pointed out is 
no doubt very considerable ; but I do not think that 
it has ever fallen in any of the mendicity houses of 
Belgium lower than it was towards the commence 
ment of this century in the mendicity houses of 
France. Indeed, according to ^I. Villerme.f the mor- 
tality at Laon, during a period of thirteen years end- 
ing in 1826, was 1 person in 4-32 ; at Nancy in 1789, 
1 in 5, and in 1801 it was 1 in 3'22 ; at Audi, diu-ing 
a period of five years, at least 1 in 3 ; at Metz 1 in 
8-13 in 1789, and 1 in 222 in 1801. This dreadful 
mortality cannot be compared to any thing except 
what took place, also about the commencement of the 
century, in one of the principal prisons of Belgium : 
it is scarcely credible that, in the prison of Vilvorde, 
there died 

In 1802, 1 prisoner in \-27 of the average population. 



1803, 


„ 


107 


1804, 


„ 


1-91 


1805, 


„ 


7-77 


1806, 


„ 


20-31 


1807, 


-. 


30-3C 





Deaths on 


the Average Population. 


Years. 


At Vilvorde 


St Bernard 


Ghent 




House of 


House of 


House of 




Confinement. 


Correction. 


Confinement. 


1825, 


2900 


18-71 


31-60 


1826, - 


29 00 


22-08 


45-80 


1827. - - 


29-62 


17-81 


77-53 


1828, - 


48-14 


17-99 


51-35 


1829, 


29-74 


15-06 


101-67 


1830, •• 


36,66 


11-93 


101-08 


1831, 


39,78 


30-51 


57-90 



In 1801, the evil had not begun to exist ; it was in 
1802 when it attained its greatest intensity. In 1805, 
M. Chaban, prefect of the ancient department of Dyle, 
and JI. Rouppe, inspector-general of the prison, began 
some improvements, which coiUd not be completed 
until I8O74 J^I- Villerme, who has also taken care to 
register this remarkable mortality, in his work on the 
Mortality of Prisons, adds the following reflections : — 
" After these last facts, what need be said to show the 
power of the government ? I do not think that im- 
prisonment should always be barbarously severe, but 
I think the bad discipline almost always renders it 
so. Those who are intrusted with the care of priso- 
ners, having never made researches of the present 
kind, what they have said of them has often appeared 
as clamorous sympathy merelj'. But when we take 
the numbers of the men, and determine the annual 
proportion of their deaths, every thing is reduced to 
a simple calculation, the elements of which may be 
verified. If it be correct, all the evil or all the good 
which the figure expresses is real." 

To understand to what extent the evil reached in 
the prison of Vilvorde, and how defective the disci- 
pline of it was, it is sutRcient to quote the mortaUty 
since this period. At the same time, I shall give the 
mortality of two other large prisons in Belgiiun.§ 

* These judicious observations are extracted from the notes 
with which M. Ic Baron Reverberg has enriched my 'Rtchtrcha 
sur let Poptilatioii.1, les Xaissanccs, ifc. 

t JMortalit^ dans les Prisons, An. d'Hi/yicne, tome i. p. 9. 

% Tableau Statistique de la Maison de Detention de Vilvorde, 
par M. Rouppe. 

§ Rapport sur VEtat Actuel des Prisons en Belgique, &e., par 
Kd. Diicpetiaux. 



"We may now be enabled to judge if the mortality 
of men left to themselves, and giving themselves up 
to the greatest excesses, may not be aggravated rather 
than otherwise, by a negUgent and mienlightened 
administration : men during the most dreadful pesti- 
lences, and soldiers during the most destructive wars, 
have not been exposed to such a mortahty as the pri- 
soners of Vilvorde, during the early years of the pre- 
sent century. 

The evil was far from being so great during the 
same period in the prison-house of Ghent ; indeed, there 
was only 1 death to 20*4 prisoners in 1801 ; in 1789 
there was only 1 death to 25'8 prisoners. According 
to M. Villerme, the annual mortality in the prisons of 
the department of the Seine has been, during the 
years 1815, 1816, 1817, and 1818, as follows: — 



At la Grande Force, 
. . the Madelonnettes, 
. . the Conciergerie, 
. . la Petite Force, 
. . Sainte-P^lagie, 
. . the Bicetre, ... 
. . the Sainte-Lazare, 
. . the Mendicity House at St Denis, 



1 in 40-88 prisoners. 

.. 38-03 

. . 32-06 

. . 26-63 

. . 24-48 

. . 18-75 

.. 17-92 

. . 3-97 



We see that in the department of the Seine the 
mortaUty of the depot of mendicity is also much 
greater than that of the prisons, and appears fre- 
quently to result from the injured constitutions of the 
poor, and their privations and miseries before enter- 
ing prison [the depots?], and from the impossibility 
they found of procuring the necessaries of life.* 

The prisons in the departments of France are gene- 
rally far from presenting as favourable results as those 
of the department of the Seine ; indeed, the mortality 
in the central houses (maisons centrales') and of those of 
justice and correction, were — 



At Montpellier, 1822, 



1 in 9-33 prisoners. 



. . Riom, 1821 to 1827, - - . . 9-87 

. . Baulieu near Caen, 1814 to 1825, - . . 11-59 

. . Melun, 1817 to 1825, - - . . 14-81 

. . Gaillon, 1817 to 1825, - - . . 11-86 

. . Metz, 1801, - - - . . 18-43 

. . Toulouse, 1822 to 1824, - - . . 35-07 1 • • 

. . Lyons, 1820 to 1826, - - . . .43-00 1 . . 

. . Saint- Flour, 1813 to 1826, - - . . 47-00 

. . Rouen, 1815tol826—Maisonde Justice, . . 51-18 § 

. . . . 1820 to 1825— Bicetre, - . . 59-07 II • • 

It is calculated that, for the average period of con- 
finement in 1827, there was 1 death to 22 sentenced, 
in the central houses of imprisonment of France ; and 
the average ratio was 1 in 1 6 for the men, and 1 in 
26 for the women. ]M. Villerme, from whom I bor- 

* Mortality dans les Prisons, p. 5. 

t In 1814, a year of misery, with a crowded prison, 1 prisoner 
died out of 7-95. 

^ One in 19, from 1800 to 1805 inclusive ; 1 in 31, from 1806 to 
1812 ; 1 in 34, from 1813 to 1819. 

§ The infirmaries have been better organised, and the nursing 
better conducted. The mortality In 1812, 1813, and 1814, was 1 
in 406 ! 

n The mortality was 1 in 8-46 from 1811 to 1814 ; 1 in 20-70 from 
1816 to 1820; after this period, those condemned to one year of 
confinement and more were withdrawn. 



48 



ON MAN. 



row the preceding data, estimates the mortality of the 
galley-slaves' prison as follows : — 



At Rochefort, from 1816 to 1828, 
. . ToiUon, 
. . Brest, 
. L'Orient, 



1 in 11-51 
. . 20-55 
. . 27-06 
. . 3917 



We have often taken the prisons of Switzerland and 
the United States as patterns ; it may be interesting, 
therefore, to know the mortality there* 

Penitentiary of Berne, - - - 1 in 25-00 
Lausanne, from 1803 to 1825, 

old method, - .. 21-40 

from 1826 to 1829, 

new method, - . . 12-25 

from 1830 to 1831, - . . 36-00 

Geneva, 1826 to 1831, - . . 49-00 

I'risonof Philadelphia (Pennsylvania), - - •• 16-66 

.. of Newgate (New York), - - ..18-80 

Penitentiary of Singsing (New York), 12 years, . . 36-58 

Wethersfield (Connecticut), - . . 44-40 

Baltimore (Maryland), - . . 48-57 

Auburn (New York), - - ..56-95 

Charlestown (Massachusetts), . . 58-40 

It is to be regretted that census of the mortahty 
of prisons in England are wanting ; it only appears 
that it is very smaU. This subject is perhaps more 
entitled to the attention of statisticians than any 
other, for there are few which present values so liable 
to change, and consequently the discipline should be 
more enlightened. Indeed, Ave have seen that, accord- 
ing to the negligence or zeal of the governors of pri- 
sons, the mortality of the establishment need not 
exceed what it is in ordinary society, or may become 
more dreadful than the most destructive scourges. 
The loss of liberty, and the humiliation connected 
with the condemned state, are punishments so great, 
that we need not aggravate them by a mortality un- 
equalled by aU the other scourges to which the species 
is exposed. The mortality of prisons has diminished 
in almost aU estabUshments without exception ; it is 
a fresh benefit resulting from the diffusion of know- 
ledge, and I dare say from the care with which statis- 
ticians have brought forward results on which Ave did 
not possess any precise data, and which consequently 
produced less impression, because Ave readily deceived 
ourselves as to the natm-e of the evil.f I cannot 
better conclude this chapter than by quoting the 
principal conclusions to which M. Villerme has been 
led — one of the men who has thrown most light on 
this important subject : % — 

1st, The mortality of prisoners is generally much 
greater than that of free people. 

2d, It is in the direct ratio of the bad management 
of prisons, the state of misery and nakedness of those 
detained therein, and the privations and sufferings 
Avhich they passed through before imprisonment. 

3d, If the management or discipline is almost 
powerless in correcting these latter causes, it may 
always, by care and understanding, prevent or very 
much extenuate the former. 

4th, If, taking aAvay the difference owing to locality 
and good or bad treatment, Ave arrange the prisoners 
in the order of their mortality, they stand as fol- 

lOAVS : — 

Accused. 

Condemned. 

Detained in mendicity houses. 

* Rapport sur I'Etat Actuel des Prisons en Belgique. 

t Mortality des Prisons, &c. 

± One of the most remarkable works which has been written on 
the amelioration of prisons, and the moral reformation of the 
inmates, is that of Dr Julius of Berlin — Vorle-suitffen ilber die 
Gefangniss Kxmde, 8vo. Berlin, 1823. This work has been trans- 
lated into French. The autlior, Avho has investigated tlie state 
of prisons with the most remarkable zeal, has been called to 
Berlin by the I'russian government, to give public lectures on 
the objects of his researches, lie has published a collection called 
Jahrbtlcherder Straf-und Besserungs-AnstaUen, Erziehungshauser, 
ifC, more' especially containing information on crimes and pri- 
sons. See also the Avorks of Mr Lucas. 



5th, To appreciate the effects of the salubrity or 
insalubrity, of the good or bad management of each 
prison, and the different chances of life of each class 
of prisoners, the best means Avill be to determine the 
annual proportion of deaths, not by comparing the 
latter to the total number of the inmates, but to their 
average annual population. 

6th, Ignorance of the lot of prisoners, of their wants, 
especially of the wants and the fate of the poorest of 
them, is the first cause to which may be attributed 
the excessive mortality shoAvn by the numbers Ave 
have quoted. 



CHAPTER VII. 

RELATIONS OF POPULATION TO SOCIAL PROSPERITY. 

1. Of Population and its Increase. 

Until now I have been considering the principal facts 
which relate to the birth, life, reproduction, and mor- 
tality of man, but without examining his condition 
in the social mass. This research, however, is the 
philosophical end towards which all our efforts should 
lead : Ave cannot dissemble as to the great difficulties 
Avhich it at present presents, notAvithstanding it has 
exercised the sagacity of several writers of the highest 
merit ; and it is with the greatest deference that I 
present some ncAv observations, Avhich I think capable 
of receiving useful application. 

Populations arise imperceptibly; it is only when 
they have reached a certain degree of development 
that Ave begin to think of their existence. This in- 
crease is more or less rapid, and it proceeds either 
from an excess of births over deaths, or from immi- 
grations, or both. In general, it is a mark of well- 
being, and of the means of existence being superior 
to the Avants of the actual population. If Ave approach 
or exceed this limit, the state of increase soon stops, 
or a contrary condition may take place. It is then 
interesting to examine hoAV different countries are 
populated, what are the means of subsistence and the 
rate of increase of the people, and to assign the limit 
Avhich they may reach without danger. After that, 
the consideration is, to knoAv the composition of the 
population, and if the constituent elements are advan- 
tageously distributed, and contribute, in a more or 
less efficient manner, to the AveU-being of the Avhole. 
But it Avould be proper first to take the questions of 
highest moment, and to establish, in a summary and 
clear manner, tlie ideas on population promulgated 
by the most distinguished economists. 

It appears incontestible, that population would in- 
crease in a geometrical ratio, if no obstacle were pre- 
sented to its development. 

The means of subsistence are not developed so 
rapidly ; and, according to Malthus, in the most fa- 
vourable circumstances for industry, they can never 
increase quicker than in an arithmetical ratio.* 

* Essay on (he Principle of Population, vol. i. p. 15. (Transla- 
tion of MM. Prdvost, Geneva, 1830). This law of the increase of 
subsistence may appear doubtful, and the ideas of economists are 
very different on this subject. Mr Senior thinks that there is a 
tendency in the means of subsistence to increase faster than the 
population. — See Ttvo Lectures on Population, p. 49. On this 
subject we may also consult the coi-respondence between this 
gentleman and ]\Ir Malthus. Mr M'Culloch, in tlie notes on 
Dr Smith's fp'calth of Nations, \-ol. iv. p. 133, thinks, on tlie 
contrary, that the progression established by Mr Malthus is too 
higli for the countries Avhere the best lands are already under 
cultivation. Since these tilings cannot be decided until all parts 
of the globe are under culture, it Avould be difficult to establish 
any thing experimentally, of a positive nature, on this head ; for 
if a population consume all the products of the land Avhich they 
inhabit, they may still, by the exchange of otlier produce, sup- 
ply themselves Avith what before Avas Avanted, and in this case 
they Avill receiA'e new accessions: thus the multiplication of 
machinery, by seconding himian labour in England, has allOAved 
the means of subsistence to undergo an increase since the com- 



ON MAN. 



49 



Tlie obstacle to popiilation, then, is the want of 
food, proceeding from the difference of ratio which 
these two quantities follow in their resi>ective in- 
creases. When a population, in its development, has 
arrived at the level of its means of subsistence, it 
ought to stop at this limit, from human foresight ; or 
if it have the misfortune to overleap this limit, it must 
be forcibly brought back by an excess of mortahty. 

The obstacles to population, therefore, may be ar- 
ranged under tAvo heads — the one acts by preventing 
the growth of population, and the other by destroying 
it in proportion as it is formed. The sum of the first 
forms what may be called the privative obstacle, that 
of the second the destructive obstacle.* 

Mr Malthus has analysed, with great sagacity, the 
principal obstacles to its increase which population 
has met with ; he has determined, with no less credit, 
the limit which it cannut pass Avitliout being exposed 
to the greatest danger. However, it may be necessary 
to remark, notwithstanding the researches of the 
English philosopher, and of the economists who have 
followed in his track, that the modus operandi of the 
obstacles has not been clearly made out. The law 
has not been established by virtue of Avhich they 
operate : in a word, they have not afforded the means 
of carrying the theory of population into the domains 
of mathematical science, to which it seems particu- 
larly to belong.f Hence it results, that the discussion 
of this delicate point has not been completed at the 
present day, and the dangers attending society have 
perhaps been exaggerated, from not finding sufficient 
security in tlie action of the obstacles against an evil, 
the dreadful rapidity of which followed a geometrical 
progression. 

To endeavour to fill up so important a lacuna, I 
have made numerous researches, the details of which 
it will be superfluous here to present ; and an atten- 
tive examination of the state of the question has 
proved to me, that the theory of population may be 
reduced to the two foUov.ing principles, which I con- 
sider will hereafter serve as fundamental principles 
in the analysis of the development of population, and 
of the causes which influence it. 

Population tends to increase in a geometrical ratio. 
The resistance, or sum of the obstacles to its develop- 
ment, is, all things being equal, as the square of the rapi- 
dity with which it tends to increase. 

The obstacles to rapidity of increase of a population, 
really operate, then, like the resistance which the media 
oppose to the passage of bodies through them. This 
extension of one of the laws of physics, which is most 
happily confirmed Avhen we apply it to the documents 
which society supplies, presents a new example of the 
analogies which are found in many cases between the 
laws regulating material phenomena and those which 
apply to man. So that, of the two principles Avhich I 
take as the basis of the mathematical theory of popu- 
lation, the one is generally admitted by all economists, 
and scarcely appears contestible, and the other has 
been verified in all the applications where we had to 

niencement of the present century, which appears to me to be 
greater than an arithmetical ratio. We cannot but continue to 
look upon the products of industry as equal to the products of 
agriculture, until the exchange of money for food becomes im- 
possible by too great a development of the population on the sur- 
face of the globe. 

* Malthus — Essay, &c. p. 20, tome i. In the view which I have 
adopted, the destructive obstacle acts generally by natural powers, 
and the privative obstacle by the disturbing powers of man. 

t May I be allowed to recall the ideas on this point which I 
expressed in 1827, at the opening of a public course on the his- 
tory of the sciences? — " It is to be observed," I said, " that the 
more progress the physical sciences have made, accordingly have 
they tended to enter within the boimds of mathematical science, 
which is a sort of centre to which they converge. We might even 
judge of the degree of perfection to which a science is capable of 
being carried, by the greater or less facility with which it admits 
of calcuLition." 



consider the movements and the obstacles in a con- 
tinuous manner. 

However, notwithstanding the prejudices we might 
have in favour of them, it would undoubtedly be ne- 
cessary to reject them, if, by submitting them to 
analysis, they could not support this proof to the ex- 
tremest detail. 

I thought, therefore, that I ought to examine, first 
of all, the consequences which the theory involved, 
and I have had the satisfaction to find them entirely 
conformable to the results of experience. Thus, when 
population can develop itself freely and without im- 
pediment, it increases in a geometrical ratio ; if it be 
developed in the midst of obstacles of every kind, 
which tend to arrest it, and which operate in an uni- 
form manner, that is to say, if the social state does not 
change, the population does not increase in an inde- 
finite manner, but tends more and more to become 
stationary. Hence it results, that population finds, 
in its very tendency to increase, those causes which 
ought to prevent the fatal catastrophes which might 
be feared from too great fullness, if I may so express 
myself, brought on in a sudden manner, and before 
which all human prudence would fail. The experience 
of our old Europe proves very fully, that population 
arrives at its state of equilibrium, increases, or re- 
cedes, by generally following one law of continuity. 
The bound which it cannot pass is variable, and de- 
pends on the quantity of food : population can never 
be developed so rapidly as to strike suddenly against 
this bound ; the obstacles which previously arise, hav- 
ing the same tendency, are too numerous to render a 
violent shock possible. Nature does not raise a smaller 
tribute of deaths ; but since we pay this tribute in 
detail, it is less sensible to us than if we required sud- 
denly to discharge it. 

It is thus that the greater part of our population 
has progressively arrived at the level of the means of 
subsistence, by continually preserving a tendency to 
develop, and consequently to reproduce an excess of 
mortality, nearly in the same manner as the cloud sus- 
pended in the air has a continual tendency to descend 
and diffuse the fullness which it holds. In the midst 
of the causes innumerable which may disturb this 
state of equilibrium, population advances or recedes 
almost in the same manner as we see the cloud as- 
cend or descend according to the temperature, direc- 
tion of the winds, and a crowd of other atmospherical 
circumstances, which, however, does not prevent its 
always reaching a certain average height, depending 
on its constitution and the obstacle which the resist- 
ance of the air opposes to its descent. 

When the social si/stem undergoes any changes, the 
obstacles always preserve the same mode of action ; 
but their intensity may vary in an infinite manner, so 
that the development of population may be infinitely 
modified like^vise. If we possessed exact census for 
different periods, the analysis would show the inten- 
sity of the causes which have been able to accelerate 
or oppose the development of population, and the cir- 
cumstances which have given origin to them. Sup- 
posing, for example, that a population which increases 
continually in an arithmetical progression, the con- 
stant difference of which is also known, we might de- 
termine, by means of the two laws announced above, 
what energy the obstacles have successively opposed 
to the development of the population ; in other terms, 
the law according to which these obstacles have been 
enabled to manifest themselves. It will sufiice to 
know the law according to which a population is de- 
veloped, to deduce, at least approximatively, the law 
according to which the obstacles have developed them- 
selves, and vice versa. But such problems as these 
belong exclusively to analysis ; I can only point them 
out here, reserving a return to them in a special work. 
I have said that, when the state of equiUbrium has 
been once attained, population would become station- 
ary, or at least vould oscillate around a fixed state, 



50 



ON MAN. 



in consequence of corresponding variations produced 
by climate and amount of food ; but since it is essen- 
tial to the nature of man to endeavour to increase the 
quantity of his produce by a greater degree of manual 
and intellectual labour, population may be enabled to 
find the means of development ; in such a manner that, 
if all the physical circumstances were the same in the 
different countries of Europe, there could not be a 
better measure of produce and industry than the den- 
sity of the population found there. The specific popu- 
lation is indeed the result of all the influential ele- 
ments of a country, and should be found carried to a 
limit which is in relation to all the facilities which a 
country could present for its development during the 
preceding periods. 

In adopting the measure of productive power, in 
a first approximation, it may be interesting to know 
the specific population of each country, that is to say, 
the number of inhabitants on a square league of 
ground : for this purpose I shall adopt the numbers 
given by M. Balbi in the Precis de la Geographic 
Universelle de Malte-Brun, liv. 16. I thought it ne- 
cessary to omit the small states having fewer than 
one million of souls. 

Inhabitants to a 
Square League 
(of 25 to the Degree.) 
Low Countries, ... - 1829 

Lomhardo-Venetian kingdom, - 1711 

AVurtemburg, - - . . 1502 

England (properly so called), - 1457 

Kingdom of Saxony, ... 1252 

States of Sardinia, - - - 1122 

France, . . - . - 1062 

States of the Church, - - - 1043 

Bavai-ia, 968 

Prussian monarchy, . . - 792 

Switzerland, .... 783 

Hungary, .... 750 

Kingdom of Naples and Sicily, . - 747 

Spain, - - . . - 641 

Denmark, ..... 616 

Portugal, - . . - 446 

Turkey, ..... 324 

Kussia, .... 161 

Sweden and Norway, - . - 82 

The Low Countries, Lorabardy, Wurtemburg, and 
England, are, then, the coimtries which really support 
the densest populations in Europe, and consequently 
those which, aU things being equal, should produce 
the most for their suitable support. Portugal, Tur. 
key, Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, on the contrary, 
have populations of less density. Now, since the 
people of these countries have been increasing for 
many centuries back, with all the facilities which their 
locality and institutions allowed, it is to be presumed 
that if they are not the same in the different countries 
of Europe, there have been some obstacles to their 
propagation, either in the lands not being equally 
fertile, or because it has been more difficult to deve- 
lop the trade and industry of man, or because there 
was not a secure basis for social institutions, or, lastly, 
owing to moral causes, and the other motives, the in- 
fluence of which on the number of births and deaths 
I have examined. 

There is also an important distinction to be esta- 
blished, and which, because it has not been observed, 
has often thrown strange confusion into all questions 
on population ; namely, that it is necessary to know 
not only of how many individuals a people is composed, 
but also in what manner each individual obtains the 
means necessary for his own existence. There is an in- 
finity of shades among the people : some have a more 
cultivated mind, more industry, and more wants ; one 
individual alone consumes by himself what otherwise 
might support three persons, or even more ; but these 
three men would live miserably, and propagate a 
people as miserable as themselves. It would then be 
inaccurate to say that, because the last nation has a 
population three times as dense as the first, that it 
produced three times as much. In order tliat the 
figures of the preceding table may be compared with 



each otiier, it is necessary to multiply them indivi- 
dually by a constant coefficient, being what is necessary 
for one individual of each nation to supply his wants. 

We should also be Avrong in judging that, because 
one nation had a stationary population, it made 
no progress. The state of industry and knowledge 
may ameliorate the condition of the population very 
much, without any traces of it being discernible 
(namely, the ameUoration). This increase of well- 
being, all things being equal, is measured by the 
quantity of things which one individual consumes, 
and in an equitable division of the matter which is 
consumed. This constant coefficient is destined to 
play an important part in the theory of population. 
It is this which defines the limit towards which popu- 
lation tends in its successive growth, almost in the 
same manner as the point at which a body remains 
in cquilibrio in any medium, is regulated by its density. 
In general, when a population is stationary, according 
as the consumption of the inhabitant increases or 
diminishes, in such proportion may the people be said 
to be made richer or poorer. 

Because a population is increasing, we must not 
conclude any longer that its prosperity increases. It 
is necessary, first, to consider the constant coefficient, 
which is the measure of the degree of comfort of the 
individual, just as, on the other hand, the specific 
population is the measure of the degree of affluence or 
comfort of any country. When we wish to establish 
comparisons between the people, it is of the greatest 
importance to consult the quality, if I may so express 
myself, as well as the quantity. 

In general, statisticians continue to employ the 
annual increase of the population, to calculate in what 
time it would double itself, although experience almost 
constantly falsifies the results of their calculations. 
This inquiry, which leads us into the hypothesis that 
there is no obstacle to the development of a people, 
can scarcely be directly applied to old Europe, any 
more than we should expect to see the results of 
experience accord with those of the theory of the fall 
of bodies through a vacuum. These calculations, for 
the most part, are only suited to satisfy curiositj', 
since they belong to an hypothesis which cannot be 
realised, or at least is available only within very nar- 
row limits. 

If a country, by virtue of its increasing civilisation, 
takes a new impulse, and from the increase of its pro- 
duce carries onwards the boundary which limits the 
extent of its population, it would be in the most 
favourable circumstances, by a geometrical progres- 
sion, that it would first tend to reach that boundary ; 
but this rapidity of increase would soon abate, from 
the effect of obstacles, and would soon be extinguished. 
The same applies to a decreasing population ; but the 
motion takes place in the opposite direction. Analysis 
suppUes us Avith some formula, which very accurately 
express these different states. 

Comitries most happily divided, scarcely present a 
population increasing in a geometrical ratio. England, 
however, is a striking example, which ought to occupy 
the highest degree of attention. After havmg been 
stationary, or even retrograde, at the commencement 
of the last century, its population then began to in- 
crease progressively, undergoing various oscillations 
mitil the middle of the century, when, receiving a 
second impulse, it began to take an arithmetical ratio. 
A fresh and more energetic impulse was given to it 
at the commencement of the present century, and it 
has not since ceased to increase in a geometrical ratio ; 
so that it has passed through states contrary to those 
of a population which tends to its limit, and where 
the obstacles go on increasing. Here the obstacles 
have been diminishing in consequence of the immense 
progress of industry, and the introduction of such 
an incredible quantity of machinery, the products of 
which represent a population which England is far 
from jiossessing. 



ON MAN. 



51 



Years. 


Population.* 


Decennial 
Increase. 


Annual 
Increase 
per cent. 


Period required 
tor the Popula- 
tion to double 
itself. 


17(1(1, - 


5,1,34,.')16 


— 68,179 


— ()-13 


— 500 years. 


171(1, 


5,06e,ai7 


+279,014 


+ 0-.')4 


+ 129 .. 


1720, - 


5,.'M5,."?51 


342,642 


{)(i-2 


112 .. 


173(1, 


.5,087.993 


141,712 


0-25 


278 .. 


1740, - 


5,829,705 


209,979 


0-35 


197 •• 


l7r.o. 


0,0.39,684 


440,046 


0-70 


ion . . 


17C0, - 


0,479,730 


747,856 


1-09 


63 .. 


1770, 


7,227,586 


587,241 


0-78 


89 •• 


i7«o, - 


7,814,827 


725,911 


0-89 


77 ■• 


1790, 


8,540,738 


646,438 


0-73 


9G ■■ 


1800, - 


9,187,176 


1,220,380 


1-25 


50 •• 


1810, 


10,407,.';50 


1,550,(H)5 


1-39 


49 •■ 


1820, - 


11,957,565 


1,883,186 


1-46 


48 •• 


1830, 


13,840,751 









The same ratio of increase does not take place 
twice successiA'ely during the period inchided in this 
table, except for late years, when a geometrical pro- 
gression is very marked, the value of Avhich is 1-38. 
From 1760 to 1800, the progression was arithmetical, 
and the constant difference had an annual value of 
67686'1. Availing myself of these numbers, I have 
calculated the successive values of the poiJulation, 
placing by the side of my results the observed values. 



Periods. 



1760, 
1770, - 
1780, 
1790, - 
1800, 
1810, - 
1820, 
1830, - 



Population. 



Observed. Calculated. Difference. 



6,479,7.30 
7,227,580 
7,814,827 
8,540,7.38 
9,187.170 
10,407,556 
ll,»57,ai5 
13,!t40,751 



0,479,7:10 
7,15«,.5!»1 
7,8Ti,45.3 
8,510,314 
9,187,176 
10,531,900 
12,073,400 
13,840,751 





— 70,995 
+ 18,6.36 

— 30,424 


+ 124,.'144 
+ 115,835 





These differences between the calculated and ob- 
served results do not exceed the limits of the fluctua- 
tions Avhich attend the results of different years ; the 
greatest difference of one period of ten years does not 
amount to 125,000 inhabitants ; this inequality does 
not amount to l-80tli of the population. 

We are about to find a second very instructive 
example, and a much less complicated one, in what 
takes place in the United States of America, a new 
country which rose to liberty by one effort, proud of 
the industry of its inhabitants and the fertility of its 
soil. Popvdation immediately developed itself there 
with a rapidity most astonishing, and unknown alto- 
gether in this old Europe ; immigration also added still 
fui'ther to the excess of births over deaths. But this 
rapid increase was soon met by obstacles which mul- 
tiplied, and the rapidity of increase, great as it was, 
became uniform. It is an arithmetical and not a 
geometrical progression which is observed. Such are 
the facts presented by the popiilation of the United 
States, which has been so often quoted as an example, 
and wlvich has not been attended to with sufficient 
scrutiny. I quote the printed numbers of Professor 
Rau.f Tliey are, moreover, conformable to those 
which have been given by other statisticians. 

Years. Inhabitants. Annual Increase. 

1780, - . . 2,051,(KX( 6-2 in 100 

1790, - - 3,929,326 30 •• 

1800, - . - 5,306,035 3-1 ■• 

1810, . . 7,239,703 2-87 •• 

1820, . . . 9,654,415 1-9 •• 

182.'), - . 10,438,000 19 •■ 

* The value of the population is given according to the numbers 
of Mr nickman. Pre/are to the Abstract, ^c, 1831, p. 45. Mr 
Rickman, at p.-ige 24, gives as the annual increase for the periods 
1801, 1811, 1821, 1831, the values 1-41, 1-57, and 1-54; the difference 
of my results may be occasioned by the method of calculation 
employed. I thought proper to compare the annual increase, not 
to the population of the first year of each period, but to that of 
an average year of this period. 

t BulMin lie M. Fenusac, Fdv. 1831. See also the numbers given 
by M. Warden in the Biillttins <lf In Sochi<.' VhUoiinith'ijxie, 1832. , 



Inhabitants. 


Annual Increase. 


2,051,000 


6-3 in 100 


3,959,220 


3-7 •• 


5,867,440 


2-8 •• 


7,775,660 


2-2 •• 


9,683,880 


1-9 .. 


10,037,990 





I shall first observe, that the population has made 
almost regular increases from year to year, so that 
its successive values form an increasing arithmetical 
progression, of which the difference between one year 
and another may be considered as of the value of 
190,822.* Proceeding with this hypothesis, we shall 
have — 

Y'ears. 
1780, 
1790, 
1800, 
1810, 
1820, 
1825, 

Thus, although in fact population has received con- 
siderable increases, things are still in the same state 
as in 1780; there is as much room and food for new 
comers, because, nearly every year, about 190,822 
individuals come to occupy the wastes Avhich remain 
to be inhabited. These increases are less sensible 
when we calculate them, as is generally done, by com- 
paring them to the population. The population is, 
indeed, less prolific, because the care taken to fill the 
places which remain vacant, is divided amongst a 
greater number of persons.f 

In the greater number of the countries of Europe, 
population is increasing, and it is according to the 
value of the annual increase that statisticians have 
established their calculations to determine the period 
at which each of the populations would be found to 
have doubled. I here quote the results obtained by 
two gentlemen whose names are esteemed in science. 



Countries. 



Ireland, 

Hungary, 

Spain, 

England, 

Prussia, 

Prussia on the) 

Rhine, i 

Austria, 
Uavaria, 
Low Countries, 
Kingdom of) 

Naples, ) 
France, 
Sweden, - 
Kingdom of » 

Lombardy,} 
Russia, 



According to 
Professor Rau. 



Annual 
Increase. 



2.45 
2-4 
1(» 
l(i5 



1-3 
108 
0-94 

0-83 
0-63 
0-.58 

0-45 



Period 
requu-ed 
in which 
to Double. 



28 years. 
20-2 ~ 
41-9 ~ 
42-3 „ 



530 
64-6 
74-8 

83-5 
110-3 
118 

152 8 



According to 
M. Ch. Dupin. 



Increase. 



107 
2.70 



101 

1-24 
Ml 

005 



1-05 



Period 
required 
in which 
to Double. 



42-0 years. 
26-0 - 



690 

03-0 
1050 



060 -, 



♦ Representing this difference by d, and P standing for the popu- 
lation in 1700, and x for the number of years which have elapsed, 
we have for the population of this x\.\\ year Vx = P + rf.r : it is 
according to this formula that the numbers of the following table 
have been calculated. It also follows that the increase a relative 
to the population, had, as a general value, or for a period of n years 
after the rth , 

2(f 

" ~ Px + P.i- + n 

It is according to this formula that the successive increases of 
the population have been calculated. If by means of lines we 
represented the degree of increase of the population in proportion 
to the years, we shall have on one hand a straight line, and on 
the other an hj-perbola. The asymptote marks the limit towards 
which the increases tend. 

t The theoj-y would, moreover, prove, that at first the pojiula- 
tion has been smaller than the table indicates, for at the end of 
the last century it should have been more numerous. I hear, 
indeed, from ]M. Warden, that the United States, from poIitic;»l 
nititivcs, and in order to acquire niore importance, have, during 
the time of war, exaggei-ated the amount of the population, 
especially in the interior of the country, where strangeis can 
exercise less inquisitive control. 



52 



ON MAN. 



If the doubling of the population were indeed to 
take place according to this table, we should certainly 
have to fear a dreadful catastrophe, owing to the 
means of subsistence not being able to follow so rapid 
a development ; but we have already seen that it is 
only in very rare cases that a continued and rapid 
increase can take place. If such catastrophes could 
happen, we should already have seen them long ago 
in Europe. No doubt, the mortality may be acci- 
dentally increased by famines, pestilence, and other 
plagues ; but these evils, the mfluence of which civi- 
lisation tends to diminish, may take place in countries 
which have not yet reached their bound. 

The calculation of the annual increase of the 
population is not the only source of deception in 
estimating the doublmg of populations. The subject 
is still open to great errors in other respects. It will 
almost always be impossible to agree upon these mat- 
ters, unless we quote the years and the numbers ac- 
cording to which the increases take place. Many 
authors only estimate the mcrease of population from 
one or two years of observation, and are thus exposed 
to the greatest errors. This is mixing the influences 
which we wish to determine, with those resulting from 
an infinity of causes, which may often cause the former 
to be entirely misunderstood. It appears to me, that, 
in order to pronoimce with any degree of certainty 
on the state of a country, we must at least employ 
the results of ten years' observation ; that is to say, 
of periods dm-ing which institutions have remained 
the same, and no remarkable events have taken place. 
Thus we might hope to find out the influence of acci- 
dental causes, and only retain what results from the 
nature of the country, its institutions, and the indus- 
try of the people. It is especially necessai-y to avoid 
taking any numbers of critical years, and those years 
immediately succeeding them. At the present day, 
Europe is enjoying a respite after long and bloody 
wars — after more or less stagnation of commerce; 
and, under the influence of more liberal institutions, 
it is easy to understand that produce should become 
more abundant, and population increase; but does 
this give any reason to suppose that the increase 
shall continue the same? It appears to me, that 
tliis would be a great error, and I do not fear to 
appeal tlie point to experience. 

It is very remarkable that a population is more 
numerous, if it have been constantly stationary dur- 
ing a certain number of years, than if, during the 
same period, it has been alternately increasing and 
decreasing, when the ratio of the increase itself lias 
been equal to the ratio of the decrease, the efiect of 
one -j^ear not compensating that of another. This 
seems, at the first view, to be a paradox; we may 
nevertheless be assured of its truth. If we seek to 
find what becomes of a given number of individuals 
after m + n years (m indicating the years during which 
the population has been stationary, and n those dur- 
ing which it has received an increase or decrease 
of a determinate quantity), we find that the num- 
ber of survivors continues the same, in whatever 
manner the years m + n have succeeded each other. 
Thus, whether a population increases regularly dur- 
ing ten years, and then is stationary for twenty more 
— whether these two periods succeed each other in 
an inverse order, or are intermixed — a given number 
of individuals who shall be born, will present the 
same number of sm'vivors when the thirty years have 
passed over.* 

2. Of Tables of Population. 
Populations present very great differences, accord- 
ing to the manner in which the individuals who com- 
pose them are grouped, either by families or houses ; 
however, when considering only one country, these 

* Recherches Statistique siu- le Royaume des PaysBas, p. Cl, 
el scq. 



differences are less apparent. In the country of Bel- 
gium, for example, we have about five individuals to 
one family, and this number is a little smaller in town. 
"We also calculate, almost exactly, in each province 
and in the country, 106 famihes to 100 houses, whilst 
we find 125 to 174 in towns. 

We observe, also, that in the country of Belgium 
the individuals of both sexes are nearly balanced. It 
is not so in towns ; the number of men is every where 
smaller than that of women. This difference may be 
owing to the greater mortality of men, as well as to 
the more frequent employment of female domestic 
servants. In the country, on the contrary, male ser- 
vants are most sought after for cultivating lands. 

If we divide the population of the two sexes into 
three classes, namely, unmarried, married, and wi- 
dowers, we shall have, still preserving the distinction 
of town and coimtry — 





In 1000 Men. 


In 1000 Women. 


111 TOWTI- 




% 


2 




1 


I 




i 


s 


o 




I 


Flanders, East, 


G52 


311 


37 


643 


281 


76 


West, 


C46 


317 


37 


638 


278 


84 


Brabant, - 


629 


332 


39 


625 


2a4 


91 


llainault. 


642 


3IG 


42 


604 


307 


89 


Liege, 


035 


323 


42 


624 


293 


83 


Anvers, 


tX>5 


312 


33 


646 


276 


78 


Namur, 


063 


2!)7 


40 


622 


291 


87 


In the Country. 














Flanders, East, 


687 


27G 


.36 


661 


272 


67 


"West, 


671 


293 


.-«> 


645 


288 


67 


Brabant, - 


652 


313 


35 


623 


311 


66 


Hainault, 


647 


317 


36 


611 


318 


71 


Liege, 


646 


312 


42 


618 


305 


77 


Anvers, 


672 


289 


39 


639 


289 


72 


Namur, 


634 


331 


.35 


596 


332 


72 



Whence we see that, 

1. In general, two-thirds of the population are un- 
married ; the other third is composed of married per- 
sons or widowed. 

2. Taking 1000 individuals of each sex, the unmar- 
ried males are rather more numerous than the un- 
married females: it is the same with the married 
men. 

3. The unmarried are still more numerous in 
country than in toAvn ; so that we find the greatest 
number of unmarried persons out of 1000 in the 
country, who are also males. 

4. The number of widows is almost double the 
number of widowers. 

This latter result, which is very remarkable, be- 
comes more striking when we compare the number 
of widowers with that of widows. 





AVidowers to 100 Widows. 


Provinces. 






City. 


Rural Districts. 


Flanders, East, 


44 


53 


AVest, 


39 


.TS 


Anvers, 


38 


55 


Brabant, 


37 


53 


Hainault, ... 


46 


60 


Namur, . - - 


45 


47 


Liege, 


46 


52 



Thus the number of widowers, compared with the 
number of widows, is incontrovertibly more numerous 
in tOAvn than in country, and especially in the pro- 
vinces of Brabant, Anvers, and Western Elanders. 

This circumstance may be owing to men marrying 
later in to%vn than in country. Indeed, Are shall ob- 
serve that the three provinces which haA-e just been 
pomted out, are those which, all things being equal, 



ON MAN. 



53 



have the greatest part of their population shut up in 
the cities. Men have also more facihty of passing 
from the state of widowhood tlian women. 

The distribution of the population accoi'ding to age, 
has long occupied the attention of statisticians more 
than any other element. Tables of population are 
of two kinds — the one kind are obtained directly by 
a census, the other are deduced from tables of morta- 
lity. When we may rely on the accuracy of the cen- 



sus, the former are always preferable to the latter, 
and more faithfully represent the actual state of the 
population. 

The table which I here present is the result of a 
great census made in Belgium about the end of 1829 ; 
it has been calculated from original documents, and 
I think I can guiirantee its accuracy. In the lie- 
clierchcs siir la Reproduction et la Mortalite, all the 
documents belonging to it may be seen. 



TABLE OP THE POPULATION FOR BELGIUM. 
1 ,^10,000 Persous are taken aa a basis, and classed according to the indications of the Table. 







>Ien 












Women. 




At, 












Age. 










Uniuurriel. 


.Married. 


Widowers, 


Total. 


Unnuirricd. 


Married. 


Widows. 


Total. 


years. 


.317.202 


14f>,lG4 


17.M9 


481,315 


o> 


cars. 


,^^5,930 


146,053 


36,702 


518,685 


1 .. 


3li3.l>S8 


lUi.IW 


I7,!M9 


467.171 


1 


— 


322,212 


146,053 


36,702 


504,967 


2 - 


288,!)!I7 


146,1(4 


17.949 


453,110 


2 


„ 


.108.695 


14(;,033 


36,702 


491,;i30 


.t -- 


276,3(» 


14(>,1(>4 


17.949 


440,482 


3 


„ 


290.379 


146,053 


36,702 


479,1.M 


4 ~ 


2li;i,U15 


146,1(M 


17,949 


427.!e8 


4 


„ 


284.201 


146,053 


3(i,7(e 


4(«.!l'.!t 




2jl,3a9 


14(i,164 


17.fM9 


415,502 


.■J 


„ 


272.087 


146,053 


36,702 


454,1!42 


f, ~ 


230,160 


146. 1G4 


17.949 


4U1,279 





„ 


200,449 


146,053 


3<;,702 


443.2(14 


8 - 


216.910 


146,104 


17,!M9 


381,<23 


8 


„ 


238.803 


14<;,053 


36,718 


421,618 


10 „ 


193,861 


146.164 


17.949 


330,974 


10 


„ 


218,646 


146,053 


36,7te 


401,401 


12 ~ 


176,439 


14(;,1(M 


17,!>49 


»10,532 


12 


„ 


199,828 


146,a'-.3 


36.702 


382,583 


14 " 


IM.irjJ 


146,1('4 


17,!H9 


.t>>,1.16 


14 


„ 


181,6!13 


146,033 


36,702 


364,4;« 


Ifi - 


137,837 


146, KH 


17.949 


301 ,'XM 


16 


-. 


102, .164 


146,049 


36.702 


343.115 


2(1 - 


ll4.tiU8 


146,1(72 


17.915 


2<»<,llO 


20 


„ 


128,083 


145,634 


36,6f>4 


310,431 




(ii.s-io 


142,847 


17.f02 


220,979 


25 


^ 


89,884 


139,707 


36,600 


266,231 


.10 " 


39,nia 


12<),fi77 


I7,6.a7 


1U6,.'5.-B 


30 


„ 


63,823 


123,892 


26,219 


22,i,!);U 


aa ~ 


23,4C.3 


l<«.onrt 


17.1.T9 


151 ,.100 


3j 


.. 


47,243 


102,702 


35,421 


lHJ,42li 


4U -' 


18,187 


89,973 


16,488 


124.040 


40 


„ 


36.216 


81,499 


34,<I24 


13I,7:!9 


4.'. " 


ia,7.« 


71.931' 


15,371 


101.240 


43 


„ 


28,249 


01,419 


31,916 


121,. '584 


2(1 


10,311 


54,7<t) 


14,-I60 


79.471 


60 


^ 


21,837 


44,218 


29,1(j7 


y.';,242 


53 - 


U,4I4 


44,(120 


13,4(12 


63.856 


53 


„ 


18,089 


34,223 


26,7tl9 


7.'>,( 21 


.VI - 


fi,!»;2 


35,531 


12,296 


M.4fl9 


3(J 


„ 


15,095 


2(i,417 


24,;«i5 


03,((!»7 


.w - 


5,I04 


i?7.7«7 


11,164 


44,645 


59 


„ 


12,5.13 


20.090 


21,719 


54, .114 


til .. 


4,430 


20,764 


9,693 


34.887 


02 


„ 


9.948 


14,6?2 


18.608 


43,228 


ta 


3,434 


15,120 


8,242 


20.?J6 


65 


„ 


7.749 


10,301 


15,683 


.■)3,783 


07 - 


2,(117 


11, .WO 


7.112 


21.528 


07 


^ 


6.IM!) 


7.685 


13,410 


27,130 


tfl -- 


2,317 


9,(>20 


0.113 


17,430 


09 


„ 


4,940 


5,732 


11, .11(7 


22,l'.'>n 


71 


1,772 


0.540 


5,liiO 


13.412 


71 


^ 


3.773 


4,034 


9,175 


17.002 


7a - 


1.3B1 


4,976 


40U6 


10.053 


73 


„ 


2,994 


2,963. 


7,571 


13,528 


75 " 


1,U27 


3.375 


3,31iJ 


7.991 


75 


„ 


2,234 


2,030 


6,930 


10,214 




7U> 


2,3IU^ 


2,5,10 


5,618 


77 


^ 


1,589 


1,300 


4,309 


7,238 


7'j 


4«L> 


1,517 


l,iM3 


3.B44 


70 


„ 


1,'|R5 


814 


3,102 


5.001 


Ul ~ 


,au5 


(131 


1,191 


2.327 


81 


„ 


680 


451 


1.908 


3,09;) 


ai ,. 


lOU 


516 


801 


1,518 


83 


„ 


454 


259 


1.350 


2,063 


tu 


123 


313 


510 


935 


85 


^ 


27fi 


144 


864 


1,284 


V, .. 


70 


ICl 


300 


637 


87 


^ 


154 


78 


5(e 


734 


«i - 


30 


80 


17a 


291 


CD 


^ 


08 


41 


299 


428 


!M) 


26 


48 


123 


1!>7 


90 


^ 


00 


27 


210 


303 


S/1 -. 


17 


3i 


79 


128 


91 


„ 


39 


17 


143 


199 


Vtl ~ 


14 


26 


57 


97 


92 


^ 


29 


14 


109 


152 


aa 


11 


19 


41 


71 


93 


^ 


18 


13 


70 


107 


IM ~ 


/ 


15 


31 


53 


94 


^ 


12 


10 


'A 


70 


•I.'; ~ 




11 


22 


.'W 


95 


^ 


10 


6 


38 


M 


u; 


4 


8 


16 


20 


90 


^ 


6 


6 


24 


36 


vj .. 


1 


_>; 


10 


16 


97 


^ 


3 


3 


18 


24 


98 - 


1 


4 





11 


98 


_ 


2 


2 


10 


14 


09 » 





1 


5 


C 


99 


^ 


1 


1 


5 


7 


Uu ~ and ) 
upwards, ' 








3 


3 


100 


~ and I 
jwnrds, ' 


1 


1 


2 


4 








u 











Without staying, for the present, to bring forward 

. ine results which may be deduced from this table, 

1 shall examine how far two tables of population, ob- 

tnined by a census and from the list of mortality, can 

agree with each other.* 

When a population is stationary, that is to say, 
when we have annually as many deaths as births, the 
tables of mortality are considered as the true tables 
of population. Thus, according to the general table 
given above, of 100,000 births, we found 77,.528 chil- 
dren of one year, 70,536 of two years, 06,531 of three 

* WeiT>.iy consult some writings on census, recently published, 
, ■ • ■ — c<vi,Tuj(j/"Wi« Pop«/<Tfion, by Mr Babbage. Etfin. 

J l^lU-r lo hit Grace the Duke nf Hamilton and 

I: riing th< Parochial Regittert nf Scotland, by Mr J. 

Cleliind : tiUogow. 1834, 8vn. NoU-s by M. le Baron do Keverbcrg. 
liclng the Appendix to the Rechfrcht$ $»r la Population, let Xuis- 
vncft, le$ liecf. IfC, e>\ Ufl(>i<i>ii: 



years, and so on ; and the sum of all these individuals 
formed the whole population, which, according to the 
same table, had raised itself to 3,261,073 souls. If 
we then successively cut off from this simi the num- 
ber of births, the number of individuals of one year 
old, of two years, &c., the remainder will express the 
number of survivors at these different ages. In this 
manner, we should form a table of population ; but 
to render it comparable to that which lias been ob- 
tained directly by the census, we should also require 
to take 100,000 as the b.isis, instead of 3,264,073, and 
reduce all the other numbers to a proportion Avith it. 
The following table has been obtained in this indirect 
manner from the table of mortality, supposing the 
population stationarj-. It is found to correspond with 
the table of population obtaincrl by the census, and 
such as hits Ix'cn given above, but without preserving 
the distinction of places and sex. We may judge of 
the errors wliich these tables present. 



54 



ON MAl^f. 



Table of the Population of Belgium. 





Deduced 


Obtained 




Deduced 


Obtained 


Age. 


from the 


Directly 


Ago. 


from the 


Directly 


Table of 


by the 




Table of 


by the 




Mortality. 


Census. 




Mortality. 


Census. 


Birth, 


100,000 


100,000 


67 years, 


6,404 


4,868 


1 year, 


96,937 


97,214 


69 ■• 


5,194 


3,951 


2 years, 


94,562 


94,446 


71 •■ 


4,116 


3,041 


3 .. 


92,401 


91,962 


73 .. 


3,179 


2,418 


4 •• 


90,361 


89,489 


75 .. 


2, .379 


1,820 


5 •. 


88,400 


87,034 


77 •• 


1,724 


1,2€8 


6 •• 


86,487 


84,648 


79 •. 


1,205 


884 


8 .. 


82,768 


80,274 


81 •• 


316 


543 


10 •• 


79,143 


76,138 


83 •• 


630 


358 


12 .. 


75,590 


72,314 


85 .. 


327 


222 


14 •■ 


72,094 


68,657 


87 ■• 


190 


127 


16 •• 


68,648 


64,707 


89 ■■ 


104 


72 


20 •• 


61,932 


57,854 


90 •• 


76 


50 


25 •• 


53,952 


49,323 


91 •• 


65 


33 


30 •• 


46,506 


41,047 


92 .. 


39 


25 


35 .. 


39,624 


33,673 


93 •■ 


27 


18 


40 •• 


32,992 


27,639 


94 .. 


19 


13 


45 .. 


26,908 


22,283 


95 .. 


12 


9 


60 .. 


21,289 


17,471 


96 •• 


8 


6 


63 .. 


18,154 


14,488 


97 •• 


4 


4 


SO •■ 


15,220 


12,039 


98 .. 


2 


2 


.VJ . . 


12,495 


9,899 


99 .. 


1 


I 


62 .. 


9,9.03 


7,811 


100 & up- 






65 •• 


7.746 


0,058 


wards, 


1 


1 



The table of population deduced from the table of 
mortality gives results which are generally greater 
than those of the table obtained directly by the cen- 
sus. Thus, it indicates that in a population of 100,000 
souls, there were 5.3,952 individuals who wei'e more 
than 25 years old, and the other table gives only 
49,.32.3 individuals having more than this age. How 
does this difference arise, and how may it be ex- 
plained ? 

According to several distinguished authors who 
have written on this subject, it would be sufficient 
(as we said above, if tlie population were stationary, 
that is, the number of births annually being constantly 
nearly equal to that of deaths)* to calculate the table 
of population from that of mortality. We shall here 
remark, that it would undoubtedly suffice, in the 
greater number of cases, where the population is sta- 
tionary ; but this single condition is not enough : it 
is also necessary that the same number of deaths cor- 
respond annually also, in order that the proportion 
of the survivors may remain nearly the same at the 
diffi^rent periods of life, and that the numbers entered 
on the tables of mortality for each year may be re- 
produced almost identically. To perceive the neces- 
sity of this condition, let us suppose that we form a 
table of mortality for a triennial period, during which 
the population shall have been stationary ; and let us 
suppose, moreover, from some cause, that the mor- 
tality during this period affijcted individuals of fifty 
years in preference, and, as a compensation, sparing 
those newly born, that afterwards all may be re-esta- 
blished in the usual order. It would happen, that the 
population table which we deduce from this table of 
mortality, will not truly represent the actual state of 
things : it will indicate too great a population for the 
fiftieth year, and too small a one for the children. 

We may begin to see that a population may be 
stationary, without our being able to deduce from its 
bills of mortalitj', calculated for a certain number of 
years, a table of the population. We see, on the con- 
trary, that this calculation may be made without in- 
convenience, in the case where the population was 
not stationary. Indeed, let us suppose a stationary 
population, and also admit that the tables of mortality 
may annually present numbers identically the same ; 
it is evident that, by multiplying each of these num- 
bers by a constant ratio, greater or less than unity, 
that these multiplications wiU have no other effijct 
than to make an increase or decrease, in the same 

* Lacroix — Traits El^mentaire du Calcul des Probabilit(Js, 
p. 210 : 1833. 



ratio, of all the numbers of the table of mortality, 
and consequently those of the table of population.* 

In this manner, the bases merely of the tables will 
have varied : now, the base which we employ is quite 
arbitrary ; we have adopted 100,000, so that we might 
have numbers which we could compare with each 
other, and with those of other tables. Thus, all has 
been done as if we had multiplied by a constant ratio 
each one of the numbers which are placed in the tables, 
whilst really the population was increasing or de- 
creasing. 

After what has been said, we see that the necessary 
conditions to enable us from a table of mortality to deduce 
a table of population, are, that the deaths at each age 
preserve annually the same proportion to each other, whe- 
ther the population be stationary, increasing, or decreasing. 

Applying the preceding to the tables of population 
given above, we conceiA^e that the differences which 
they present do not simply arise from the circum- 
stance that in Belgium the population is in a state of 
increase, but because the mortality has not each year 
struck the same ages in the same proportions ; and 
no doubt also owing to the years having not been 
equally fruitful. It is necessary to observe, on the 
other hand, that, under the French government, cer- 
tain parts of the population were decimated by wars, 
and consequently must present vacuities. 

3. Can Data on Population Furnish any Marks of the 
Prosperity of a People ? 
In seeking to measui'e the prosperity of a people, 
the movements of the population have often been 
made use of. The possibility of arriving at satisfac- 
tory results, by following such a course, would un- 
doubtedly deserve to be deeply examined. It is a 
question of great interest ; but I confess the data 
alone of the population do not appear to me to be - 
sufficient to resolve the question. Local influences, 
climate, customs, institutions, &c., are elements which 
we can scarcely neglect, Avhen comparing one people 
with another : perhaps there would be less danger 
when comparing a people with itself at different pe- 
riods, during which these elements have not under- 
gone any sensible variation.f 

* Some lines of calculation will better enable us to comprehend 
this mode of reasoning. Let us designate by the letters 

a^, a", a^, a*, a^. Sac, 
the deaths observed from to 1 year, from 1 to 2 years, from 2 to 
3 years, &c. Moreover, let us designate by A, A', A^, &c., the 
numbers written in the table of mortality opposite year, 1 year, 
2 years, 3 years, &c., so that 

A = n + ai + a2 + a3 + «< + &:c. 
Ai = ai + a2 + a3 + a* + &c. 

A2 = a2 + a3 + a* + &c. 

A3 = a3 + rt* + &c. 

&c. 
We shall have, for the corresponding ages of the table of popu- 
lation — 

2 A = A -t- Ai + A2 + A3 -(- A* + &c. 

2 Ai = Ai -f A2 4- A3 -h A* -1- &o. 

2 A2 = A^ -h A3 + A4 -h &c. 

2 A3 = A3 -f- A-4 + &c. 

&c. 

If we now multiply by n each of the numbers of the deaths, we 

shall have, for the numbers of the tables of mortality — 

«A, mA', n\.-, jiA3, nA^, &c. ; 
and for the numbers of the table of population — 

Ji2 A, m2 Ai, n2 A2, »i 2 A3, &c. 
But in certain cases we may have jjP=' 1, = 1, -=^1, with an in- 
creasing population, stationary or decreasing ; in both these eases, 
the table of population and the table of mortality will continue 
to present the same numbers for the same ages, if we take the 
same base as the starting-point. 

1 1 shall here bring forward, in a great measure, an article whicli 
I inserted in the Revue Encyclopcdique for August 1830. 

The Academy of Moral and Political Sciences, during the 
Session June 7, 1834, put the following question to the meet- 
ing: — To determine in what the misery of different countries con- 
sists, and by ichat signs it is nMnifested ; to examine the causes 
tvhich produce it. 



ON MAN. 



55 



We might be exposed to serious errors in not taking 
notice of the number of marriages and births of a 
nation ; for if it be true that disheartening circum- 
stances sometimes add evil to evil, as in Ireland, 
and since moral degradation is a great stimiilus to 
precocious marriage,* it may still happen that mor- 
tality only makes greater ravages ; and one of the 
most fatal scourges of a people is to see its genera- 
tions renewed with a degree of rapidity' which does 
not allow it to preserve iiseful men. Now, it generally 
happens that the births are regulated by the number 
of deaths ; that is to sa_v, the countries which produce 
the greatest number of children, are precisely those 
in which the mortality is the greatest. When repro- 
duction is greater than the limits of prudence, it 
appears that tlie weakest part of tlie population is 
the first to feel the consequences, the excess of the 
population passing rapidly from the cradle to the 
tomb. If, therefore, tlie number of births could be 
useful to show the degree of prosperity of a people, it 
would be more particularly in considering it in rela- 
tion to the mortality. But, as I have said, the mere 
number of births appears to me absolutely insuffi- 
cient. 

I should have more distinct confidence in the num- 
ber of deaths, if it only established a measure by 
which we might be assured of a population having 
attained or exceeded the limits Mliich it could not 
cross witliout condenming itself to pauperism. M. 
D'lvernois has very clearly sliownf the iitility of it 
on tills he.id ; and the publication of the work which 
he announces under the following title is nnich to be 
desired — On the Averayc Moiltditi/ Considered as a 
Measure of the Comfort and Cirilisation of a Nation. 
This universal measure, says the autlior, I ilatter 
myself I have found in the mortuanj uumher of the 
people, by which I understand that which indicates 
whether the proportion of deaths aniuiidly, compared 
with the total number of living persons, increases or 
diminishes. Perhaps we mjiy be wrong in precal- 
culating the results ; but if we observe that this mea- 
sure does not change when the total amount of those 
alive remains the same, as well as that of deaths, we 
may have some fear of its precision. A population 
may remain numerically the same from different 
causes, and present a greater or less numl)er of use- 
ful men, without our being able to say, for that reason 
merely, that its comfort also remains the same. If 
so, we should estimate a child as equid to a useful 
man. 

To take one example only. If, from any cause 
whatever, the mortality in a nourishing coimtry were 
to attack useful men more particularly, and spare the 
children, the number of deaths and that of births 
remaining otherwise the same, it would infallibly 
happen, after some years, that this population would 
be deteriorated, and would have lost many of the 
elements of prosperity ; and yet the loss which it had 
experienced would not in any manner be detected by 
the measure employed. The mortuary figure would 
remain the same ; and a considerable number of use- 
ful and productive men would be replaced by unpro- 
ductive children. 

Certainly we cannot deny that verj- strict relations 
exist between the happiness of a country and the 
movements of its population ; the thing is, to ascer- 
tain how to express them. It seems to me that on 
this head we ought to make an important distinction. 
We may consider the question in two points of view. 
We may propose, when considering a people, to ex- 
amine which are the disastrous years — those during 
which it has suffered more or less ; or, on the other 
hand, we may examine, in an absolute manner, what 
is the number of useful men at disposal — in a word, 
what is its strength, which is also one of the principal 

* Soe an article by yi. D'lvernois inserted in the Bibliotheque 
I'nivrrtelle (te Genere, March lfi.Ti>. 
t UjhUothcque Universclle, 1«3',. 



elements of its prosperity. In the first case, the num- 
ber of deaths would almost alwajs be employed with 
considerable success ; for a disastroiis year is generally 
accompanied and followed by numerous privations, 
even amongst the most highly favoured people, and 
privations are mortal to the human species. Thus, 
if we only knew that 1817 was a year of famine for 
Belgium and a great number of coimtries, we should 
attain our end without trouble, because the number 
of deaths was greater than for the years which pre- 
ceded or followed. This increased mortalitj- was also 
felt in the mendicity houses, in which it was almost 
double wliat it had been heretofore, as also in the 
liospitals and asylums for foundlings. 

As to the second manner of considering the ques- 
tion, I have endeavoured to show why the number 
of deaths merely appeared to me insufficient. It is 
important, indeed, to know not only how many deaths 
take place in the population, but also at what age 
these deaths occur. Some writers have employed, in 
such estimates, the duration of the average life, others 
the duration of the probable life ; and they have 
sought to establish their valuation according to the 
changes which the one or the other of these values 
imdergoes. But here we meet with an obstacle nearly 
similar to the one I have before pointed out ; namely, 
that the duration of the probable life, as also that of 
the average life, may have a value of different kinds. 
This inconvenience is especially felt, when we employ 
the number which expresses the i)robable life, since, 
in fact, we only consider the period at which a cer- 
tain number of individuals of the same age arc re- 
duced to one-half; and we do not express whether 
those who died first were able to make themselves 
useful during a longer or a shorter time, neither does 
it establish any thing with respect to those who sur- 
vive. 

Taking the figure which expresses the average 
duration of life, or the average of the ages to which 
a certain nuinlx-r of individuals have attained, whom 
we suppose to have l)een born at the same time, we 
also give the same value to one year of the life of an 
infant as to that of a man whose labours have been 
profitable to society. 

There is one difficidty to which the preceding 
questions are liable, and which deserves particular 
attention, because very important and interesting 
considerations are connected with its solution — consi- 
derations of high moment to statistics and political 
economy. M. D'lvernois, whose labours have been 
so beneficiid to these sciences, has kindly called my 
attention to this difficulty, and asked my advice on 
this delicate point : he was desirous of knowing if 
two nations, who, as regarded the ratios of births and 
deaths, might stand at precisely the same numbers, 
might not have two averages of life, by virtue of the 
eventual difference in the order of mortality for the 
age of their dead.* 

For the sake of simplicity, let us suppose a people 
who have each year the same number of births and 
deaths, and let us examine if the average duration of 
life may not vary from year to year ; this question 
returns, in fact, to the same point as that which was 
proposed above. If we formed a table of mortality 
after the deaths of one year, and deduced the average 
duration of life from it, I suppose that we should find 
it 30 years exactly. The year following, if the mor- 
tality took place in the same manner and in tlie same 
proportion, the duration of average life would still be 
.30 j-ears. But if, in the lists of deaths of this second 
year, we substitute an infant of one year for a man 
of forty, which will not afiect the proportional num- 
ber of births or deaths, we shall find, however, when 
taking account of the infant substituted for the fuU- 
* In insertinR my answer in the Bibliolheqim Vniversclle de 
Omciv, March IR'H, M. IJ'Ivernois announces that he had como 
to the same conchisions as myself, and that he received similar 
results from M. Villcrme. 



56 



ON MAN. 



grovm man, that the average duration of life became 
rather shorter, since the sum of years which had been 
lived would be reduced by 39 years. "We see already, 
that if the tables of mortality and the duration of 
average life were only calculated according to the 
observations of this year, they could not present the 
same identical results as for the first year. Average 
life would be shorter ; but it is evident that society 
would have gained, since it preserved an useful man 
instead of an infant. 

We conceive that, if instead of one such substi- 
tution, a greater number were made, average life, 
calculated according to the deaths of this year, Avould 
be found diminished in a very sensible manner ; and 
nevertheless we should have cause to be glad at Avhat 
at first appears a paradox. In fact, we should have 
preserved useful years to the state, in exchange for 
some years which are expensive to it. 

But it may be objected that these 39 years are not 
lost to the sum of the years lived, and that the indi- 
vidual of 40, Avho has been replaced, will lengthen the 
average duration of life, when he dies, by the whole 
period which he has gained by the substitution ; and, 
indeed, if the period of time according to which we cal- 
culate the average duration of life is also extended, so 
as to comprise the death of the individual in question, 
it is evident- that this debt of 39 years has only been 
deferred, and that the sum of years lived is not found 
affected. Thus, the average life remains the same ; 
but it is always correct to say, that even then society 
has been benefited, since, for a longer or a shorter 
time, useful years have been substituted for expensive 
ones. 

If, by a concurrence of circumstances which civi- 
lisation ought to produce, such substitutions are made 
as those we have just been considering, not for one 
year only but for several, and if this state of things 
should continue increasing, we conceive that it would 
become impossible, still pi-eserving the same propor- 
tional numbers of births and deaths, to preserve the 
same average life : it must begin to diminish. How- 
ever, how is it that siich extraordinary results are 
not met Avith ? It is, I think, because the substitutes 
are never sufiiciently numerous, nor their duration 
long enough, to leave sensible traces amidst the other 
influencing elements. 

However, this teaches us hoAV necessary it is to 
guard against the inductions which we might draw 
from the average duration of life, calculated from few 
years of observation, and among a people in progress 



or decay. By extending the preceding reasoning, Ave 
readily arrive at the foUoAving conclusions : — 

1. A people may annually have figures of exactly 
the same A'alue, as proportional numbers of birtlis 
and deaths, without the average life continumg the 
same. 

2. When, all things being equal, the mortahty 
spares the perfect men and takes off the children, 
the duration of the average life diminishes, and vice 
versa : it being understood that we calculate the ave- 
rage life from the number of deaths. 

3. The number of births, deaths, and of the average 
life, may preserve the same value, Avhilst, indeed, the 
population experiences great losses, or receives great 
benefits, Avhich remain unobserved. 

4. To estimate suitably Avhat a population gains or 
loses, it is necessary, when making tlie division of 
years, to establish the average life, to take into ac- 
count the quality of these years, and to examine whe- 
ther they are productive or not. 

Wlien, for example, it is intended to estimate the 
fbrces which a state can command, in considering the 
problem in a purely physical point of vicAv, as has 
been done, it appears to me that the most certain Avay 
Avould be, to compare the number of useful men Avith 
those who are not so. The elements of comparison, 
in this case, Avould require to be extracted from the 
tables of mortality, or rather from accurately con- 
structed tables of population ; and it Avould be neces- 
sary to inquire hoAv many children there are, not in a 
condition to be iiseful, in a given number of indivi- 
duals, and how many of the old men conti'ibute to 
the benefit of society : we might divide a population 
into tAvo parts, the one being less, and the other more 
than 15 years of age. I alloAV that I here suppose 
that a man cannot render himself more useful at 30 
or 40 than at 16 or 80 ; but this is an inconvenience 
Avhich Ave also find in other methods of \'aluation, and 
which, moreover, we might caiise to disappear, by 
attributing more importance to certain years of life 
tlian to others, if extreme accuracy did not become 
illusory in such a case. To give us a somcAvhat 
accurate idea at first, of the manner in which the 
population is composed, I have here collected the 
most accurate data from some of the principal coun- 
tries previously considered. We shall find the num- 
bers classed separately belonging to the two cate- 
gories Avhich I have established between productive 
individuals and those whose maintenance may be 
considered as a charge to society. 











Engl.ond 












Great Britain : 


Ireland : 


England : 


and part of 


France : 


Belgium : 


Sweden : 


United States : 


Ages. 


1821. 


1821. 


1821. 


AVales : 


before 1789. 


1829. 


1820. 


i&m 




Marshall. 


JMarshall. 


Marshall. 


1813 to 1830. 
Rickman. 


Annuaire. 


Annuaire. 


Marshall 


Marshall. 


Below 5 years, 


1647 


1535 


1472 


1487 


1201 


1297 


1307 


1800 


5 to 10 • • 


1385 


1355 


13(10 


1307 


981 


1089 


1010 


145.5 


10 to 15 ■• 


1209 


1218 


1119 


1114 


939 


946 


894 


1243 


15 to 20 •• 


1046 


1219 


1000 


992 


897 


883 


899 


1112 


20 to 30 ■• 


1558 


17G0 


1583 


1574 


1638 


1680 


1711 


1781 


30 to 40 •• 


1180 


1150 


1176 


1181 


1404 


1341 


1362 


1091 


40 to 50 • • 


878 


771 


931 


934 


1161 


1017 


1087 


688 


50 to 60 •■ 


545 


6U0 


663 


659 


893 


7.93 


fi55 


430 


60 to 70 ■• 


348 


273 


460 


456 


577 


604 


686 


253 


70 to 80 •• 


160 


96 


227 


226 


255 


279 


240 


110 


80 to 90 •• 


40 


23 


62 


63 


.50 


66 


41 


31 


90 to 100 • • 


3-4 


3 


5-5 


5 


4-3 


4-9 


1 


4 


Above 100 • • 


0-1 


0-5 


0-3 


0-2 


0-2 


0-1 





0-2 


Below 15 years, 


4241 


4108 


3891 


.3908 


3121 


3332 


3211 


4498 


Above 


5758-5 


5895-5 


6105-8 


6092-2 


6879 


6668 


6782 


5500-2 


Ratio, - 


1-36 


1.43 


1-57 


1-56 


2-20 


2-00 


211 


1-22 



The results of this table, although in some degree 
foreseen, surprised me very much. I confess I did 
not expect to find so great a difference between the 
numbers of France, Belgium, Sweden, and those of 



England and the United States. In the former coun- 
tries, the adult population is double the other, Avhilst 
in the latter it is only one-fourth or one-third more. 
The United States, especially, appear to be in an 



ON MAN. 



57 



extremely unfavourable condition, since they, of all 
countries we have been considering, present the fewest 
adults in the population. 

The great disproportion -which has been pointed 
out, is more especially owing to the rapid increase 
of population in England and the United States of 
late j-ears : the greater number of the individuals 
proceeding from this great development of fecundity, 
are still little advanced in the career of life ; so that 
there will be a greater numlx^r of persons not adults. 
The prodigious increase of population which has been 
observed in the United States, has taken place within 
little more than 30 years ; we also see that the num- 
ber of individuals imder this age is comparatively 
superior to that of other countries. It is the same in 
England and Ireland in ascending from 20 to 30 years : 
Sweden, France, and Beiguim, on the contrary, pre- 
sent populations which have slowly increased, and 
wliich may tiius pretty well represent the usual pro- 
jwrtion of adults in ordinary times. 
I do not think that, up to the present time, suffl- 
iont attention has been i)aid to the great number of 
cliildren which too rapiil an increase of popidation 
throws into a country, and the smaller intrinsic value 
wliich this population momentarily receives from it, 
which must be a very powerful obstacle to ulterior 
development. 

In France, Belgium, and Sweden, for example, of 
three inhabitants, two at least iu-e in a state lor re- 
production, whilst in the United States only one in 
two, or more accurately, six out of eleven. 

In conclusion, it is i)roduction wliich regulates the 
jio.isi6le limit of the inhabitants of a country. Civi- 
lisation narrows this limit, and tends to increase the 
produce which belongs to each individual, so as to 
increase his well-Wing, and secure him the means of 
existence. As to medicine, it is limite<l to close cer- 
tain passages to the tomb, but only l)y enlarging others; 
for it cannot increase the list of the living, except in 
causing the supernumeraries to live at the expense 
of society. *' Esculapius himself could not, by his art, 
confer inmiortality on one-half of men, except by con- 
demning them to abstain froni reproduction, unless 
by doubling the mortality of the other half, or by 
pushing production to the point of supplying the 
new wants which wouKl arise." * Yet it woulil be also 
misrepresenting the immense benefits which have 
accrued to humanity from medicine, to deny its power 
in lengthening the average life of man ; but this grand 
conquest, due to the progress of knowledge, can oidy 
]>e maintained by the knowledge and foresight of men, 
who prevent, by celibacy, new births and new food 
for death.f When there takes place no sudden change, 
nature annually levies upon us the same tribute of 
deaths, from which each of lis seeks as much as pos- 
sible to withdraw : each is desirous to belong to the 
privileged class ; but the effect of this kind of fraud 
is not so much to diminish the amount of tribute, as 
to transfer it to those of our neighliours who are less 
favourably placed in their social position. J 

The average diu-ation of life, could it be ascertained 
exactly, would furnish us with a measure of the pru- 
dence and hygienic state of a countrj- : the consump- 
« 
* [" Esculapo lui-m6nie ne pourrait, par son art, donncr rim- 
mortality a la moitiddes hommos, qu'enlescondamnant k ne point 
se rcproduire, k moins do doublcr la niortalitd de I'autre moitid, 
ou de porter la production an point de foumir auz oouvcaux be- 
Boin3 qu'il aurait fait naltre."] 

t By prolonging the average duration of life, the medical 
Rciences substitute useful years for unproductive ones. Tlie adult 
man has a lont;er career, produces more, and society has fewer 
infants to feed ; so that, in tliis point of view, medical sciences 
really increa.se production and render a new service. This re- 
mark w.Ts made to me by a friend, and I mention it here because 
I believe it to be true. 

t M. Villennd has observed to me, %vhilst this work was in the 
press, that he has advanced the same idea, but under another 
form, in his work on epidemics. 



tion of the inhabitant would give the state of civi- 
lisation and the exigencies of cHmate ; and the pro- 
portional number of inhabitants, keeping in view this 
latter measure, would give that number which repre- 
sents its production.* 



BOOK SECOND. 

DEVELOPMENT OF STATURE, AVEIOHT, 
STRENGTU, Ac. 

Apparentlt but little interest is attached to the 
determination of the stature and weight of man, or 
to his physical development at different ages; nor, 
until the present time, has any one particularly at- 
tended to this subject. ^Man has only been studied in 
his most conspicuous relations ; the correlative study 
of his qualities, and the numerical determination of 
the modifications which are consequent upon age, 
have been neglected. This state of things leaves im- 
mense voids in science, and the result is that we gene- 
rally want the necessary means for solving a great 
number of interesting questions, especially relating 
to the natural history of man. For example, we are 
almost totally ignorant of the ratios which may exist 
between tlie laws of development of his different fa- 
culties, and what are the elements which predominate 
at such or such an age : hence the critical periods of 
life can only be determined in a very indefinite 
manner. 

The researches which have been made to measure 
the height and weight of man, especially relate either 
to the period of birth or to the period of complete 
development ; but the intermediate ages have scarcely 
been attended to. Physiologists have connected the 
first of these determinations with a question in legal 
medicine ; they have even anticipated the period of 
birth, and sought to value the size and weight of the 
firtus. Natural philosophers, who studied man as a 
mechanical agent, have rather lieen occupied with the 
determination of his weight when he has acquired 
complete development. La Hire has made some very 
remarkable researches of this kind, which prove that 
the subject now occupying us has a much deeper 
interest than that resulting from mere curiosity. 

To show how little advanced is the state of the 
study of the progressive development of man, let us 
suppose that we want to establish the age of an indi- 
vidual, from the aggregate of his physical qualities: 
we may be allowed to say, that we shall not find in 
science any assistance for the determination of this 
question — we shall be reduced to mere empirical 
conjecture. However, legal medicine presents nu- 
merous examples where such determinations become 
necessary. We may ask, no doubt, if it will ever 
be possible to obtain them, especially for advanced 
ages? This fear, well founded as it may appear, 
ought not, however, to lead us to reject such re- 
searches : that would not be very philosophic. If to 
the data furnished by the habit of observation, and 
the tact resulting therefrom, we can join physical 
qualities susceptible of measurement, prudence bids 
us not neglect them. When a physician is called 
to examine the body of an infant found Ufeless, and 
when, in a legal inquiry, he, from simple inspection, 
establishes the presumed age of this child, it is evi- 
dent that he cannot but impose his judgiiient on those 
who read the inquiry, however erroneous it may other- 

♦ M. Cliitti. who makes social econnmij consist in obtaining the 
greatest poisiblo utility, with the least possible labour, has given 
the following mea-sure of riches : — " The degree of the riches of a 
people, as well as those of an individual, is indicated by the ratio 
between the sum of the wants and the sum of the available funds 
which he possesses to satisfy them."— Caur* d'Economic Socialc 
nil Mutic (Ic Sruxclles, 3d Lixliirc. 



58 



ON MAN. 



wise be, since there are no elements existing for the 
verification of it. If, on the contrary, to the assist- 
ance of the estimate which has been made of the age, 
ig joined the height and weight of the child, and some 
other physical qualities susceptible of computation ; 
and if, moreover, there were exact tables which might 
enable one to ascertain, at different ages, the values 
of these physical qualities, and the limits within which 
they are foimd connected in individuals regularly 
formed, the judgment given of the age would be 
capable of verification — it would even become use- 
less, if the elements of verification admitted of great 
accuracy. Such appreciations, then, ought not to 
be neglected by legal medicine, since they tend to 
substitute precise characters and exact data for con- 
jectural estimates, which are always vague and often 
fatdty. 

Thus, apart from the interest which is presented 
by tlie determination of man at different ages, and in 
researches relating to the average man, it may present 
another important element, as we shall see more per- 
fectly farther on, for the solution of the following pro- 
blem of legal medicine : To determine the age of an 
individual after death, from the aggregate of his physical 
qualities. In this sense, weight Avould be one of the 
elements which it would be necessary to connect with 
the distinguishing of individuals ; and this physical 
character naturally takes a place near that of the 
stature. 

Researches on the height of man, and on his deve- 
lopment, may have another useful end, that of en- 
liglitening governments on many points ; as, for ex- 
ample, as regards the fixing of the age of recruits. 

There is another element, the determination of 
which is equally important, and which, also, is but 
little known, namely, the strength. I do not flatter 
myself that I have fiUed up the voids which science 
presented on this subject, but I shall think myself 
happy if my researches may induce other persons to 
attempt it. 



CHAPTER I. 

OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE HEIGHT, 

I DO not think that, before Buffon, any inquiries had 
been made to determine the rate of human growth 
successively from birth to maturity ; and even this 
celebrated naturalist cites only a single particidar 
example ; neither has he examined the modifying 
influences which age exerts on height. The only 
researches at all precise which science possesses, refer 
to the length of the child before birth, and to that 
of the fully developed man.* 

Chaussier, Avho invented the mecometre, an in- 
strument adapted to measure the length of cliildren, 
thought that we might view as regular the increase 
in length of the child for six months before its birth ; 
and he estimated this increase at two inches per 
tnonth. In the Dictionnaire des Sciences Medicales, 
the length of the foetus is estimated by the following 
numbers : — 

Metres. 
At birth, .... 0-487 to 0-541 

One month before birth, . - 0-433 to 0-487 

Two months ■■ - - 379 to 0-433 

Three months ... - . o-3(Xj to 0-379 

Four months • • - • 0-216 to 0-300 

Five months ... - - 0-162 to 0-216 1 

The medium length of the child at birth would then 
be 0-.5 14 metres : this estimate differs but slightly from 
that obtained at the Foundling Hospital in Brussels, 
by means, also, of Chaussier's mecometre. On mea- 
suring the length of fifty male and as many female 

* See on this latter subject an excellent memoir of M. Villerme, 
inserted in the first volume of the Annates d'Hygiene. 

\ [The French metre is equal to 3 feet English and -28118 of a 
decimal ; or 3 feet and 2-lOths.] 



children immediately at birth, the following numbers 
were obtained :* — 



Length. 


Boys. 


Girls. 


Total 


From 16 to 17 inches Fi-ench, 


2 


4 


6 


.. 17 to 18 


. 8 


19 


27 


• • 18 to 19 


28 


18 


Mi 


• • 19 to 20 


• 12 


8 


20 


.. 20 to 21 




1 


1 



With regard to the mediums or averages and the 
limits, they have given the following values for the 
two sexes : — 

Value. Boj's. Girls. 

Minimum, 16 inches 2 lines. t 16 inches 2 lines. 

Medium, - 18 6 •• nearly. 18 •• 15 •• nearly. 

Maximum, 19 - ■ 8 - • 20 • • C • • 

From these results it follows, that, from the period 
of birth, the height or length of one sex is sui>erior to 
the other ; being, for boys, 0-4999 ; for girls, 0-4896 ; 
giAang thus in favour of boys a trifle less than half an 
inch. 

By uniting these numbers to those which have been 
obtained in the junior schools of Brussels, the Orphan 
Hospital, boarding-houses, and in public life, in respect 
to j'oung persons of different classes, I have been able 
to construct the following table, comprising the rate 
of groAvth from birth to 20 years : the height of the 
shoe is not included : — 

Table showing the rate of Growth in the two Sexes. 



Ages. 


Boys. 


Gills. 


Difference. 




metres. 


metres. 


metres. 


Birth, 


0-5f»0 


0-490 


0-010 


1 year, 


0-698 






2 years, ... 


0-796 


0-780 


0-016 


3 •■ - - 


0-8(i7 


0-853 


0-014 


4 .. . 


0-930 


0-913 


0017 


5 ■• . . 


0-986 


0-978 


0-008 


6 


1-045 


1-035 


0-010 


7 .. . . 




1091 




8 


1-160 


1-154 


o-oo;; 


9 •• . - 


1-221 


1-205 


O-Olf) 


10 


1-280 


1-256 


0-(h24 


11 .. 


1-334 


1-286 


0-048 


12 


1-384 


1-340 


0-044 


13 .. 


1-431 


1-417 


0014 


14 .. 


1-489 


1-475 


0014 


15 .. 


1-549 


1-496 


0-053 


16 


1-600 


1-518 


0-082 


17 .. 


1-640 


1-553 


0-087 


18 




1-564 




19 .. 


1-665 


1-570 


095 


20 




1-574 




Growth terminated, 


1-684 


1-579 


0-105 



"VVe observe by this table that, towards the age of 
16 to 17, the growth of girls is already, relativeli/, 
almost as much advanced as that of boys from 18 to 
19. J Moreover, the annual growth for boys is about 
56 miUimetres [somewhat more than two inches] 
between 5 and 1 5 years of age ; whilst for girls it is 
only about 52 miUimetres [or rather less than two 
inches.] In the Dictionnaire des Sciences Medicales, in 
the article Giants, M. Virey attributes the lower sta- 
tiu-e of woman to the circumstajjice of her ai-riving 
sooner at tlie age of puberty, or having reached per- 
fection, and also to her having less vital energ}'. 
We may add, that her animal growth, up to the age 
of puberty, is also less rapid than that of man. 

* I have been greatly aided in numerous researches into the 
height, weight, strength, and other phj-sical qualities of man, 
by Messrs Guietto and Van Esschen, Professors in the School of 
Medicine at Brussels, as well as by M. Plataw. Without their 
assistance, it would have been impossible for me to have obtained 
all the measurements in the various charities, hospitals, public 
schools, Prison of Vilvorde, &c. 
t [The French line is equal to the 12th part of an inch.] 
i [The proposition may be easier understood by stating it in 
this way : A girl is relatively as tall at 16 as a boy is at 18, the 
sex and full growth of each being taken into account.^ 



ON MAN. 



After having spoken of what reUites to the sexes, 
it must be interesting to consider the influence of a 
town or a country residence upon liuniau growtli. 
Already Dr Villernic, in tlie second part of the Annales 
d'Hi/yitne, had proved, contrary to tlie generally re- 
ceived notion, that the inhabitants of towns are tidier 



than those of the country. I have arrived at the 
same conclusion in respect to the inhabitants of Bra- 
bant. E.xtracts from the government militia registers, 
which I communicated at that time to Dr Villerme, 
were published in the fifth number of the Annales 
d'Hijgiinc ; they gave the following numbers : — 



A rrond issetncnts. 


1823. 


1824. 


1825. 


182C. 


1827. 


Average. 




metres. 


metres. 


metres. 


metres. 


metres. 


metres. 


1 jTtnissels, .... 


1-0719 


i-«;j|i 


l-(i(ai 


1-6647 


1-6528 


l-6(i33 


IKural Communes, 


H).J25 


1-6317 


1-6343 


l-r>35.3 


1C2<)6 


1-6325 


2 (Louvain, .... 
'Iltural Communes, 


1-6424 


1 ■(»!!) 


i-raao 


1-W60 


i-6.3;m 


1-6303 


1-62<J(! 


1-622;) 


untn 


1-614.'. 


1-6127 


1-6177 


3^fNivelles, .... 
• Rural Communes, ... 


u<as.m 


l-()4-16 


l-(w81 


1-6.184 


i-6;m 


16428 


1-C2(i4 


■l-62(i<) 


1-6409 


1-64.")1 


l-6(»53 


l-(323 


Annual (Cities, ... 
Averages.* 11 ural Communes, - 


l-fi514 


l-<;478 


l-(»37 


l-64!»7 


HreiB 


1-6485 


i-Cias 


l-iiMi 


1-6280 


1-6309 


1-62-25 


1-6275 


General Average, 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


1-G380 



The averages of each year were taken from 400 
individuals for Brussels, and from 150 for Louvain 
and Nivelles. Those of the rural parishes were de- 
duced from 400 individuals for each district. Thus, 
the general average for the whole province was drawn 
from ;3.">00 individuals living in towns, and from (iuoo 
living in the country. 

By these numl)crs, we sec that the inliabitant of 
towns is taller than the inhabitant of the country; 
and in arranging the cities ami rural district.s ac-cord- 
ing to the resixrtive height which man attains in them 
i;i his nineteenth i/ear, the order would be as follows : — 
Brussels, Nivelles, Louvain ; and the same order for 
the rural districts around these towns. In spite of 
the ditferences we have thus remarked as taking place 
at the age of Hi, it might still haiijien that the inha- 
bitant of the country might attain a greater height 
than the inhabitant of the town previous to the com- 
pletion of his full growth, in such a way that the 
growtli of man in cities might Ix; at first more rajjid up 
to a certain point than in the country, and might even 
be nearly terminated in cities, whilst in the country 
the growth would be very far from having attained 
its complete development. Ami these remarks coin- 
cide pretty nearly with the de<luctions of Dr ^'illcrnle, 
in resiHJct to the height of man in France. The doctor 
remarks, that " human height becomes greater, and 
the growth takes 3)lace more rapidly, other circum- 
stances being equal, in projHjrtion as the country is 
richer, the comfort more general, houses, clothes, ;ind 
nourishment better, and labour, fatigue, and priva- 
tions during infancy and youth less; or, in other 
words, the circumstances accompanying misery put 
ofi' the period of the complete development of the body, 
and stint human stature." 

It becomes, then, important to determine the epoch 
at which human growth terminates ; and the govern- 
ment registers for Brussels, being examined with this 
view, gave the following results. These registers 
refer to a great levy made about eighteen years ago ; 
I have divided them into three series, each compris- 
ing 300 individuals : — 



13 Years. * 


25 Years. 


.10 Years. 


1-6630 metre. 


liaaj metre. 


1 -(KM metre. 


l-C(Si5 ~ 


Ui-Xi ,. 


1W!73 - 


1-66-20 _ 


l-iiim ~ 


1-6817 ~ 


1-6648 ~ 


1-6750 „ 


1-(»M1 ~ 



SleUium, 

Thus we see that human g^o^^'th,* as regards height, 
does not terminate at 19, or even invariably at 25. I 

* [The transLitor had observed some years ago, that the male 
human height had evidently not att.iined its maximum previous 
to at least .TO years of age, and probably not even then. This he 
was led to remark by observing large numbers of students, who, 
leaving college at the age of 20, 21, or 22, have retume<l seven or 
eight years aftcrw-ards. Kxamination pi-oved that these persons 
had grown very considerably, not only in breadth but also in 
height.] 

li 



have to regret exceedmgly that the state of the govern- 
ment registers does not allow of my making similar 
researches in regard to the inhabitants of the country ; 
we might then have known if the growth in townis 
terminates more rapidly- than in the country, and also 
if man, when fully developed, is tallest in the country. 
When we class the Ooo individuals of whom I have 
spoken above, in the order of their height, we come 
to the following results : — 



Heights. 


Number of Individuals 


of 19 
Years. 


of 25 
Years. 


of 30 
Years. 


From 15 to 16 decimetres, 

• • 16 to 17. 

• • 17 to 18, 

18 to l!l, 
■ • 19 to 211, 


32 

17.3 

92 

3 


17 
174 
103 

1 


15 
163 
lf»9 

12 
1 




300 


.TOO 


300* 



Thus, at 19, .3 individuals only were more than 18 
decimetres [above 5 feet 10 inches] high ; at the age 
of 2"), there were G ; and at the age of .30 tliere were 
13.f It seems to me that we are entitled to conclude, 
from the whole of these results, that human growth, in 
respect to height, does not terminate in Brussels even 
at the age of 25, which is very much opposed to the 
generally received opinion. 

According to M. IIargenvilliers,J the average height 
of conscripts of 20 years, taken for all France, is 1615 

* [The value of the decimetre in English measures is 3 inches 
and ■'Xf} decimal parts, or nearly 4 Knglisli inches.] 

t In the preceding numbers were eonipri-scd the men who were 
rejected, or had le-ave to withdraw from the corps, as of midcr 
size. 

X Inquiries find Connderations on the Formation and Recruit- 
ment of the French Army : I8I7. M. A'illermd, in his Memoir on 
the Height of Man in France, quotes the opinion of Tenon and 
also some facts, which show that, during the time of the Empli-c, 
coiTtinual wars had lowered the human stature. 

[A question naturally arises here, whether the stature was 
actu.illy lowered, or the ynung conscripts merely called on before 
their time of full development ; but the remark of Dr Villerm^ 
suggests other considerations, well worthy the attention of st.itis- 
ticians— such, for example, as the effects produced in Prussia, 
by the maintaining of a standing army of somewhat more than 
2<X),000 men in tinio of peace, it being admitted that these are 
the finest and best proportioned men in the kingdom. For we 
have first the witlulniwal of the very choicest of the m:ile popu- 
Uition from the exercise of the arts and the cultivation of science, 
at precisely that period of life when they are best fitted for such 
pursuits ; and, secondly, the effects uixm the population in respect 
to the restraints upon marriage, and the preference given by the 
soldier to a debauched and irregular life. The same rctn.irks, 
modified, apply to all other European nations, none of them being 
without standing armies of greater or less magnitude.] 



60 



ON MAN. 



metre [4 feet 10 inches nearly] ; and of 100,000 there 
were as follows : — 



Under 1'.570 metre, 

1-570 to 1-598 • • 

1-598 to 1-C24 •• - 

1-C24 to 1-651 •■ 

1-G51 to 1-678 •• - 

1-678 to 1-705 • • 

1-705 to 1-732 •• - 

1-732 to 1-759 •• 

Above 1-759 •• - 



28,G20 
11,580 
13,990 
14,410 
11,410 
8,780 
5,530 
3,190 
2,490 

100,000 



We might consider the inhabitants of the ancient 
department of Bouches-de-la-Mcusc, Avhich Avas partly 
formed of Holland, and of Avliich the Hague was the 
chief place, as affording the limits of the statm-es ob- 
served in France from the time of the Empire. The 
average height of conscripts for the years 1808, 1809, 
and 1810, raised before the age of 20, was 1-677 metre.* 
On the other hand, in the ancient department of the 
Apennines, of which Chiavari was the chief place, 
the country mountainous, without industrious occu- 
pations, extremely poor, and where the men toil from 
a very early age and are ill fed, the average stature 
of the conscripts for the same three years, was 1'560 
metre. " The diflference of these residts," says IM. Vil- 
lerme, " is striking. In the former place, where the 
stature is highest, there were but few excused or re- 
jected even for diseases ; on the contraiy, in the latter 
place, where the stature is very low, there are many 
excused even for this latter cause ; so that aU the 
advantages are in favour of men of liigh stature." f 

It is remarkable that the inequality of statures is 
not merely observed between the inhabitants of town 
and country, but is also felt in the interior of towns 
between individuals of ditFerent professions, and hav- 
ing different degrees of affluence, as M. Villerme has 
shown for the dilFerent arrondissements of Paris, where 
tlie stature of men seems to be, all other things being 
equal, in proportion to the good fortune, or at least 
in inverse propoi'tion to the difficulties, toils, and 
privations experienced in infancy and j-outh.:J: Of 41 
young persons between 17 and 20 years of age, mea- 
sured at the Athenffium of Brussels, 13 were found 
between 16 and 17 decimetres, 26 between 17 and 18 
decimetres, and 2 between 18 and 19 decimetres ; so 
that the j^oung persons between 17 and 18 Avere 
double the number of those between 16 and 17 deci- 
metres ; whilst, in the interior of the town, the num- 
ber of the former is not equal to the latter, even at 
the age of 30 years. 

The young girls measured in the Female Orphan 
Hospital of Brussels, and Avho, during their infancy, 
have been brought up in the country, are generally 
smaUer than girls of the same age, in easy circum- 
stances, who have been measured in town. 

In the Prison {Maison de Detention) of Vilvorde, 
by forming three groups, each of 23 individuals for 
each sex, the average results have been — 

For Women. 
1-572 met. 
1-581 • • . 
1-585 ■• 




General average, - 1-664 



1-579 



* Sur la Taille, &c. 

t [The translator is firmly persuaded that Dr Villermd and 
51. Q,uetelet, have failed to detect the real cause of difference of 
statiu-e in those two departments : it is a question purely of race, 
and not of feeding or locality. The taller conscripts were Saxons, 
drawn from the departments of Holland and the Mouths of the 
Mouse ; the shorter conscripts, foimd in the Apennines and 
around Chiavari, were the descendants of the ancient Celtic 
population of that country. The difference in stature, then, 
depends, in this instance, in a great measure on the diflference 
in blood, or on the race of men : it has existed for thousands of 
years, and wiU continue so, altogether independent of locality, 
feeding, or government.] 

i Annalcs d'Hygifene, No. 2, p. 3/0. 



J.Icn. 


Women. 


1 


3 


- (5 


X 


42 


27 


- 19 


3 


1 





Classing them according to size, we find— 

Sizes. 
From 14 to 15 decimetres, 

• • 15 to 10 

• • 10 to 17 
■ 17 to 18 

• ■ 18 to 19 



These results show that the prisoners Avcre gcne- 
rallj'' shorter than fully developed uidividuals mea- 
siu'ed in Brussels ; their average stature being nearly 
equal to that of yomig persons of 19 years of age, and 
it m.ay correspond witli the average stature of the 
inhabitants of the province. 

With the view of appreciating the modifications 
which painful toil in manufactories may produce on 
the development of children, ;Mr J. W. Cowell has 
made different observations at Manchester and Stock- 
port ; he has inserted the details in tlie first volume of 
Factory Reports, and has kindly assisted me in obtain- 
ing the results, which I have reduced to the metrical 
measure. The girls and bo3-s have been measyrcd 
Avith their shoes on ; no deduction has been made for 
this circumstance : hut, as the observations were made 
on the Sunda)', the thickness of the soles for boys 
AA'ould probably be from one-half to one-third of an 
inch (English), and for girls from one-eighth to one- 
sixth of an inch. This being laid doAvn, the folloAving 
are the values obtained :* — 

Average Stature of Children of the Lower Orders, 
at Manchester and Stockport.f 





Boys 


Girls 


Ages. 


Working in 


1 
not AVorking 


^^'orlving in 


not Working 




Factories. 


in Factories. 


Factories. 


in Factories. 




metres. 


metres. 


metres. 


metres. 


9 years. 


1-222 


l-2:« 


1-218 


1-230 


10 ■ . 


1-270 


1-286 


1-20U 


l-2.-)4 


11 


1-302 


1-296 


1-299 


1-323 


12 ■• 


1-355 


1-345 


1-304 


1-303 


13 •• 


1-383 


1-396 


1-413 


i-ao.o 


14 


1-437 


1-440 


1-467 


1-479 


15 ■• 


1-515 


1-474 


1-480 


1-502 


16 •• 


1-565 


1-605 


1-521 


1-473 


17 •- 


1-592 


1-027 


1-535 


1-542 


18 ■• 


1-008 


1-775 


1-593 


1-645 



It appears, from these numbers, that the statures 
of male and female children do not differ much in 
Belgium and England : Ave also see that, until the age 
of puberty, there is no great difference in size of the 
children of the loAver orders, Avliether they Avork in 
factories or not. But for the latter years of the table, 
there is a A'cry sensible difference. Will it be found 
that the groAvth in factories, after puberty, is dimi- 
nished, or only retarded? or, which seems more pro- 
bable, does not the ameUoration remarked for the 
loAver ages proceed from the usefid changes Avhich 
have already been made, from the apprehension of 
parliamentary inquiries ? % 

When, in England, Ave chose the terms of compa- 
rison from rather higher classes of society, Ave find 
the stature of men higher than in France or the Loav 

* [It has been suggested to the translator, by a gentleman Avell 
acquainted with the manufacturing districts of Yorkshire and 
Lancashire, that Avooden clogs, and not shoes, seemed almost 
universally worn by the manufacturing population of these 
counties, more especially of Lancashire. Now, the soles and 
heels of these clogs are of great thickness : a question then arises 
with respect to Mr Cowell's measurements. If this class of the 
population wear clogs on Sundays, this circumstance may par- 
tially affect the value of Mr Cowell's statements.] 

t The number of children measured Avas— factory boys, 410 ; 
others, 227 : female factory children, 6.52 ; others, 201. Very few 
non-factory children, of the ages of 16, 17, and 18, have been 
measured. 

% It has been found, by this inquiry, that in some districts tho 
children were forced to work standing upright, Avith the legs 
fastened in tin pipes. 



ON MAN. 



61 



Countries, at least for youiig persons between 18 and 
23 years of age. The following arc the results of 80 
measurements made on students of the University of 
Cambridge, in groups of 10 each :* — 



Ten indhnduals, 



Average, - 

Height of one person, - 



58 feet 3i tnchcs. 

50 ~ 6J ~ 

58 ~ 9 

57 ~ 74 ~ 

3C - 94 ~ 

57 ~ »i ~ 

58 ~ 3 



58 
5 feet 9 3-5th incbes. 



Table of the Growth of Man. 



Ages. 



I have enumerated different causes which influ- 
ence the growth of man in town, but their num- 
ber increases when the researches embrace a large 
extent of territory ; thus, the complete development 
of stature stops more suddenly in very hot or vcrj' 
cold countries than in those of a moderate tempera- 
ture ; more euddenly in low i)lains than on moun- 
tainous heights, where the climate is severe. The 
kind iif food and drink fartlier influence growth ; and 
individuals have been known to grow considerably 
by changing their mode of life, and making use of 
moist food calculated to distend and increase their 
organisation. Some diseases, and particularly fevers, 
may also excite rapid and extraordinary growth. The 
case of a young girl is related, who, Ixjcoining unwell 
{ftcnilant ses nienslrue.i) by an attack of fever which 
she had, actjuired a gigantic stature.f Lastly, it lias 
also been remarked that lying in bed is favourable 
to growth, and that a man in the morning is some- 
what taller than in the evening ; during the day, he 
undcrg(X'6 a degree of depression. J 

I shall now pass to a more particular examination 
of the law of growth of man, from birtli to complete 
development. The numl)ers on which my results are 
basetl, have lx<n collected at Brussels, and as nmeh 
as possible from individuals of different classes : by 
the side of the observed values, I have written down 
the calculated ones, according to an empirical for- 
mula, which I shall e.\i)lain subsequently. 

* It Is A rufitom at C'ambridf:<> to mcasnre and nvigh the young 
persons coming to the university, with great accuracy, at a 
mcrc-honfi) wureliouso, where a book is kejit for tlie purpose 
of entering the dntu. It is from tliia book that, tlirough the 
kindness of Mr AVhewcU, the accomjuuiying numbers have been 
taken. 

t ^eo Diiiiimiuiire ff( Mfiliciiif, article Gcant, by Virey. 

t [M. Quetelet bus unaccountably omitted, in tlie above para- 
pniph, tlie great cause productive of differences in stature of 
men and animals — to wit, difference in race or blood. The 
diminutive Bosjeman of Southern Africa, the athletic Caffre, 
rea< Iiinii the full Kumpean stature, and the gigantic Boor, the 
descendant of the Saxon race, are as nearly alike in respect 
to foixl and climate as may be ; the extraordinary differences, 
therefor*, whiih these men present, are asoribable to one cause 
alone — a difference of blood or origin ; and the historic evidence 
derived from ancient Rome, and fr.m the equally authentic 
figures depicted in the tombs of f:gjptian Thebes, prove that 
these differences caused by blood or race are now neither greater 
nor less than they were at least 40fK> jears ago, thus, as it were, 
setting at defiance all minor causes, such as food, climate, loca- 
lities, 4c. ^^*llether the Hun resides in the fertile plains of Hun- 
gary, the shores of the Caspian, or the frozen regions of fkamdi- 
navia or of Lapland, the general stature of the race remains per- 
fectly unaltered. 

In respect to what M. Quetelet observes regarding the influence 
of rest and horizontal position on the stature, it is a fact well 
C8tablishe<l that, by such a position, in bed for example, the 
clastic fibro-cartilaRcs connecting the spinal bones together, seem 
to recover their full depth, and the stature may gain an inch or 
more thereby. Recruits for the army and deserters avail them- 
selves of a knowledge of this fact, and occasionally succeed in 
milking their identity difficult to be tstablLnhed.] 



Birth, 

1 year, 

2 _ 

3 „ 

4 ~ 

(i „ 

7 ~ 

« - 

9 ~ 

10 .. 

11 ~ 

12 ~ 

13 ~ 
U ~ 
13 ~ 

16 .. 

17 ~ 

18 ~ 

19 « 
25 ~ 
31) - 



Statiu^ 


Stature from 


Difference. 


Observed. 


Calculation. 




metres. 


metres. 


metres. 


(1-500 


0-5<10 


0000 


0G98 


0-698 


0-000 


0-796 


0791 


-f 0005 


0-8G7 


0-WM 


-t- 0-003 


0-930 


0-928 


-f- 0-002 


0-986 


0-988 


— 0-002 


1-045 


1-047 


— 0-002 


^ 


1-105 


^ 


1-100 


1-162 


— 0-002 


1-221 


1-219 


-J- 0-002 


1-280 


1-275 


-f 0-005 


i-3;h 


1-330 


-1- 0004 


1-3M 


1-385 


— 0001 


1-4.11 


1-439 


— 0-ooe 


l-4lt!» 


1-493 


— 0-004 


1-549 


li>46 


-4-0-003 


1-COO 


1-5!U 


-f- 0-006 


1-640 


UM 


-f 0-006 


^ 


H»8 


„ 


1-66.-. 


1-660 


— ooot 


H!75 


1-680 


— 0-005 


1-684 


1-QW 


o-ooo 



I have endeavoured to render the preceding results 
sensible by the construction of a line, which indicates 
the growth at different ages, but in one-tenth of the 
real proportions. 

Tims, supposing that the new-born infant sets out 
from the point o, and proceeds along the axis oA, 
reaching in succession the points I., II., III., IV., &c., 
at the age of 1, 2, 3, 4, &c., years, his head will always 
l)c at the height of the curve oB, at the different points 
1, 2, 3, 4, &c. We see that— 

1. The most rapid growth takes place immediately 
after birth : the cliild in the course of one year grows 
2 decimetres [7 8- loth inches] nearly. 

2. The growth of a child diminishes as its age in- 
creases, until towards the age of four or five years, the 
period at which it reaches the maximum of probable 
life. Thus, during the second year after birth, the 
growtli is only one-half of what it was during the 
first; and during the third year, only about one-third. 

3. Proceeding from the fourth or fifth year, the 
increase of stature becomes almost exactly regular 
until about the sixteenth year, that is to say, until 
the age of puberty, and the annual increase is 56 
millimetres [2 2-lOth inches] nearly. 

4. After the age of puberty, the stature still conti- 
nues to increase, but only inconsiderably : from the 
sixteenth to the seventeentli year, it increases 4 cen- 
timetres [1 5-lOth inches];' in the two succeeding 
years, it only increases 24 centimetres [or a little less 
than 1 inch ; in exact numbers, 0984]. 

5. Tlie full growtli of man does not appear to be 
attained at iiis twenty-fifth year. 

In what has just been said, I have only spoken of 
absolute growth : if we compare the annual growth 
with the stature already acquired, we shall find that 
the child increa.ses in size two-fifths from birth to the 
end of the first year; during the second year, one- 
seventh ; during the third year, one-eleventh ; during 
the fourth year, one-fourteenth ; during the fifth year, 
one-fifteenth ; during the sixth year, one-eighteenth, 
&c. ; so that the relative growth is continually de- 
creasing from the time of birth. 

The curve representing the growth of females, would 
be a little under that of males, and would be nearly 
equidistant from it, until the age of eleven or twelve 
years, when it temls more rapidly to become parallel 
to tiie axis oA. 

It remains for me to speak of the formula by which 
I have calculated the numljers shown in the table 
given above. Ix;tting the co-ordinates ;/ and 2 repre- 
sent the stature and the age corresponding to it, we 
have the following equation : — 

y __ . ' + ^' 

y"*" 1000 (T—y) 



=: a.T + 



I + t X 



62 



ON MAN. 



i and T are two constants which indicate the stature 
of the child at birth, and that of the fullj^ developed 
individual: their values for Brussels are 0-500 and 
1-684 metre. The coefficient a of the first term in 
the second number, will be calculated according to 
the different locahties, from the regular growth wluch 
annually takes place between the fourth and fifth, to 
the fifteenth or sixteenth year : for Brussels, its value 
has been made equal to 0-0545 metre. I think that, 
in giving these three constants, we may use this for- 
mula vnth considerable advantage for other locidi- 
ties. 

If we make t = 0-49 metre, T = 1-579 metre, 
a = 0-052 metre, agreeably to the observations above 
quoted for calcidating the law of the growth of women 
for Brussels, we shall have-»- 



!/ + 



y 



1000 (1-579 — ?/) 



0-0521 X + 



0-49 + J.- 



By using this formula, I have calculated the nmu- 
bers which appear in the third column of the follow- 
ing table -. — 

Law of the Growth of \\^oman. 



Ages. 



Birth, 

1 year, 

2 .. - 

3 .. 

4 .. - 

5 .. 

6 .. - 

7 .. 

8 .. - 

9 .. 

10 .. 

11 . . 

12 .. 

13 .. 

14 . . 

15 . . 

16 . . 

17 .. 

IS .. 

19 .. 

20 . . 

Growth terminated, 



Stature 
Obser\'ed. 



metres. 
0-400 

0-780 
0-853 
0-.013 
0-078 
1-035 
1-091 
1-154 
1-205 
1-256 
1-286 
1-340 
1-417 
1-475 
1-496 
1-518 
1-553 
1-564 
1-570 
1-574 
1-579 



Stature 
Calculated. 



metres. 
490 
0-0.90 
0-731 
0-852 
0-915 
0-974 
1-031 
1-086 
1-141 
1-195 
1-248 
1-299 
1-353 
1-403 
1-453 
1499 

i-sai 

1-555 
1-564 
1-569 
1-572 
1-579 



Difference. 



metres. 
0-000 

— O-OOI 
+ 0-001 

— 0-002 
+ 0-004 
+ 004 
+ 0-005 
+ 0-013 
-1- 0-010 
-t- O-OfiS 

— 0-013 

— 0-013 
•+ 0-014 
+ 0022 

— 0-003 

— 0-017 

— 0-002 
0-000 

+ 0-001 

+ 0-002 

0-000 



The differences between the observed numbers and 
the calcvdated ones, are greater than in the table 
(already given) of the groAvth of man. It may be 
owing to the circumstance, that the observations have 
been less numerous, and made on fewer of the diffe- 
rent classes of society, for the one se.x than for the 
other. What appears to give additional support to 
my conjecture is, the manner in Avhich the loositive 
and negative signs succeed each other in the diffe- 
rences of the observed and calculated numbers. More- 
over, it is remarkable that the formula may be entirely 
determined, when we have been enabled to give the 
statures of an individual corresponding to three diffe- 
rent ages, sufficiently distant from each other. 

Although the equation of which I liave availed 
myself in the calculations, is of the third order, it 
resolves itself, like those of the second, into an un- 
known one, when we give the successive values of 
the other. Considered as belonging to a curve, it 
points out to us that there still exists another branch 
than the one we are occupied with ; for to each value 
of the abscissa x, there are two values of?/. 

The curve of growths oB has an asymptote parallel 
to the axes of the abscissfe, situate at a distance from 
this axis equal to T, which is the height of man fully 
developed ; moreover, this curve, proceeding from tlie 
point 0, which corresponds to birth, towards the thir- 
teenth or fourteenth years, is sensibly confounded with 
an hyperbola ; for in these limits, the second term of 



the first order is so small as to be considered nothing, 
so that we shall have — 



1/ = ax + 



t + x 
T+Tx' 



The curA'e oB does not merely indicate the growth 
of man from birth to complete maturity, but also those 
of the other side of tlie axis Oo ; that is to say, for the 
months which precede birth, the results which it pre- 
sents are conformable to those observed with regard to 
the foetus. This concordance is not always manifested 
until towards the fifth or sixth month before birth, 
which is the age at which the embryo becomes a foetus. 
It is, moreover, true, that before this period the child 
is in a state which hardly yet appears to belong to 
human nature. The curve singularly represents this 
state, if we give any significance to it ; for between 
five and six months before birth, it suddenly passes 
under the axis oA, and the values of statures, positive 
as they were, become negative : the curve in the 
negative region is lost in infinity, approaching an 
asymptote which corresponds to a value of x = — | ; 
or, in other words, at nine months before birth, the 
period of conception. Without occupying ourselves 
with the statm-e of the infant while it is still an 
embryo, or altogether imformed, if av& confine our cal- 
ciUations to the growth of the foetus about five months 
before birth, we shall find the following results, by 
the side of which are written the results of measure- 
ments given in the Dictionnairc des Sciaices Medi- 
cales : — 



Age of the Infant. 


Stature 
Calculated. 


Stature 
Observed. 


Birth, 

1 month before birth, 

4 


metres. 
0-50O 
0-404 
0-419 
0-.361 
0-281 
0-165 


metres. 
From 0-487 to 0-541 

- 0-4a3 to 0-487 
~ 0-379 to 0-433 
-, o-»xt to 0-379 

- 0-216 to 0-3110 

- 0-162 to 0-216 



The calculated values fall, for each montli, between 
the limits of the results of the observations. IMore- 
ovcr, it is well to observe that these results do not 
carry the same degree of exactness as those obtained 
after birth, because of the uncertainty of the period 
of conception, as Avell as the varying duration of preg- 
nancy. What is most important for us to observe 
here, in my opinion, is the law of continuity which 
exists for the groAvth of the child immediately l^efore 
and after birth. Admitting the appro.ximative cal- 
culations of M. Chaussier, it will l)e found that the 
Joetus increases almost as much in length in one month, as 
a child between six and sixteen years does in one year. 

In Avhat has preceded, I have endeavoured to point 
out how the development of the stature of man and 
woman takes place : it now remains for me to say 
some words on the diminution whicii this element 
undergoes by age. From a great number of obser- 
vations, of which we shall make greater use when 
speaking of the corresponding diminution of weight, 
it appears that it is chiefly towards the fiftieth year 
that the decrease becomes most apparent, and tOAvards 
the end of life it amounts to about 6 or 7 centimetres 
[2 3-lOth inches, or 2 6-lOth inches]. From the 
number of individuals who have been measured, those 
have been carefully excluded who were much round- 
shouldered, or who could not make themselves straight 
during the observation. 



Ages. 


Stature of IMen. 


Stature of 'Women 


40 years, - 


1-684 metre. 


1-579 metre. 


50 . . 


- 1-674 . . 


1-536 .. 


GO . . 


1-639 . . 


1-516 . . 


70 .. 


- 1623 .. 


1-.514 . . 


80 .. 


1-613 . . 


1-506 .. 


90 .. 


- 1-C13 . . 


1-505 . . 



ON MAN. 



G3 



It may \->c asked if the diminution of stature towards 
tlie end of life is not rather apparent tlian real, and if 
it be not owing to the circumstance that longevity is 
general]}' shorter for individuals of great stature. At 
least, it would be interesting to examine if the size 
of man has any influence on the duration of his life. 

I shiUl endeavour, in a few words, to present such 
of the rcsidts of my researches as appear to me most 
interesting : it is almost unnecessary to observe that 
these results only apply to Brussels and the province 
of Brabant. 

1. The limits of growth in the two sexes are un- 
equal : tirst, Iwcausc woman is born smaller than 
man ; second, because she sooner finishes her com- 
plete development ; third, because tlie annual increase 
which she receives is smaller than that of man. 

2. The stature of tlie inhabitant of towns, at the 
age of 19, is greater than that of the country person 
by 2 to 3 centimetres [7-lOths to 1 inch nearly]. 

."J. It does not appear that tlie growth of man is 
entirely completed at 2') years of age. 

4. Individuals who live in allluencc generally ex- 
ceed the average heigiit : misery and hard lalxjur, on 
tlie contrary, appear to l>e obstacles to growth. 

.'). The growth of the child, even from several 
months before birth until complete development, fol- 
lows such a law of continuity, that the increase dimi- 
nishes successively witii age. 

(i. Iktween the oth and ICth years nearly, the 
animal growth is pretty regular, and it is one-twelftii 
of the growth of the foetus during the months before 
birth. 

7. Subsequently to the .^Oth year, man and woman 
undergo a diminution of stature which becomes more 
and more marked, and may amotmt to from 6 to 7 
centimetres [2 .'{-lOths or 2 u-loth inches] nearly, 
about the age of 80 years. 



CHAPTER II. 

OF TOE DEVELOPMKNT OF THE WEIGHT, AND OF ITS RELATIONS 
TO THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE HEIGHT OF THE IIODY. 

1. AVclght anil Iloiglit at Different Ages. 

Uesearches on the height and weight of new-born 
infants have been made at the Foundling Hospital 
of Brussels. To ascertain the weight, tiie ordinary 
biJance has been used ; but in the different observa- 
tions, the weight of the swaddling clothes has Ixeii 
taken. The average values obtained for 03 male and 
.06 female children, arc as follows : — 



Male chiKlron, 
Female children, 



Weight. 
3-20 kilogramnies. 
2-91 



Height. 
0-4f«; metre.* 
0-4aT . .t 



Tims, from the time of hirtli, there is an inequality in 
the weight and height of children of the two sexes, and 
this ine(/ualiti/ is in favour of males. The height cor- 
responds nearly with what I have found from other 
observations. 

By classing the infants who furnished the preced- 
ing average values according to their total weight, 
we find — 



Infants Weighing 
From H) to 1-5 kilog. 
.. 1-5 to 20 .. 
. . 2 (» to 2-5 . . 
. . 2-5 to .30 . . 
. . 30 to 3-5 . . 
. . 3-5 to 4-0 . . 
.. 40 to 4-5 .. 



Hovs. Oirls. Total. 



.» 


1 

1 
7 


1 
1 

10 


- 13 


14 


27 


28 


Zi 


.■il 


- 14 


7 


21 


r> 


3 


« 



G3 



56 



119 



♦ Here those cliililrcn only have l>cen nieastired whose weiglit 
hart t)ccn nscertaincil. The number of observntion.s is greater than 
I could avail myself of in my former researches. 

t [The kilogramme is, as nearly as powible, 2 l-5th lbs. Eng- 
lUi.] 



The extremes were as follows : — 
Boys. 
Minimum, - - 2-34 kilog. 



Maximum, 



4-50 



Girls. 
M2 kUog. 
4-25 .. 



Professor Richter has made researches similar to 
the preceding at the Foundling Hospital of Moscow ;* 
and, according to his observations, of 44 new-born 
children, the sexes of whom are not stated, the ave- 
rage value was 9 1-1 5th pounds in weight, and 18^ 
inches (Paris) in length. I regret that I do not know 
the value of the weight which he employed. The 
height, which is 0"501 metres, new measure, is almost 
precisely the same as we have found for boys. The 
extremes obtained by M. Richter were as follows : — 





Weight. 


Height. 


Minimum, 


.0 pounds. 


15 inches 


Maximum, 


- 11 .. 


21 .. 



Thus, the weight of boys varies as 1 to 2, as I have 
found at Brussels. The extremes of length do not 
differ so much, and ])resent v;Uues which diflTer very 
little from those which we have obtained. 

Moreover, the extremes, at least of weight, may differ 
as much as the averages. We read in the Dictionnaire 
des Sciences Medicates, article Fcttus — " The researches 
made at the Foundling IluspitiU, on more than 20,000 
infants, prove that one infant, born at the full period 
and well-formed, general!}' weighs Cr} pounds. Only a 
very small number of infants have Ix-'en seen at this 
hospital weighing lOi pounds, or others weighing only 
3 pounds, or 2 pounds and some ounces." This value 
of Gj pounds, or 3*059 kilogrammes, obtained from so 
great a number of observations, agrees verj' nearly 
witli the value — 3()55 kilogrammes — obtained for 
Brussels, leaving out of consideration the distinction 
of the sexes : the extreme values likewise present very 
little difference. 

It is remarkable that learned men who have made 
observations on the weight and height of new-bom 
infants, should have attended so little to the distinc- 
tion of the sexes. Although our results arc not de- 
duced from so large a number of observations as could 
be desired, yet we think we may conclude, with suffi- 
cient probability, that the average values of the -weight 
and height of children of the two sexes present a very 
sensible difference. 

From all the researches which have been made on 
the relations existing between the Aveight and the age 
of the fatus, it apjMiars that the ratios preseut so much 
uncertainty, that we can scarcely make any use of 
them. 

It is M. Chaussier, if I am not mistaken, who has 
made the remark, that an infant diminishes a little in 
weight immediately after birth. This curious remark 
deserves to be carefully verified : unfortunately, I have 
only Ijeen able to procure seven series of observations, 
which do not extend beyond the seventh day after 
birtli. The average calculations for each day present 
the following values : — 



Afterbirth, 
On the 2d <Liy, 

. . M .. 

.. 4tb . . 
.5th . . 

. . fith . . 

. . 7th . . 



Weight of the Infant. 
3126 kilog. 

3-057 .. 

3017 . . 

30.35 . . 

SiOf) . . 

3-035 . . 

3-OCO . . 



It really appears, then, from these numbers, that 
the weight of the child diminishes a little immediately after 
birth, and"tliat it does not Ijegin to increase in a sen- 
sible manner until after the first week. 

* Synnps, Pr.oxis Medico Obstctriciir : 1810. 



64 



ON MAN. 



Thus we see that, from birth, there is an mequality 
in the weight of children of the two sexes : hoAv- 
ever, we shall examine if this inequality is pro- 
duced again at different ages, and examine the 
modifications which it undergoes. I have already 
stated the analogous results for height ; nevertheless, 
I thought it would be useful to state again the new 
numbers which have been obtained from the indi- 
viduals of both sexes, on whom observations Avere 
made to determine the weight. It Avas interesting 
to place these tAvo elements, during their progi-es- 
sive development in the same individual, opposite 
each other. 

In estimating the weight, I have generally used the 
balance of Sanctorius. Since this balance is not so 
sensible when slightly charged, and also since great 
care is required in placing the bodies to be weighed 
by it, children of tender age haA'e been almost con- 
stantly Aveighed in the arms of persons whose weight 
had previously been taken. 

Tlie observations on children from 4 to 12 years of 
age, have for the most part been made in the schools 
of Brussels and at the Orphan Hospital. The weights 
of young persons have been taken more especially in 
the colleges and at the Medical School of Brussels. 
For more advanced ages, indiAiduals of different classes 



have been taken, though those of the loAver orders 
liaA'e been least numerous. 

For old men, the Aveights have chiefly been taken 
in the large and magnificent hospital recently erected 
at Brussels. The tAvo folloAving tables point out the 
results, such as they are, for men and women. 

The first column gives the ages; the second and 
third point out the average A-^alues of the height and 
Aveight Avhich correspond to these different ages. The 
values of the height are almost the same as those 
previously giA'en, except for individuals Avho are more 
than 16 or 17 years of age; which no doubt arises 
from indiA'iduals of the loAver class having been less 
numerous in these than in the former observations. 
Indeed, I haA'e already shoAvn that young persons who 
apply themselves to study, and persons in the aflluent 
classes generally, are taUer than others. In the third 
column, the ratios of Aveight and size for different 
ages are calculated, their A-alues being considered as 
abstract numbers. Tliese ratios are not deduced im- 
mediately from the numbers contained in the two 
preceding columns, but are the average of the ratios 
calculated for each individual. In the last place, the 
four last columns point out the maximum and mini- 
mum of height and weight at each age, for individuals 
Avho are Avell-formed. 



Table of the Size and "Weight of Man at Different Ages. 


Table of the Size and Weight of Woman at Different Ages. 








Ratio of 


Size 
Observed. 


AVeight 
Observed. 








Ratio of 


Size 
Observed- 


AVeight 
Observed. 


Ages. 


Size. 


AVeight. 


AA'eight 
to Size. 








Ages. 


Size. 


AVeight. 


AA'^eight 
to Size. 










Max. 


Min. 


Max. 


Min. 


Max. 


Min. 


Mas. 


Min. 




met. 


kilog. 




met. 


met. 


kilog. 


kilfig. 




met. 


kilog. 




met. 


met. 


kilog. 


kilog. 


Birth, 


0-496 


3-20 


6-19 


0-532 


0-433 


4-50 


2-34 


Birth, 


0-483 


2-91 


G-15 


0-655 


0-438 


4-25 


1-12 


1 year, 


0-696 


1000 


14-20 


0-750 


0-682 


]i-no 


.0-00 


1 year, 


0-690 


9-30 


13-50 


0-704 


0-660 


10-5 


8-3 


2 .. 


0-797 


1200 


15-00 


0-824 


0-730 


13-50 


10-50 


2 .. 


0-780 


11-40 


14-50 


0-798 


0-720 


12-0 


8-3 


3 .. 


0-860 


13-21 


15-.'36 


0-875 


0-840 


13-fjO 


12-10 


3 .. 


0-850 


12 -45 


14-70 


0-895 


0-795 


15-8 


10-5 


4 .. 


0-932 


15-(I7 


16-32 


0-965 


0-840 


18-20 


12-50 


4 .. - 


0-910 


14-18 


15-10 


0-.050 


0-810 


15-8 


11-5 


6 .. 


0-990 


16-70 


16-98 


1-080 


0-915 


18-50 


14-00 


5 


0-974 


15-50 


15-70 


1-1185 


0-876 


17-5 


13-3 


6 .. 


1-046 


18-04 


17-44 


1-115 


0-9G0 


20-40 


15-80 


6 .. 


1032 


16-74 


10-24 


1-085 


0-956 


20-3 


13-3 


7 .. 


1-112 


20-16 


18-31 


1.162 


1-109 


24-50 


17-20 


7 .. 


1-096 


18-45 


16-85 


1-177 


1-050 


23-4 


16-0 


8 .. 


1-170 


22-26 


18-92 


1-260 


1-120 


28-50 


19-00 


8 .. 


1-139 


19-82 


17-45 


1-380 


1-050 


23-4 


16-0 


9 .. 


1-227 


24-09 


19-68 


1-325 


1-1.50 


29-00 


22-20 


9 .. 


1-200 


22-44 


18-65 


1-.380 


1-110 


25-7 


18-3 


10 .. 


1-282 


2612 


20-37 


1-325* 


1-163 


32-00 


22-70 


10 .. 


1-248 


24-24 


19-45 


1-380 


1-160 


28-3 


20-3 


11 .. 


1-327 


27-85 


21-58 


1-405 


1-215 


33-80 


25-00 


11 .. 


1-275 


26-25 


20-60 


1-385 


1-160 


39-8 


21-6 


12 .. 


V359 


3100 


22-80 


1-450 


1-270 


36-30 


25-00 


12 .. 


1-327 


30-54 


23-00 


1-4/6 


1-160 


42-3 


21-6 


13 . . 


1-403 


35-32 


25-30 


1-490 


1-300 


39-50 


34-60 


13 .. 


1-386 


34-65 


24-50 


1-580 


1-160 


42-8 


21-6 


14 .. 


1-487 


40-50 


27-49 


1-030 


1-.330 


45-00 


37-00 


14 . . 


1-447 


38-10 


25-35 


1-580 


1160 


51-0 


32-0 


15 .. 


1-5.59 


46-41 


29-88 


1-658 


1-380 


61-50 


37-00 


15 .. 


1-475 


41-30 


28-10 


1-638 


1-160 


55-2 


.32-0 


16 .. 


1-610 


63-39 


33-00 


1-730 


1-430 


61-50 


40-00 


16 .. 


1-600 


44-44 


29-62 


1-638 


1-160 


57-6 


320 


17 .. 


1-670 


57-40 


34-25 


1-790 


1-407 


65-50 


45-00 


17 .. 


1-544 


49-08 


31-75 


1-688 


1-284 


61-6 




18 .. 


1-700 


61-26 


35-67 


1-7.00 




67-00 


45-00 


18 .. 


1-5G2 


.53-10 


34-05 


1-740 




79-9 




19 .. 


1-706 


63-32 


37-00 


1-800 




70-00 


48-20 


20 .. 


1-570 


54-46 


34-70 










20 .. 


1-711 


65-00 


37-99 


1-838 




72-70 




25 .. 


1-577 


55-08 


35-26 










25 .. 


1722 


68-29 


39-66 


1-890 




98-50 


, , 


30 . . 


1-579 


55-14 


35-90 










30 .. 


1-722 


68-90 


40-02 










40 . . 


1-555 


50-65 


36-50 










40 .. 


1-713 


68-81 


40-03 










50 . . 


1-536 


.58-45 


38-15 




1-4-14 


90-5 


.39-8 


50 .. 


1-674 


67-45 


40-14 










00 . . 


1-516 


56-73 


37-28 




1-436 






60 .. 


1-639 


65-50 


40-01 










70 .. 


1-514 


63-72 


35-49 




1-431 


93-8 




70 .. 


1-623 


63-03 


38-83 








49-i 


80 .. 


1-506 


51-52 


34-21 


iVoi 


1-408 


72-5 


38-0 


80 .. 


1-613 


61-22 


37-96 


1-820 


1-467 


8300 


49-7 



















The numbers in the preceding tables arc such as 
have been obtamed from direct observation ; but thcj' 
must be subjected to tAvo corrections — in the first 
place, because the persons have always been Aveighed 
in their dresses ; and, secondly, because observations 
have not been made on all classes of society. 

The first cause of error Avhich has been pointed 
out, may be removed, or at least diminished to some 
extent. The aA'erage Aveight of the clothes at different 
ages may be determined very precisely, and then it is 
only necessary to subtract its value from each of the 
corresponding numbers of the table of Aveights. Erora 
different experiments, I think Ave may admit, as near 
the truth, that the average Aveight of tlie clothes at 
different ages is one-eighteenth of the total weight 

* When a number is repeated, it ie because the maximmn of 
this year was less tlian that of the preceding. The inverse takes 
place in the cohimn of the minima. 



of the male body, and a twenty-fourth jiart of the 
total weight of the female. With this value, I have 
corrected the numbers of the preceding table, except 
for ncAv-born infants, because the numbers had already 
undergone this correction, from direct experiment, 
immediately after weighing them [the infants]. 

The second cause of error raaj'^ also be remoA'ed : 
indeed, Ave shall soon see, that of individuals of the 
same age, the Aveight may be considered as having a 
pretty constant relation to the size of the body. It 
Avill be sufiicient, then, to knoAv the ratios inserted in 
the fourth colunm of the preceding tables, and to have 
a good general table of the groAvths, to deduce the 
corresponding table of the Aveight. It is in making 
use of the tabic of growths given above, and constructed 
Avith elements collected from all classes of society, 
that I have calculated the following table, in which 
I have also made the necessary correction for cloth- 
ing :— 



ON MAN. 



G5 



Tublc of the Development of the Ileight and Weight. 





iWen. 


Women. 


Ages. 


















Height. 


Weight. 


Height. 


AVeight. 




metres. 


kilog. 


metres. 


kilog. 


Birth, 


0-500 


3-20 


0-490 


2-91 


1 year, - 


0-698 


9-45 


0-690 


8-79 


2 « 


0-791 


11-34 


0-781 


10-67 


3 - 


0-864 


12-47 


0-852 


11-79 


4 ~ 


0-928 


14-23 ■ 


0-915 


13-00 


5 ~ - 


0-988 


15-77 


0-974 


14-36 


6 - 


1-047 


17-24 


1-031 


1600 


7 ~ - - 


1-105 


19-10 


1-086 


17-54 


8 ~ 


1162 


20-76 


1-141 


19-08 


9 ~ - 


1-219 


22-65 


1-195 


21-36 


10 ~ 


1-275 


24-52 


1-248 


23-52 


11 - - - 


1-330 


27-10 


1-299 


25-65 


12 ~ 


laas 


29-82 


1-353 


29-82 


13 - - 


1-4.39 


34-38 


1-403 


32-94 


14 - 


1-493 


38-76 


1-453 


36-70 


15 ~ 


1-546 


43-62 


1-499 


40-37 


16 - 


1-594 


49-67 


1-535 


43-57 


17 -- 


1-634 


52-85 


1-555 


47-31 


18 ~ 


1-658 


57-85 


1-564 


51-03 


20 ~ - 


1G74 


60-oe 


1-572 


52-28 




1-680 


62-93 


1.577 


53-28 


30 - - -* 


1-684 


63-65 


1-579 


54-33 


40 ~ 


1-C84 


C3-67 


1-579 


55-23 


50 ~ 


1-674 


63-46 


1-536 


56-16 


60 ~ 


1-639 


61-94 


1-516 


54-30 


70 ~ - - 


1-G23 


59-52 


1-514 


51-51 


80 „ 


1-613 


57-83 


1-506 


49-.37 


90 - - 


1-613 


57-83 


1-505 


49-34 



To render the preceding results more apparent, I 
liave constructed two lines, -which represent the increase 
of weight which men and women undergo at different 
ages : these Unes have, for abscissae, the ages, and for 
ordinates, the corresponding Aveiglits. We perceive, 
at the first glance, that, at equal ages, man is generallu 
heavier than woman ; about the age of twelve years only 
are individuals of both sexes nearly of the same weight. 
This circumstance is owing to the development of tlie 
weight being inconsiderable in both sexes, until the 
time of puberty, when, on the contrary, it becomes 
very apparent. I^ow, since puberty takes place sooner 
in woman, this acceleration causes a temporary dis- 
appearance of the inequality of weight which existed 
between children of both sexes, and which is, for chil- 
dren between one and eleven years of age, from one 
kilogramme to one and a half. The ditference of 
weight of the sexes is more considerable in adult per- 
sons ; it is about five kilogrammes between the six- 
teenth and twentieth years, and more than seven after 
this period. 

3Ian reaches his maximum of tveight about the age of 
40, and he begins to waste in a sensible manner about 
the age of 60 ; at the age of 80 he has lost about six kilo- 
grammes [16 lbs. troy]. His height has also diminished, 
and this diminution is about seven centimetres [2 7-lOths 
inches]. 

The same observation applies to women: in old 
age, they generally lose from six to seven kilogrammes 
in weight, and seven centimetres in stature. I have 
taken care not to include ricketty indi\'iduals in these 
valuations, or badly formed persons, or even those 
who were round-shouldered, and unable to stand up- 
right for many minutes. 

Woman attains her maximum of tveight later than 
man; she weighs the most about the age of 50 years: 
setting out from about the age of 19, the development 
of her Aveight is nearly stationary, until the period of 
procreation is passed. 

The extreme limits of the weight of weU-formed 
individuals have been 49*1 and 98-5 kilogrammes for 
men ; and for women .39*8 and 93'8 kilogrammes. 

The limits of height have been 1-467 and 1-890 
metres for men; and 1-444 and 1-740 metres for 
women. 

The average weight at 19 years, is nearly tliat of 
old persons of the two sexes; 

When man and woman have attained their complete 



development, they weigh nearly exactly twenty times as 
nmch as at birth; whilst the height is only about 
three and one-fourth times what it was at the same 
period. 

One year after birth, children of both sexes have 
tripled their weight ; boys weigh 9-45 kilogrammes, 
and girls 8-79 kilogrammes. At 6 years, they have 
doubled this latter weight, and at 13, they have quad- 
rupled it. 

Immediately before puberty, man and woman have 
one-half the weight wliich they have after their com- 
plete development. 

I am indebted to the kindness of M. Villerme for 
tlie communication of the unpublished researches of 
Tenon on tlie weight of man, which appear to have 
been made in 1783. Tliey were made in a village in 
the environs of Paris— the village of Massy — where 
Tenon had his country house. These researches, which 
comprise observations on 60 men between 25 and 40 
years of age, and as many women of the same ages, 
give the foUowuig results : — 





JMaximmn. 


Jlinimum. 


Average. 




kilog. 


kilog. 


kilog. 


Weight of man, 


83-307 


51-398 


62-071 


woman, 


- 7-i-038 


36-805 


54-916 



In all these observations, the weight of the clothes 
has been subtracted, and care has been taken not to 
include any female Avho was pregnant. 

If we now compare these numbers Avith tliose I 
obtained at Cambridge, made on men from 18 to 23 
years of age, weighed with clothes, we shall find, 
dividing into series of tens the 80 individuals whose 
weights were obtained — ■ 



1st series, 

2d - 

3d ~ 

4th ~ 

6th ~ 

6th ~ 

7th - 

8th ~ 



Stones. 


Poimd 


108 


9 


111 


^2i 


114 


6S 


101 


Oi 


102 


5 


107 


12i 


103 


6i 


112 


2i 



Average, 



107 



Wliicli gives, for the weight of one individual, about 
151 pounds, or 68-465 kilogrammes, which is nearly 
the weight of a man of 30 in Brabant, when weighed 
with his clothes on. 

If, on the other hand, we compare the weight of 
children of the lower classes in England, we shall find 
the following results, which have been communicated 
to me by Mr J. W. Cowell, taken on 420 boys work- 
ing in the factories, and 223 not Avorking in fac- 
tories ; and 651 girls working ia factories, and 201 not 
working in those places. 

Average Weight of Children of the Lower Orders. 





Boys 


Gu-ls 


Ages. 


Working in 


-1 
notAVorking 


( 
AVorking in 


1 
notAVorking 




Factories. 


in Factories. 


Factories. 


in Factories. 




kilog. 


kilog. 


kilog. 


kilog. 


9 years, 


23-47 


24-15 


23-18 


22-87 


10 -, 


25-84 


27-33 


24-85 


24-68 


11 - 


2804 


26-46 


27-06 


27-72 


12 - 


29-91 


30-49 


29-96 


29-!W 


13 - 


32-69 


34-17 


33-21 


32-97 


14 « 


34-.95 


,35-67 


37-83 


37-83 


Ip - 


4(1-06 


39-37 


a9-84 


42-44 


16 ~ 


44-43 


50-01 


43-62 


41-33 


17 - 


47-3<i 


53-41 


45-44 


46-45 


18 - 


4812 


57-27 


48-22 


55-32 



These numbers Avere collected at Manchester and 
Stockport ; the children were Aveighed in summer, 
and consequently were lightly clothed, and they had 
nothing in their pockets. We see here again, as in 



66 



ON MAN. 



the height, that it is only after puberty that, at equal 
ages, we observe a ditference in weight. The com- 
parison of Aveights seems to be rather in favour of 
Belgic children ; it is true that those of England Avere 
taken from the lower orders. 

2. Relations between the Weight and Height. 

If man increased equally in aU his dimensions, his 
weight at different ages would be as the cube of his 
height. Now, this is not what we really observe. 
The increase of weight is slower, except during the 
first year after birth ; then the proportion Avhich we 
have just pointed out is pretty regularly observed. 
But after this period, and until near the age of 
puberty, the weight increases nearly as the square of 
the height. The development of the weight again 
becomes very rapid at the time of puberty, and almost 
stops at the twenty-fifth year. In general, we do not 
err much when we assume that, durhig development, 
the squares of the iveight at different ages are as the fifth 
powers of the height; which naturally leads to this 
conclusion, in supposing the specific gravity constant, 
that the transverse growth of man is less than the 
A'ertical. 

However, if we compare two individuals who are 
fully developed and well-formed with each other, to 
ascertain the relations existing between the weight 
and stature, we shall find that the u-eight of developed 
persons, of different heights, is nearly as the square 
of the stature^ Whence it naturally follows, that a 
transverse section, giving both the breadth and thickness, 
is just proportioned to the height of the individual. "We 
furthermore conclude that, proportion still being at- 
tended to width predominates in individuals of small 
stature. 

Taking twelve of the smallest individuals of both 
sexes, and twelve of the largest, of those who have 
been submitted to our observations, we have obtained 
the following values as the average of stature, and 
the ratio of weight to the stature : — 



Uelation of Stature to AVeight. 



Men. 

The smallest, 
The largest, 

"Women. 
The smallest, 
The largest, 



1.511 metre. 
1-822 . . 



1-456 
1-672 



Ratio of AVeight 
to Stature. 
36-7 kUog. 
41-4 . . 



35-6 
,38-0 



Thus, the stature of men and women, fully deve- 
loped and weU-formed, varied in the proportion of 
five to six nearly: it is almost the same with the 
ratios of the weight to the stature of the two sexes ; 
whence it naturally follows, as we have already said 
above, that the weight is in proportion to the square 
of the stature.* 

Now, let us suppose that we have tlie individuals 
gi'ouped, not according to age, but to stature, and 
that we have taken the average of the weight of each 
group, for example, and that we proceed by ten cen- 
timetres at a time : avc shall have groups of children 
at first, then groups of children witli whoiu some 
adult persons are classed, which will be the case with 
men commencing at 1"47 metres nearlj% and women 
at 1'41 metres. If we afterwards reduce these num- 
bers to a tabular form, we shall arrive at the follow- 
ing results, the weight of the clotlas having been 
subtracted : — 

* Calling t and T the statures, and p and P the con-esponding 
weights of the smallest and the largest individuals, we have, in 
fact, almost exactly, < : T ; : 5:6, by the numbers of the first 

p V 
column, belonging to men, and . • ^•- 5 : 6 for those of the 

}, i> 

second ; from which we find that t : T : : -i- : — , ci-, in other 

T' 

words, <2 : T- : : p: V. It is the same with the numbers belonging 
to females. 





Men. 


Women. 


Stature. 












Weight. 


Ratio. 


Weight. 


Ratio. 


At Birth, - 


3-20 


6-19 


2-91 


6-03 


(J-GO metre, 


6-20 


10-33 


„ 


„ 


0-70 ~ 


9-30 


13-27 


9-06 


12-94 


0-80 ~. 


11-36 


14-20 


11 -21 


14-01 


0-yil -, 


13-50 


15-00 


13-42 


14-91 


1-00 ~ 


15-90 


15-90 


15-82 


15-82 


1-10 ~ 


18-50 


16-82 


18-30 


16-64 


1-20 ~ 


21-72 


18-10 


21-51 


17-82 


1-30 « 


26-63 


20-04 


26-83 


20-64 


1--10 ~ 


34-48 


24-63 


37-28 


26-63 


1-50 - 


46-29 


30-86 


48-00 


32-00 


i-(;o „ 


57-15 


35-72 


56-73 


35-45 


1-70 - 


63-28 


37-22 


65-20 


33-35 


l-iiO - 


70-61 


39-23 


„ 


„ 


l-f|0 - 


75-56 


39-77 


~ 


-- 



We see that, statures being equal, woman weighs 
a little less than man until she attains the height of 
1 metre 3 decimetres, which nearly corresponds to 
the period of puberty, and that she weighs a little 
more for higher statures. This difference, for the 
most part, proceeds from aged females being mingled 
with groups of a moderate stature sooner than males 
are ; and, at equal statures, as we have already stated, 
aged persons weigh more than young ones. 

To apply the preceding to determine the age of a 
noii-adult person, from a knowledge of the weight and 
stature onl}^ let us suppose the height of the person 
to be 1"23 metre, and the weight 24 kilogrammes, he 
being, moreover, of the male sex. We shall imme- 
diately see, from the preceding table, that he is heavy 
in proportion to his stature ; the table before informs 
lis that, by taking the height alone, he ought to be a 
Uttle more than nine years of age, and considering 
the weight alone, he should be under ten ; so that we 
may pronounce, with great probability of truth, that 
the individual in question must be between nine and 
ten. 

3. Weiglit of a Population. — Weight of the Human Skeleton. 

The following table may serve to determii:e the 
weight of a population composed of men, women, and 
children, or of a population composed of individuals 
of certain limited ages : it has been formed by taking 
the numbers belonging to eacli age from a population 
table, and multiplying them by the weight of indi- 
viduals of this age.* 

Table of tlie Weight of a Population of 10,000 Souls. 



Ages. 


Jlen. 


Women. 


Tot.-il. 




kilog. 


kilog. 


kilog. 


to 1 year, 


0-894 


0-803 


1-697 


1 to 2 


1-462 


1-324 


2-786 


2to 3 ~ 


l-5ft4 


1-372 


2-876 


3 to 4 


1-676 


1-485 


3-161 


4 to 5 ~- 


1-864 


1-658 


3-522 


5 to 6 « 


2-017 


1-765 


3-782 


6to 8 ~ 


4.251 


3-786 


8-037 


8 to 10 - 


4-768 


4-318 


9-086 


10 to 12 - 


5263 


4-827 


10-090 


12 to 14 « 


6-332 


5-977 


12-.309 


14 to 16 ~ 


8-805 


7-801 


16-606 


16 to 20 - 


18-902 


17-700 


36-602 


20 to 25 - 


25-292 


23-.308 


48-600 


25 to 30 „ 


25-603 


22-770 


48-373 


30 to 40 - 


.39-396 


39-.548 


78-944 


40 to 50 - . . - 


28-720 


31-470 


60-190 , 


.50 to 60 " 


24122 


24-634 


48-756 


60 to 70 - - - - 


23-620 


16-458 


40-118 


70 to 80 ~ 


9-620 


7-808 


17-428 


80 and upwards, 


2-320 


1-998 


4-318 


Total, - 


236-471 


220-810 


4.)7-281 



* Tlie population table made use of in these calculations is one 
which will be found above, taken from the Recherdies sur la 
MortalUi ct la Ufprodiuiion. nnixclles : 18.32. 



ON MAN. 



67 



Tims, taking at once a population of 10,000 souls, 
without distinction of age or sex, the weight will be 
457,000 kilogrammes nearly, 236,000 being that of 
the male portion. Thus we see that the average vwight 
of an individual, without reference to age or sex, is 45'7 
kilogrammes nearly ; and, considering the sexes, 47 kih- 
gramvies for a man [125 9-lOths lbs. troy], ajid 42^ 
kilogrammes for a ivoman [74 lbs. troy]. The whole 
population of Brussels, which amounts to 100,000, 
would weigh 4,572,810 kilogrammes ; or nearly four 
and a half times as much as a cube of water 10 
metres square : and the whole human race, computed 
at 737,000,000, would not weigh as much as 33 cubes 
of water 100 metres square : a value Avhieh at first 
sight appears small, since such a volume of water 
might be contained in a basin having a surface of 
less than one-third of an acre [hectare'], and a depth 
of 100 metres. 

To the preceding data, I shall add some measure- 
ments of the human skeleton, which have been com- 
municated to me by MM. Van Esschen and Guiette. 
They Avill throw additional light on our present sub- 
ject. 



Dimensions. 


Numher of Slceletons. 














No. 1.* 


No. 2.t 


No. 3.% 


No.4.§ 


No. 5. II 




kilog. 


Idlog. 


kilog. 


kilog. 


kilog. 


AVeights, - 


4-2 


4-4 


5-7 


5-2 


3-0 




met. 


met. 


met. 


met. 


met. 


Statures, 


1-685 


1-640 


1-067 


1-7.55 


1-500 


Height of head, - 


0-13U 


0-134 


0-136 


0-135 


0-135 


~. of spinal column, 


0-590 


0-560 


0-563 


0-550 


0-470 


^ of pelvis. 


0-210 


0-1G6 


0-182 


0-225 


0-152 


Length of the upper) 
extremities, i 


0-779 


0-735 


0-754 


0-790 


0-662 


Length of the lower) 
extremities, > 


0-917 


0-870 


0-885 


0-970 


0-800 



The two last skeletons, belonging to females, did 
not present any essential difference from the three 
first, which were males. 

We see, from the preceding table, that tlie weight 
of a skeleton prepared some years, scarcely exceeds 
the weight of a child at birth. 

From tlie foregoing, we deduce the following con- 
clusions : — 

1. From birth there is an inequality, both in weight 
and stature, between children of the two sexes ; the 
average weight of a boy being 3-20 kilogrammes 
[8 5-lOths lbs. troy], that of a girl 2-91 kilogrammes 
[7 7-lOths lbs. troy] ; the stature of a boy is 0-496 
metres, and that of a girl 0*483 metres. 

2. The weight of a child diminishes a little towards 
the third day after birth, and does not begin to in- 
crease sensibly until after the first week. 

3. At equal ages, man is generally heavier than 
woman : about the age of 12 years only are the indi- 
viduals of both sexes of about the same weight. Be- 
tween 1 and 1 1 years, the difference in weight is from 
one kilogranmie to one and a half; between 16 and 
20, it is six kilogrammes nearly ; and after this period 
eight to nine kilogrammes. 

4. When man and woman have attained their full 
development, they weigh almost exactly twenty times 
as much as at birth ; and their stature is about three 
and one- fourth times greater than it was at the same 
period, 

* No. 1. Natiu-al skeleton of a man of about thirty-five years 
of age, prepared seven years. 

t No. 2. Skeleton of a man about twenty -five years of age, pre- 
pared six years. 

t No. 3. Skeleton of a man. Age and date of the preparation 
unlmown. 

§ No. 4. Skeleton of a woman. Age and date of the preparation 
imknown. 

I! No. 5. Skeleton of a woman aged fifteen years, prepared one 
ye.ir. 



5. In old age, man and woman lose about six or 
seven kilogrammes in weight, and seven centimetres 
in stature. 

6. During the development of individuals of both 
sexes, we may consider the square of the weight, at 
different ages, as proportioned to the fifth power of 
their stature. 

7. After the full development of individuals of both 
sexes, the weight is almost as the square of the sta- 
ture. 

From the two preceding relations, we infer, that 
increase in height is greater than the transverse in- 
crease, including breadth and thickness. 

8. Man attains the maxinmm of his weight at about 
40, and begins to waste in a sensible degree about the 
60th year. 

9. Woman attains the maximum of her weight 
about the age of 50. During the period of reproduc- 
tion, namely, from the 18th to the 40th year, her 
weight scarcely increases in a perceptible degree. 

10. The weight of individuals who have been mea- 
sured, aud who were fully developed and well-formed, 
varies within extremes which are nearly as 1 to 2 ; 
whilst the stature only varies within limits which, at 
the most, are a,s 1 to 1^. This is inferred from the 
following values, furnished by observation : — 



Maximum. 
AVcight of man, 98-5 kilog. 

woman, 93-8 ~ 
Statm-eof man, 1-890 met. 
~ woman, 1-740 ™ 



49-1 kilog. 
39-8 - 
1-407 met. 



03-7 kilog. 

55-2 ~ 
1-084 met. 
1-57.9 ~ 



1 1. At equal statures, woman weighs a little less 
than man before reaching the height of 1"3 metres, 
which almost corresponds to the period of puberty ; 
and she weighs a little more for higher statures. 

12. The average weight of an individual, without 
reference to age or sex, is 45*7 kilogrammes ; and, 
taking sex into account, 47 kilogrammes for man, and 
42 "5 kilogrammes for woman. 



CHAPTER III. 

OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF STRENGTH OR POWER. 

The measure of strength is one of the elements which 
we are most anxious to ascertain with some degree 
of precision; not merely because this subject of in- 
vestigation has occupied the attention of many ob- 
servers ; but since their principal object was to ascer- 
tain the useful effect of power, what they have done 
has a characteristic nature, which distinguishes their 
results from those which I propose to determine with 
a scientific purpose. Thus, Desaguiliers, De la Hire, 
Gueuyveau, Coulomb, Schulze, &c., have chiefly in- 
vestigated the relations which exist between the speed 
and the burden carried, in respect to a man employed 
either in carrying burdens or drawing them. I shall 
not enter into the details of the results which they 
have obtained, since they can be found in the prin- 
cipal treatises on practical mechanics. What is of 
most importance for us to know here is, I think, what 
relation the intensity of power which man can dis- 
play (either with his hands or loins, without subject- 
ing him to a day's labour), Ijears, in its development-, 
to the age of the person : this latter question is com- 
posed of more complex elements. 

To determine the different degi-ees of our physical 
power, different instruments have been proposed, the 
least imperfect of which is undoubtedly the dyna- 
mometer of Eegnier.* However, this instrument still 

* [The dynamometer cannot well be described in mere words. 
All that can be said of it is, that it is an instrument so contrived 
as to exhibit, on a dial-plate, the measure of strength resident in 
the arms and loins of the parties subjected to trial. 51. Quetelet's 
observations may make tliis point more clear.] 



G8 



ON MAN. 



leaves much to be desired ; and, fiilly perceiving its 
defects when I commenced the experiments which I 
am now about to state, I was far from supposing they 
were so great as they really are. The most consi- 
derable results from its form ; indeed, the dynamo- 
meter is managed with varying degrees of facility, 
and estimates of power, varying in accurac}^ are given, 
according to the size of the hand and length of the 
fingers. This defect is especially apparent Avith chil- 
dren : it is almost necessary to employ different instru- 
ments for different ages. These inconveniences led 
me to think of a dynamometer, in which the two steel 
plates to be brought into apposition should, with a 
maximum of power, assume that position in the hand 
which was most favourable to its development : un- 
fortunately, other labours have prevented me from 
prosecuting these attempts, and undertaking a new 
series of observations. Therefore, I must confine 
mj'self to giving the results obtained with the dyna- 
mometer of Eegnier, premising that they do not pre- 
sent that degree of accuracy which I was anxious to 
give them. 

I think ^ve may even already suspect the imper- 
fection of the dynamometer, from the discordant re- 
sults obtained by different experimenters who have 
used it. 

According to Eegnier, a man from 25 to 30, is in 
possession of his greatest strength, and by pressing 
strongly with both hands, makes an effort equal to 50 
kilogrammes [134 lbs. ti'oy], and raises a weight of 
13 myriagrammes [260 lbs. troy, nearly]. He retains 
this power until nearly 50, Avhen it begins to decrease.* 
The strength of woman has been considered as equal 
to that of a man of 15 or IG, or to two-thirds of the 
power of an ordinary man. 

Eegnier has also found that, b}'- trying first one 
hand and then the other, that the right hand is gene- 
rally stronger than the left ; and the sum of these is 
commonly equal to the power of both hands acting 
together. 

Other experiments have since been made by Peron, 
who has stated the results in the accomat of his voyage 
to Australasia. Eansonnet has also made dynamo- 
metric experiments in the roadstead of Havre, on 345 
individuals belonging to the companies of two frigates 
and a brig which lie commanded. Collecting the values 
obtained by these different observers, we have the 
following table : — 



Persons experimented on. 



French, from 25 to 30 years, 
•• 25 to 45 •■ 

Natives of New Holland, 
Jliilays of tlic Island of Timor, 



Observers. 



Regiiicv, 
Ran sonnet, 
Viron, 



Strength. 



JIanual. Lnnibar. 



liilog. 
500 
40-3 
CO-2 
61-8 
597 



Average. 
130 
14-2 
221 
14-0 

ie-2 



The degrees of strength of the French, according 
to these observations, Ave sec differ very much : the 
results of Pcron differing especially from those of 
Eansonnet and Eegnier.f It would appear that Peron 
has made a mistake in reading the degrees of the 
dynamometer ; at least this seems to be the case, from 
the correction which has subsequently been made by 
Frcycinet and Eailly, who were of the number of 
persons experimented on by Peron, and Avho are found 
to have a lumbar power sensibly smaller than that 
placed opposite tiieir names in the table. According 

* Dklionnaire des Sciences Mcdicalcs, article liynammnelre, et 
description et Usar/edu Dynamomclre. (Journal deVEcolcVolytech- 
tiiqiie, Prairial, an G.) 

■f M. Ransonnct has kindly favoured me with some accounts 
of the observations which were required of him, and made witli 
an instrument tlie accuracy of whicli he cannot wai'rant, not 
having had an opportunity of testing it himself. 



to M. Frcycinet, instead of the lumbar powers stated 
by Pcron, Ave must read as folloAvs : — 

15'2 myriagr. instead of 22-1 , for the French. 
10-1 . . . . 14-8, . . TSlew Hollanders. 

11-3 . . . . 16'2, . . Malaj's of Timor. 

However the case may be, by considering the values 
of Peron as relative, it Avould appear that the strength 
of the French sailors was greater than that of savages ; 
and this result agrees with the accomrts of many 
voyagers. 

Dynamometric experiments require the greatest 
precaution. I have seen the same persons obtain 
exceedingly different results from successive efforts. 
A cause of frequent error, when sufficient precaution 
is not taken in using the instrument of Eegnier to 
measure the lumbar poAver, is, that the needle is made 
to move as much by pressing the instrument between 
the knees, as by pulling. Indeed, it is difficult to 
pull Avithout bringing the knees toAvards each other, 
and thus pressing the elUptic spring in the direction 
of its small axis, where it yields most readily : the 
position in which we are placed to pull, and the height 
of the statm'e, have likewise some influence. It is 
also necessary to keep trying the accuracy of the in- 
strument, especially toAvards the bottom of the scale, 
because it is generally not so sensible for small 
Aveights. 

I regret that I could not increase my observations 
to the extent I desired ; and I bring forward my re- 
sidts Avith diffidence. The number of individuals of 
each age experimented upon was at least 10 : these 
persons generally belonged to the better class ; and 
those below 25, of the young men, were generally 
taken in the colleges, and at the Medical School of 
Brussels : the young Avomen, also, were taken from 
the schools and the Orphan Hospital. 

It is Avell, in measuring the power of a person, to 
take the average of several successive observations, 
because avc find the results vary slightly ; and gene- 
rally the first effort is more poAverful than the second, 
the second than the third, and so on, until avc arrive 
at a certain limit ; but the difference is not very great 
after the first few trials.* We may find a difference 
of one or tAvo degrees, or more, betAveen the first efibrt 
and the extreme ; consequently, these observations 
admit of great chance of error. 

Observations on the Lumbar Power, estimated by means of 
the Dyuamometex'. 



Ages. 



G years, 

7 •• 

B .. 

9 •• 

10 .. 

11 •■ 

12 •• 

13 . . 

14 .. 

15 • ■ 
k; • . 
1/ .. 
IH •• 
1!) •• 
2(» .. 
21 ■• 
25 .. 
.30 . . 
40 .. 
50 . . 
CO . . 



Lumbar Power. 



Men. 



mynag. 
2-0 
2-7 

4-0 
4-6 
4-8 
.VI 

c-y 

H-1 

(18 
10-2 
12-G 
13-0 
13-2 
13-8 
140' 
15-5 
15-4 
12-2 
10-1 

0-3 



Women. 



2-4 
30 
.3-1 

3-7 

4-0 
4-4 
5-0 
5-3 
5-9 
G-4 
G7 
6-4 
G-8 
7-2 
77 



Ratio of the 

Strengtli of 

Men and 

Women. 



1-.3.3 
1-48 
1-30 
1-28 
1-57 
1-62 
1-Gfi 
172 
l-!)7 
]'94 
20G 
203 
2-05 
2-01 



In this table, I haA'e not included boys under six, 
and girls imder eight years of age, because of the 
difficidty of teaching them how to handle the dyna- 

* M. Edwards has told me, that after dinner he has generally 
observed the contrary with strong persons, the first eflTort being 
somcAvhat less inten.se than the succeeding ones. 



ON MAN. 



C9 



mometer, and the errors which would have resulted 
therefrom. It is necessary to aU the preceding ralues, 
to add the weight of the dynamometer, which is 
certainly a part of the resistance to overcome : this 
amounts to one kilogramme. 

If we had extremely sensible and suitable instru- 
ments for measuring the lumbar power of children, it 
is evident that we could not begin to make use of 
them before the age of two years, since before this 
period the child cannot stand upright alone, nor carry 
an additional weight. It is to be observed that, of all 
the individuals figured in the table, the lumbar power 
is sufficient to raise a load or overcome an obstacle 
exceeding the weight of the individual. Tlie load a 
man can carry relatively to his weight, increases with 
his growth \mtil maturity, and the perfect man can 
raise more than double his own weight. 

The lumbar power of females differs less fi'om that 
of males during childhood than after complete deve- 
lopment. During childhood, the lumbar strength of 
boys is about one-third more than tliat of girls ; to- 
wards the age of puberty, one-half; and the strength 
of a developed man is double that of a woman. 

Professions produce a very sensible difference. I 
have seen labouring masons and carpenters move the 
d3Tiamometer 20 degrees or more. The average of 
several servants, between 20 and 40 years of age, has 
given me a value of 10 or 11 degrees. 

To measure the poAver of the hands presents the 
greatest obstacles. It seems to me that it is almost 
impossible to rely on the accuracy of the results, im- 
less the observations have been made with the greatest 
care, and by one and the same person. The first and 
greatest obstacle proceeds from the uneqiud size ot 
the hands, and the difficulty of grasping the instru- 
ment. From all the corrections which I have made, 
I think I may rely on the accuracy of my own results ; 
and, nevertheless, they differ so much from those ob- 
tained bj' the observers quoted, that I dehberated some 
time in using them, the more so since they are, like 
all the measures taken with Kegnier's dynamometer, 
subject to undergo a previous correction, owing to the 
unequal size of the hands. To show how important 
this correction is, I made difierent trials with the 
dynamometers, placing my hands in different positions, 
and I have obtained extremely dissimilar A'alues. We 
may judge better from the following : — 

The dynamometer I have used is made, like all 
others, of a spring almost of an elliptic form : the 
lengths of the greater and lesser axis are 30 and 5"5 
, centimetres respectively ; the dial and the index are 
so placed that the hands, when most approximated, 
are still 2 '5 centimetres distant from each other; and 
pressure is made at a certain distance from the small 
axis, where the maximum of eflect is produced. We 
obtain, therefore, only a part of the action which might 
be produced by pressing both extremities of the smaU 
axis. IMoreover, it appears that the dynamometer I 
have used has been graduated, taking this distance 
into account. I was then desirous to know what 
would be tlie effect produced by increasing the dis- 
tance between the hands, and I have obtained these 
values : — 



Distance of the 
Hands. 
25 mill. 

ar, •. 

45 .. 

65 .. 

75 .. - 

85 ■■ 



Degrees of the 
Dynamometer. 

80-5 

640 

54-5 

49-5 

44-0 

380 



Thus, by placing the hands so that they were each, 
when least distant, one centimetre from the dial, and 
consequently 45 millimetres from each other, I only 
produced an effort of 54-5 instead of 80'5 — a difference 
of 20 degrees. Now, many per?ons, trying their 



manual strength by the dynamometer, generally place 
their hands in the manner I have stated ; they must 
then give very erroneous results. Women and chil- 
dren, especially, have another disadvantage in using 
the dynamometer, for the opening which they are 
obliged to allow their hands does not permit them to 
press -with the power they are capable of. Also, I 
think the values I have obtained for them are gene- 
rally too low. 

Observations on the Power of the Hands, from Experiments 
with the Dynamometer. 





Power of Men 


Power of AVomen 


Ages. 


\vith 


with the 


with the 


with 


with the 


with the 




both 


Right 


Left 


both 


Right 


Left 




Hands. 


Hand. 


Hand. 


Hands. 


Hand. 


Hand. 




kilog. 


kilog. 


liilog. 


kUog. 


Idlog. 


kilog. 


6 years, 


10-3 


4-0 


20 








7 •• 


140 


70 


40 








8 •• 








11-8 


36 


2-8 


9 •• 


20-0 


8-5 


5-0 


15-5 


4-7 


4-0 


10 •• 


26-0 


9-8 


8-4 


16-2 


5-6 


4-8 


n •• 


29-2 


10-7 


9-2 


19-5 


8-2 


6-7 


12 .. 


336 


13-9 


11-7 


230 


lO-l 


7-0 


13 .. 


390 


16-6 


150 


26-7 


11-0 


81 


14 -. 


47-9 


21-4 


18-8 


33-4 


13-6 


11-3 


15 .. 


57-1 


27-8 


22-6 


35-6 


15-0 


14-1 


16 .. 


63-9 


32-3 


26-8 


37-7 


17-3 


16-6 


17 •• 


71'0 


362 


31-9 


40-9 


20-7 


18-2 


18 •• 


79-2 


386 


35-0 


43-6 


20-7 


19-0 


1!) •• 


79-4 


35-4 


35-0 


44-9 


21 G 


19-7 


;>o ■. 


84-3 


39-3 


37-2 


45-2 


22-0 


19-4 


21 .. 


86-4 


430 


38-0 


47-0 


23-5 


20-5 


25 • . 


88-7 


44-1 


400 


eo-0 


24-5 


21 '6 


30 • • 


89-0 


44-7 


41-3 








40 •. 


87-0 


41-2 


38-3 








50 •• 


740 


36-4 


330 


47-0 


23-2 


20-0 


«() . . 


56-0 


30-5 


260 









From this table we may infer, that the manual 
power of men, at different ages, is greater than that 
of women. The difference is generally smaller at earlj^ 
periods than afterwards : thus, before puberty, the 
ratio is 3 to 2, and it afterwards becomes 9 to 5. We 
also see that the hands, acting together, produce a 
greater effect than the sum of the effects they produce 
acting separately ; this appears to be partly owing to 
the weight of tlie instrument, which is carried twice, 
and in an inconvenient manner, when the hands are 
used in succession. Lastly, the strongest hand is that 
one we use habitually, at least considering masses of 
people. The right hand is about one-sixth stronger 
than the left. 

Now, if we compare the power of pressing, which I 
have observed, Mith that of IVIM. Regnier, Eansonnet, 
and Peron, we shall find the greatest differences, and 
which I can only attribute to the manner in which 
the hands were placed on the instrument, and the 
consequent space betwLxt them. I have tried the in- 
strument in different ways, and I think I may be cer- 
tain that the indications are accurate, especially those 
for the average power of man. Those values which I 
ought to mistrust are those obtained for women and 
children ; they appear to me to be less than they 
ought to be, for the reasons above stated. 

According to the researches of MM. Regnier and 
Eansonnet, the average strength of man is not more 
than 46"3 or 50 kilogrammes [184 lbs. troy] ; that is 
to say, that it does not come up to his weight; 
whence it follows, that a man could not lift himself 
by the pressure he can exercise with his hands. Now, 
experience evidently disproves such a residt. Among 
the sailors experimented upon, there was probably 
not one who could not hold himself suspended, for 
some minutes at least, at tlie end of a cord firmly 
fixed at the other end. According to Pcron, the 
manual force would be 69'2 kilogrammes : this value 
approaches nearer the truth. What I liave found 
for a developed man is 89 kOogrammes [238 lbs. troy], 
nearly 19 kilogranmies more than the weight of a man 



70 



ON MAN. 



ill his dress ; so that a man may hold at the end of a 
cord, and bear at tlie same time a weight as heavy ; 
moreover, the thickness of the cord, or the form of 
the object which he holds, will necessarily influence 
the result of the experiment.* 

We also see, from the values which I have obtained, 
that it is about the age of 9 or 10 years tliat a man 
begins to acquire sufficient power in his hands to hold 
himself suspended for a time. Woman, at any age, 
does not appear capable of exercising a power equiva- 
lent to her weight ; yet many women, from exercise 
and habits of "labour, at length exceed this limit. 
Thus we see yoimg girls, by practising gymnastic 
exercises, acquire the power of raising themselves 
by means of cords to different heights. It would 
appear, then, although my values are very superior 
to those of the observers quoted, that they are rather 
below than above the truth, at least for children and 
women. 

'V^^len the power of the hands is tried several times 
in succession, it happens, just as with the lumbar 
strength, that, all things being equal, the subsequent 
efforts are never so energetic as the first ones. Thus 
the degrees of poAver diminish successively, and tend 
to a limit. The second effort is generally weaker by 
4 or 5 degrees than the first ; the difference is not so 
great afterwards. 

Trying my strength at different periods of the day, 
I have not observed any very great differences. The 
greatest effect I have been able to produce was observed 
on coming from a public lecture, at a time when I was 
slightly indisposed by an accession of fever. I was 
able to bring the needle of the djTiamometer nearly 
1 degrees beyond the point it haljitually reached. In 
general, the strength was greater after dinner than 
before -, it appears to vary Avith different times of the 
day, and especially Avith the hours of refreshment. 
IVIy experiments are not so numerous as to enable me 
here to bring forward numerical results of sufficient 
accuracy ; and, for the same reason, I have been 
obliged to defer establishing the ratios betAveen tlie 
stature, weight, and strength of men at different ages. 
But it appears to me that affluence, abundance of food, 
and moderate exercise, favourablj' assist the develop- 
ment of the physical powers ; Avhilst misery, Avant, 
and excess of labour, produce the contrary effect. 
Therefore, the man Avho finds himself in affluent cir- 
cumstances, not merely possesses the advantages of 
fortune, as well as longer life and less liability to dis- 
ea.se ; he has also better opportimities for the proper 
development of his physical qualities. 



CHAPTER IV. 

l.NSPIRATIOX, PULSATION, SWIFTNESS, &C. 
1. Inspiration and Pulsation. 

In individuals Avho are Avell-formed and enjoying good 
health, the number of inspirations and beats of the 
heart are generally confined Avithin certain limits, 
Avhich it may be interesting to know, as aa'cII as the 
average value Avhich they have at dillerent ages. The 
authors Avho have Avritten on this subject generally 
give results Avliich are A'cry discordant, for early ages 
especially. Kepler appears to have been the first 
Avho thought of determining the number of pulsa- 
tions in a given time; and Ave may be astonished 
that, in our own time, avc have not more accurate 
results than those found m the most eminent physio- 
logical Avorks. 

The following are the numbers which different 
authors have given for the beats of the heart in one 
minute : — 

* It Avould be curious to examine how long an individual could 
continue suspended by the pressure of his hands only. 





Kumber of Beats of the Heart, 




according to 




Ages. 


c 




1 










Diet, df 




-Magendie.* 


Rochoux. t 


Adelon-t 


md. 










vol. 21. 


Birth, - 


130 to 140 


140 


1.30 to 140 


140 


I year, 


120 to 130 




120 




2 „ - 


100 to 110 


100 


110 


U)0 


3 „ - - 


90 to 100 




90 




Puberty, 






80 


80 to 00 


Manhood, 






70 




Old age, 






60 





" The number of pulsations of the foetal heart, in a 
given time," says M. Paul Dubois,§ " cannot always 
be easily determined ; but Avhen it can, as is usually 
the case, Ave find tlie number from 140 to 1 50 a-minute, 
and very frequently 144 ; it is very natural to think 
that the number of pulsations should be quick, in- 
versely as the age of the foetus, and yet our researches 
do not confirm such an opinion. Indeed, we may 
affirm, that, from the end of the fifth month, at which 
period the pulsations of the heart may be readily 
counted, until the end of gestation, the rhythm [mea- 
sure] of the double beats has appeared exactly the 
same to us." 

M. Billard has given results which generally do not 
much agree Avith those Avhich have been quoted. Ac- 
cording to this observer, of 41 children, between 1 and 
10 days old, and apparently enjoying good health, he 
has found — 

18 having fewer than 80 pulsations per minute. 



2 


,, 


80 


1 


,, 


89 


4 


^, 


100 


10 


„ 


~ 110 to 129 


1 


„ 


130 


2 


„ 


„ 145 


2 


„ 


150 


1 


„ 


~ 180 



Thus, in one-half of the infants, the pidse Avas al- 
most the same number as of adults ; and there were 
others, the beats of whose heart exceeded in number 
those of individuals of a more advanced age. These 
children presented no appearance of disease. 

Of 36 children from 1 to 2 months old — 
14 presented 80 to 85 pulsations. 

1 -. 60 to 62 

2 ~ 90 

2 - 94 to 95 

5 - 110 to 112 - 

2 - 114 

7 „ 125 to 130 ~ 

3 ~ 140-147 to 150 ~ 

Of 20 children from 2 to 3 months old— 
14 presented more than 90 pulsations. 
2 - „ 100 « 

2 ~ - 70 - 

2 „ ~ 70 to 80 ~ 

It Avoiild be Avrong to affirm that children uniformly 
present a more frequent pulse than adults. || 

It does not appear that the number of inspirations 
per minute has been examined with as much care as 
the pulsations. Authors, in general, have not and 
cannot agree on this point. Ilaller said he made 20 
inspirations per minute ; Menzics says 14 ; Davy ob- 
served on himself 2G ; Thomson, also on liimself, 19 ; 
Magendie, 15. But we generally say that there are 20, 
and that every fifth inspiration is deeper than the 
others.^ 

* Physiologic. Ed. 1825. 

t Diet, de IMedicinc, 1827. 

t Pliysiologie, vol. iii. p. 417. 

§ Rapport sur 1' Application de I'AuseuItation a la Grossesse. 

II [Notwitlistanding these observations, there can be no doubt 
whatever that the pulsations of the heart, counted at the wrist, 
are uniformly much more numerous in children under six years 
of age than in adults.] 

t Dictionnaire des Sciences Mcdicales, Art. Respiration. 



ON MAN. 



71 



I sIihII noAV present the results of experiments made 
at Brussels, both on inspurations and the heating of 
the heart simultaneously. 

And first, according to the observations made on 
18 male and as many female children, immediately 
after birth, the following results were obtained : — 





Pulsations. 


Inspirations. 




Aver. 


Max. 


Win. 


Aver. 


Max. 


Jlin. 


Bi)\s, - 
GUIs, - - 


136 
135 


165 
163 


104 
108 


44 
44 


70 
68 


23 

27 



Therefore, it appears that difference of sex does not 
influence these phenomena, at any rate at birth. 

The following is a classification of the preceding 
numbers : — 

Inspirations. 

25 to 30, - 

30 to 40, 

40 to 50, 

50 to 60, 

60 to 70, 
Pulsations. 
104 to 115, 
116 to 125, - 

126 to 135, ... 
136 to 145, 

145 to 155, ... 
155 to 165, 

I think these results susceptible of greater accuracy. 
Considering the number of inspirations and pulsations 
in men, at difi'erent ages, I have found, per minute, 
for the average and extreme values, in nearly 300 indi- 
viduals, as follows : — 



Boys. 


Girls 


3 


1 


3 


5 


5 


8 


5 


3 


2 


1 


2 


1 








6 


7 


6 


5 





1 


2 


1 



Ages. 


Pulsations. 


Inspirations. 




Aver. 


Mnx. 


Min. 


Aver. 


Max. 


Min. 


Birth, 
5 years, 
10 to 15, 
15 to 20, 
20 to 25, 
25 to 30, 
30 to 50, 


136 
88 
78 
69-5 
69-7 
71-0 
700 


165 
100 
98 
90 
98 
90 
112 


104 
73 
60 
57 
61 
59 
56 


44 
26 

20 
18-7 
16-0 
18-1 


70 

32 

24 
24 
21 
23 


23 

16 
14 
15 
11 



Isations. 


Inspirations 


135 


44 


78 


19 


77 


17 



74-5 



It does not appear that there is a determinate ratio 
between the pulsations and inspirations ; however, in 
many individuals, and I am of the number, it is as 
4 to 1. 

The observations made on women have been less 
immerous than those made on men. Moreover, it 
does not appear that the difference of sexes is at any 
period more marked than about the time of birth ; 
perhaps there is a slight acceleration in females, at 
least this appears from the following numbers : — 

Ages. 
Birth, 

15 to 20 years, 
£0to25 ~ - 
25 to 30 - 
30 to 50 - - 

The temperament, the state of the health, and a 
crowd of other circumstances, must cause the number 
of inspirations and pulsations to vary considerably in 
different individuals. Wakefuhiess and sleep have 
also great influence.* From a considerable number of 

* [It is sufficiently singular that the cliief eause modifying the 
number of pulsations of the heart, during the twenty-four hours, 
escaped tlie notice of M. Quetelet. He takes no account of the 
singular influence exercised in accelerating the pulsations hy the 
slightest muscular exertion. The condition of sleeping or waking, 
to which he ascribes considerable effect, has little influence on 
the pulse, further than as regards a quiescent or non-quiescent 
state of the body. He seems also inclined to ascribe to sleep 
those effects which have long ago been proved to be solely attri- 
butable to another cause, viz., a diurnal revolution in the num- 
ber of pulsations of the human heart. — See Edinburgh Medical 
and Surgical Journal for 181'.] 



observations made carefully on a male child betAveen 
4 and 5 years of age, I have found that, when awake, 
the number of pulsations was 93-4, and the number of 
inspirations 29-3; whilst for the same child, during 
sleep, I counted 77*3 pulsations, and 21-5 inspirations, 
on an average.* The ratio of these numbers is 1 to 
1-21 for the pulsations, and 1 to 1-36 for the inspira- 
tions. Similar observations have been made on a young 
girl between 3 and 4 years old, and on a woman of 26 
years. All these observations have presented the fol- 
lowing average values : — 





Pulsations. 


Inspirations. 


Ages. 


6 
< 


8 
■a 
< 


Ratio. 


6 


1 
< 


Ratio. 


Girl, 3 to 4 years, 
Boy, 4 to 5 - 
Woman, 26 to 27, 


102.3 
93-4 

77-5 


92-0 

77-3 
C7-0 


Ml 
1-21 
116 


30-2 
29-3 
27-0 


24-8 
21-5 
20-3 


1-22 
1-36 
1-30 



It results from these observations, that sleep causes 
a more sensible modification of the number of inspira- 
tions than of the beats of the heart. In general, it 
diminishes both numbers, the first in a ratio which 
may be considered as 7 to 6, and the second in the 
ratio of 4 to 3 nearly. It is very important to con- 
sider the state of tlie individual in these researches, 
and not to make the observations wlien the person is 
excited by walking quickly, or by passions and emo- 
tions of the mind, and still more if the person is not 
well in health. To observe accurately the number of 
inspirations is very difiicult, and particularly if the 
individual knows that he is the object of observation. 
I have seen many jiersons unable to make sucli obser- 
vations on themselves. We must also consider the 
time of tlie day : for instance, in the evening we are 
generally more excited than in the morning, and the 
beats of the heart, as well as the inspirations, are more 
rapid.f Neither is it indifferent whether we observe 
tlie person before or after a meal. Observing myself 
at quiet moments, but at different times of the day, I 
have found the average number of the beats of the heart 
to be 66"2, and the average number of inspirations 15'8. 
The first number lias varied between the extremes of 
74 and 56 : this latter value has been observed imme- 
diately before dinner, and the former after a public 
lecture, about one hour after reaching home. The 
mmiber of inspirations has varied between 17 and 14'.5. 

MM. Leuret and ^litivie, avIio have recently jjub- 
lished an interesting -work on i\\e frequency of the pulse 
in the insane,^ have sought to determine the influence 
of temperature and changes of the moon on tliis fre- 
quency ; but their observations Avere not sufficiently 
numerous to deduce a numerical appreciation of so 
feeble an element. On the other hand, comparing 
young people and old persons, they have found that, 
contrary to the generally received opinion, the pulse 
of the first is slower than the second : thus they have 
comited in one minute, 



In young persons, 
— old persons, 
~ insane women. 



65 pulsations. 
74 ~ 
77 ~ 



The observations were made in the morning, whilst 
the persons Avere stiU in bed, and the pulse conse- 
quently beating slower than durmg the .day. MM. 
Leuret and Mitivio have also thought that the average 
number of pulsations was fewer in winter than in 

* [These observations of M. Quetelet are of little comparative 
value, from his having neglected to state the iwsition of the child 
during the waking state, and the time of day or night.] 

t [The reader is requested to suspend his judgment in respect 
to these observations imtil he has perused the documents in the 
appendix. Certain important elements in these observations have, 
as we have already said, been overlooked by M. Quetelet.] 

I Paris, Crdchard : 1832. 8vo. 



n 



ON MAN. 



summer, and that the variations do not correspond to 
changes of temperature.* 

2. On Swiftness, and the Activity of some other Physical 
Qualities of Man. 

There are several other physical qualities of man 
besides tliose I have just considered, which are like- 
wise susceptible of measurement, and which have been 
little attended to hitherto. What is generally the 
best known is the swiftness and the length of the stride 
of man ; but at present, the data for different ages are 
wanting, and especially when consideration is had to 
the weight and size of individuals. 

A foot traveller can pass over six kilometres [7158 
yards] an hour, and continue a long distance, which 
IS at the rate of 100 metres [119 yards] a-minute. We 
calculate the length of the step at eight decimetres 
[31-496 inches] : thus the traveller makes 125 steps 
per minute, and 7500 ste^js in an hour. He can walk 
at this rate 8h hours a-day, and continue as long as 
he likes, without injuring his health or strength. 
Then, as a fact, we suppose 51 kilometres [55,743 
yards] the average distance which a traveller can walk 
each day, without overstretching his powers. The 
average weight of a man in his ordinary clothes is 70 
kilogrammes [187 lbs. troy]. Thus, the pedestrian 
carries each day 70 kilogrammes a distance of 51 
Icilometres ; or, which amounts to the same thing, 
.'5570 kilogrammes the distance of one kilometre. 

According to M. Ch. Dupin, from whom I borrow 
the preceding details,f the mihtary step is computed 
to be as foUows : — 





Length. 


The Soldier makes 
jier minute — ■ 


Common step," - 


6o cent.i 


76 


Quick march, 


05 ~ 


100 


Charging, 


- 


125 



1 regret that my own observations do not allow me 
to treat this subject at present in more detail, or to 
present a summary of the results obtained by observers 
who have endeavoured to ascertain the i>ractical effect 
of speed combined with strength. We find, in general, 
that Avherever the energy of man can be excited, em- 
ployed as a machine, the physical qualities he can 
put in force have been measured with more precision. 
His other qualities have been less studied: thus, we 
know little of the average speed of man in running ; 
we also know very little of the height and length of his 
leap, Avith the exception of the cases of those men who 
possessed those qualities in aia extraordinary degree. 

I have been endeavouring to sum up Avhat relates 
to the height and extent of the leap, in some results 
which it may be useful to know. However, I ought to 
premise, that since these results for young ages have 
been obtained from individuals, several of whom were 
studying gymnastic exercises, the values may be 
greater than they otherwise would be. The leaps 
Avere made without taking a run, and on a plane and 
horizontal surface. The length Avas estimated by 
measuring the distance from the toes. 

^ Length Height 

° ' of the Leap. of the Leap, 

metres. metres. 

11 years, • - - 1-52 

12 ,- - - - 1-60 

13 - ... 1.66 o-(i4 
U - - - • 1-77 0-70 

15 - - - - IW O-OO 

16 ~ - - - 2-OC 0-83 

17 ~ ... 2-fi4 0'81 

18 ~ - - - 2-14 1-00 

19 to .TO, - - - 2-18 093 
."5010 40, - - - 1-78 0-88 

* [The observations of MM. Leuret and Mitivi^ have been 
refuted in this coimtry— first by Dr Knox, in 1014, and aftor>vards 
by Dr Guy, in 1836. — See Anatomical and Physiological Memoirs 
and Medical Gazette, likewise Guy's Hospital Reports.'] 

t G^om^trie et Mdchaiuque dcs Arts et Metiers, tome iii. 
p. 75 : 1836. 

i [26 5-lOths inches.] 



The height of the leap was estimated by the height 
of an obstacle over which the person could leap, with 
his feet close together, and without taking any run. 

Estimatmg the length of the leap at two metres, 
[6 5-lOths feet] we see that it is about triple that of 
the ordinary or quick step of soldiers. 

I ought, according to the plan I have laid down, to 
present a great -number of other data here, which are 
capable of being measured, and which vary according 
to the ages of the persons. I ought, in some manner, 
to meet those views relative to man which have been 
put forth by Mr Babbage, with whom I have fre- 
quently had the honour to meet during my experi- 
ments. Mr Babbage, in wishing for a table of constants, 
had in view a measurement of every thing in the 
different kingdoms of nature which is capable of 
measurement. This gigantic plan has not deterred 
his countrymen, who are not accustomed to shrink 
from difficidties, when, by surmounting them, they 
can enrich science : thus, the British Association, at 
the meeting which took place in Cambridge in 1833, 
set aside a certain sum to encourage the efforts of 
those Avho seek to realise, in some measure, the ideas 
of Mr Babbage. I have not laboured on so grand a 
scale as my erudite friend ; I have only been consi- 
dering man : but in another view I have rendered the 
problem more comiireliensive, by seeking to determine 
the modifications which age induces on physical quali- 
ties, Avhich cannot be considered as constant until man 
is fidly developed, and Avhen he has not approached 
the iJeriod of decay. 

I recollect that Mr Babbage, in a conversation which 
we had together on the subject of his constants, told 
me that he had been investigating how many times a 
man could do certain things in one minute of time : 
for example, how many steps he coidd make, how 
many strokes of the oar the rower makes, how many 
blows the smith gives with his hammer, how many 
stitches the tailor makes, &c. ; and that he had ob- 
served that these numbers do not vary much in the 
different countries which he had visited. These con- 
stants partly depend on our organisation, and more 
especially on some of the fiiculties, as inspirations, 
pulsations, stature, &c. It would be interesting to 
determme the ratios Avhich exist between the different 
constants, and see if they obey simple laws. 

Gretry remarks somewhere in his memoirs, that 
the step of man is easily regulated by an air he sings, 
the measure being quicker or sloAver. Pythagoras 
long ago perceived a certain harmony in the number 
of blows struck by the forger; this harmony was 
undoubtedly purely numerical, like that which he 
guessed at" concerning the motions of worlds, and 
which, indeed, has been acknowledged by Kepler, 
who was impressed with the same ideas of harmony 
as the founder of the ItaUan school. I again repeat, 
that to judge of the mutual dependencies of each 
of our facidties, and to determine to what extent they 
are influenced by each other, it is necessary to have 
studied them successively with care, before establish- 
ing relations Avhich require subsequent impartiaUty 
and discernment. Not until then shall we be able to 
know man, and the effects of all the causes by Avhich 
he is influenced, Avhether these causes be extrinsic to 
him, or whether they depend merely upon his will 
and his organisation. , 



BOOK THIRD. 

DEVELOPMENT OP TUB MORAL AND INTELLEC- 
TUAL QUALITIES OP MAN. 

1. Of the Determination of the Average Man with Regard to 
Moral and Intellectual Qualities. 

We have been enabled to perceive, in the two preced- 
ing books, that an appreciation of the physical qua- 



ON MAN. 



73 



lities of tlio average man does not present any real 
difficulty, Avhether we can measure them directly, or 
whether they only become appreciable by their effects. 
It is not so with the moral and intellectual qualities. 
Indeed, I do not know that any person had thought 
of measuring them, before the essay I wrote on the 
development of the inclination to crime at different 
ages. At the same time, I endeavoured to mark out 
the course which it is proper to foUow in such re- 
searches, and the real difficulties which present them- 
selves, wlien we attempt to arrive at each particular 
result. Perhaps it wiU be useful to give a summary 
recapitulation of my ideas on the subject, before pass- 
ing to the application of them. 

Certain moral qualities are A'ery analogous to phj'- 
sical ones ; and we may value them, by admitting 
that they are proportioned to the effects Avhich they 
produce. Thus, we cannot hesitate to say that one 
operative has twice or thrice the activity of another, 
if, all things being equal, he performs double or triple 
the amount of labour which the other one does. Here 
the effects are purely phj'sical, and like the compres- 
sion of the spring in the estimation of mechanical 
forces : we have only to admit the hypothesis that 
causes are proportioned to the effects i^roduced by 
them. Bixt in a great nimiber of cases, this apprecia- 
tion becomes impracticable. pVhen the activity of man 
is exerted on immaterial labours, for example, what 
standard can wc adopt, except the works, such as 
books, statues, or paintings, produced? for how can 
we obtain tlie value of the researches and thought 
which these works have required ? The number of 
the works can alone give an idea of the productive 
power of the author, as the number of children 
brought into the world gives us the fecundity of a 
female, without taking into account the value of the 
•work produced. 

If, like the fecundity of females, the different qua- 
lities of men were manifested by deeds to Avhich we 
could assign a value, we conceive that these qualities 
might be appreciated and compared with each other. 
Thus, we shoidd not be astounded at hearing, that 
one man has twice the courage of another, but only 
one-thii'd tlie genius ; but, since such an appreciation 
has nothing definite and exact, Ave confine om'selves 
to saying that a certain individual has courage, or has 
not courage, or is even a coward ; which in mathe- 
matical language would be expressed by saying that 
his courage is positive, zero, or negative. We say 
that one man has more courage than another. This 
opinion is formed, when, after having seen both the 
individuals in question in action, we think one infe- 
rior to the other, without being able to form an exact 
estimate of their degi'ee of courage. Here we see how 
arbitrary this is, and how much such estimates are 
matters of debate. It might also be considered absurd 
in any one to attempt to express by numbers the 
relative courage, genius, prudence, or evil propensities 
of two individuals. Yet, let us examine such an im- 
pression more narrowly ; let us try to find out why it is 
absurd ; and see if the ratio for which we contend 
may not be laid down in some cases. 

Let us suppose that two individuals are every day 
placed in circumstances inciting to acts of bravery, 
and that each one has the same readiness to seize 
them: moreover, let us suppose that each year we 
enumerate, pretty constantly, 500 acts of the one, and 
300 of the other : moreover, these acts, though more 
or less remarkable, may be considered collectively, as 
having each the same value, because they are gene- 
rally produced under similar ch-cum stances. This 
being admitted, and considering causes as propor- 
tioned to their effects, we should have no difficulty in 
saying that the bravery of these two individuals is 
as 500 to 300, or 5 to 3. Such an appreciation woidd 
have more truth, according as the observations on 
which it was founded extended over a greater number 
of years, and varied little from one other. Here, 



then, the absurdity only proceeds from the impossi- 
bilitij, in the first place, of i3lacing two men in equally 
favourable circumstances to display their bravery and 
courage ; in the second place, of emmierating each of 
these acts ; and, lastly, of collecting a sufficient num- 
ber of them, in order that the conclusion we form may 
be as little removed from truth as possible. Conse- 
quently, the ratio is only considered as being absurd, 
from the supposed impossibility of determining it. 
However, let \is suppose the two individuals just 
spoken of are Frenchmen, and that one of them repre- 
sents the generality of men between 21 and 25 years 
of age, and the other the generality between 35 and 
40 : moreover, instead of courageous acts, let us sub- 
stitute thefts, of such a nature as come under the 
power of the criminal tribunals, and all the rest will 
be realised, in such a manner that we may consider 
it as very probable that in France the inclination to 
theft is almost as five to three, in men between 21 
and 25, and 35 and 40. Indeed, we may admit that 
men between 21 and 25, Avho, according to the French 
tables of popiUation, are as numerous as those between 
35 and 40, have the same facility to commit theft as 
the latter ; and, moreover, that the tliefts coming 
under the judgment of the criminal tribvmals, have 
circumstances of equal aggravation in each. If it be 
objected, that we can, in this consideration, only take 
in the thefts which come before the tribunals, I shall 
say that, when we calculate the mortality or fecun- 
dity of a nation, we are only acquainted with the 
births and deaths noted in the civil records, and that 
a great number may be omitted. Moreover, the pro- 
bability of omissions is as great for individuals between 
21 and 25, as for those between 35 and 40 j'ears of age. 

Thus we may say, first, that the individuals wo 
compare are almost exactly in the same circum- 
stances; second, that if we do not know the abso- 
lute number of thefts which they have committed, 
at least we know the probable ratio ; third, that this 
ratio must be entitled to more confidence, since it is 
founded on the observations of several years, and 
varies within narrow limits merely. Indeed, the ratio 
of 5 to 3 has been calcidated from the results of four 
j-ears : for two years, it was exactly as 5 to 3 ; one 
time rather more, the other rather less. These dif- 
ferences are such, that if we measure for four daj^s 
in succession, the ratio of the power of two indivi- 
duals by Eegnier's dynamometer, the differences be- 
tween these four ratios and the general average will 
undoubtedly be greater than those which we have 
observed. Thus Ave may consider it as very probable, 
that the degrees of inclination to theft, for France in 
her present state, are such as avc have established. 

Now, let us suppose that society, in a more perfect 
state than its present and real one, takes the oppor- 
tunity some day to register and appreciate courageous 
and Airtuous actions, as crimes are noAv done, will 
there not be some means of measuring the relative 
degrees of courage or virtue at different ages ? There- 
fore the absm-dity Avhich is now attached to an endea- 
\-om' to appreciate this ratio for the average man, is 
more apparent than real, and is OAving to the impos- 
sibility Avhich still exists, in the actual state of society, 
of procuring the necessary elements of the calculation. 

It appears to me that it Avill always be impossible 
to estimate the absolute degree of courage, &c., of any 
one particular indiAddual : for Avhat must be adopted 
as unity ? — shall Ave be able to observe this individual 
long enough, and with sufficient closeness, to have a 
record of all his actions, Avhereby to estimate the value 
of the courageous ones ; and will these actions be 
numerous enough to deduce any satisfactory conclu- 
sion from them ? Wlio Avill guarantee that the dis- 
positions of this individual may not be altered during 
the course of the observations ? When we operate on 
a great number of individuals, these difficulties almost 
entirely disappear, especially if Ave only Avant to deter- 
mine the ratios, and not the absolute values. 



74 



ON MAN. 



Thus we might estimate the tendency to certain 
vices or virtues, either for men at difl'erent ages or 
for both sexes, when we are only taking one nation 
into consideration : but the difficulties increase when 
we compare different nations, because many circmn- 
stances which iu the two former cases were the same, 
become very dissimilar in the latter. 

To make a summary of what has been said on the 
possibility of measuring qualities of men which are 
only appreciable by their effects, I think we may 
emjploy numbers in the following cases, without any 
imputation of absurdity : — 

1. When the eflects may be estimated by means of 
a direct measm-e, which gives their degree of energy, 
such as those produced by strength, speed, and acti- 
vity, apphed to material works of the same nature.* 

2. When the qualities are such that the effects are 
almost the same, and in a ratio with the frequency of 
these effects, such as the fecundity of females, drunken- 
ness, &c. If two men, placed in similar circumstances, 
became intoxicated regularly, the one every week, 
and the other twice a-week, we should say that their 
propensity to intoxication was as 1 to 2. 

3. Lastly, we may also employ numbers, when the 
causes are such that it is necessary to pay as much 
attention to the frequency of the effects as to their 
energy, although the ditRculties then become very 
great, and indeed sometimes insoluble, owing to the 
few data at present possessed by us. This is what we 
observe especially in regard to the moral and intel- 
lectual qualities, such as courage, prudence, imagi- 
nation, &c. The question generally becomes simpli- 
fied, Avhen the effects really vary in energy ; but these, 
nevertheless, under their different modifications, are 
in almost similar proportions. We may, then, leave 
energy out of the calculation, and only attend to fre- 
quency. Thus, comparing the state of man at 25 and 
at 45 years of age, in his tendency to commit theft, 
we may, without erring greatly, attend only to the 
frequency of the thefts at these different ages, because 
the different degrees of aggravation of these offences 
may be supposed the same in both cases. In such 
appreciations as these, the values we obtain have the 
greater likelihood of approaching the true values wliich 
are wanting, according as, all things being equal, 
they are more numerous — just as when we put two 
individuals to the proof, to form an idea of their 
knowledge, veracit}-, memory, &c., we mark the num- 
ber of mistakes they make. Moreover, as I have 
already remarked, these modes of appreciation are 
almost impracticable, when tM'o individuals are con- 

* Perhaps we might reduce to the same class the effects of 
memory, whether considered in its readiness to apprehend or 
its power of retention. Fur example, two persons, the mind of 
each being equally calm, and constituted alike favourably for the 
experiment, will commit some pages of a book to memory, the 
one in two hours, the other in four hours : but the first person, 
after a :nonth, will not be able to repeat the passage in question 
without stopping, whilst the second finds no defect of his memory 
until two months have elapsed. After such an experiment, the 
facility to apprehend (in the two individu;Us) is as 1 to 2, and 
the facility to retain in the inverse ratio : the time here serves 
as a measure. We should siy, undoubtedly, that it is impossible 
to note the precise moment when we have committed the passage 
entirely to memory, as well as when the memory begins to be 
defective. But here we may act as is done in physical pheno- 
mena, which present the same inconvenience, when calculating 
the duration of the sensation of sight or lie:u'ing, or the loss of 
electricity by a moist medium, or the cooling of bodies. Memory 
seizes and loses in a gradual manner, and according to a certain 
law ; but there is a ratio between the facility of seizing and re- 
taining in different persons, independently of this law. Tliis ratio 
must vary very much acconling to the ago of persons. I think 
these variations may be ascertained by increasing the number of 
experiments, to correct what may have been defective in other 
observations. I do not think that the changes which age produces 
on sensations of sight and hearing have yet been studied : I do not 
speak of the other senses, the mode of operation of which is but 
little imdcrstood. 



cerned, because the facts are not sufficiently nume- 
rous to draw any satisfactory conclusion from them ; 
and, moreover, the individuals may alter during the 
course of the observations. It is not so with the ave- 
rage man : indeed, we can obtain a great number of 
observations in a short time. It Avould be impossible, 
when comparing two men, tlie one between 21 and 
25, and the other between 35 and 40, to determine, 
all things being equal, their degree of proneness to 
theft, or any other crime, for this proneness may not 
have been disclosed, even in one single action, in the 
course of the observations ; Avhich is no longer the 
case when we take all men, collectively, of the same 
age : the number of acts or effects is then great enough 
to allow us, without anj^ serious error, to neglect the 
different degrees of energy of these acts. Again, if 
we find that the number of crimes remains nearly 
exactly the same, from year to year, it is very pro- 
bable that the result obtained AviU not be far from the 
truth. 

I think all the qualities of man which are only 
appreciable by their effects, may be referred to the 
three heads I have laid down above : I also think it 
will be perceived tliat the impossibility of emi>loying 
numbers at present, in such appreciations, is rather 
OAving to the insiifficiency of the data than to the 
inaccuracy of the methods. 

If the law established for the average man is liable 
to some exceptions, as all the laws of nature are, 
j'et this will be what expresses most nearly what the 
state of society has been ; and nothing can be more 
important. At birth, man is possessed of the germs 
of all the qualities which are developed successively 
and in different degi'ees ; prudence predominates in 
one, avarice in another, imagination in a third : we 
also find some tall in proportion to their age, others 
liaA-ing a precocious imagination, and possessed of 
actiA^ty and vigour in old age. The single fact that 
Ave remark tlie existence of these differences, proves 
that Ave have some notion of a general laAv of deve- 
lopment, and reason accordingly. Therefore, I am 
not aiming at something unheard of, but onl}' to give 
more precision to these commonly A'ague apprecia- 
tions, because they rest on incomplete or defective 
observations, and are almost ahvays fcAV in number. 

After all Avhicli has been said, I think it not only 
not absurd, Ijut even possible, to determine the average 
man of a nation, or of the human race ; the apparent 
absurdity of such a research only proceeds from the 
Avant of a sufficient number of accurate observations, 
so that the conclusions may present the greatest pos- 
sible probability of truth. In the preceding book, I 
have already attempted to determine the laAvs of the 
development of tlie physical poAvers of the average 
man : I am noAv going to continue my researches, and 
extend them to the moral and mtellectual qualities. 



CHAPTER I. 

DEVELOr?.IENT OF THE INTELLECTUAL FACULTIES. 
1. Development of the Intellect. 

The field avc aire going to traverse is immense ; in 
the actual state of science, Ave must confine ourselves 
to simple indications, A\'hich avlII serve as posts to 
denote the first attempts made Avith a design of taking 
in and observing the Avhole field. It Avill first be 
necessary to determine the period at Avhicli meiucry, 
imagination, and judgment, commence, and the stages 
through Avhich they successiA-cly pass in their pro- 
gress to maturity ; then, having established the maxi- 
mum point, Ave "may extend our inquiries to the Uiat 
of tlieir decline. I have already stated the mode in 
Avhich memory is to be estimated, and I shall here 
endeavour to shoAV hoAV Ave ought to proceed with 
reason and imagination. 
We can only appreciate faculties by their effects ; 



ON MAN. 



75 



ill other Avords, by the actions or works which they 
produce. Now, in attributing to a nation, as we should 
to an individual, all the works which it has pro- 
duced, we may form an opinion both of the fecundity 
and the power of intellect of that nation, compared 
with others, making allowance for the influence of 
causes impeding their production. Afterwards, by 
bearing in mind the ages at which the authors have 
produced their works, we possess the necessary ele- 
ments to follow the development of the mind, or its 
productive power. In such an examination, it will 
be necessary to separate the different kinds of works ; 
placing together Avorks of art or design, music, mathe- 
matics, literature, philosophy, &c., so as to perceive 
immediately the different shades of development of 
the different foculties. 

This research should he repeated in passing from 
one nation to another, to see if the laws of develop- 
ment vary by locality more than by the nature of the 
works. It will also be necessary that these examina- 
tions be most accurate and impartial ; we should not 
select, but take the works promiscuously, without 
classing them. This might be tedious and irksome ; 
but would present curious and very unexpected re- 
sidts. 

I shall now give an example of such an analysis of 
dramatic works only, and I shall take France and 
England as the subject of observation. To exclude 
all idea of system, I shall only consider those works 
truly deserving of mention which are given in the 
Repertory of Picard for France, and the British Theatre 
for England. I know that, in attributing as much 
merit to the Misanthrope as to the Sicilian, and as 
much to Don Sancho of Arragon as to Cinna, there can 
be no similarity ; but here, as well as in tlie researches 
into crime, it happens that the greater number of the 
obstacles disappear, and the ratio of works of the first 
order to those of the second may be considered as 
being essentially the same, in the groups we have 
formed. Besides, when examining the degrees of merit 
of the different works in detail, we may still in some 
measure meet and parry this inconvenience and diffi- 
culty. We may still deceive ourselves in such an 
estimate, but generally tlie probability of error will 
be lessened as the observations are more numerous. 
We have, moreover, the valuable advantage of being 
able to prove the law of development, by passing from 
one nation to another, and seeing how the maximum 
is influenced by locality. 

In the review I have made of dramatic works, I 
have thought proper to take, not the period at which 
the works were written, which is generally impossible, 
but the time when they were represented, which, on 
an average, will generally be two or three years 
later. 





French Theatre. 


English Theatre. 






o'S 


•? ^, "O 




o ^ 


.a -d 


Ages. 




£ p S 


i j"| 


li 


2°E 






CO 


2 £.2 


2 - § 

"§1 = 


1^" 


3 g'" 


Ill 






^^ 


?-| 




^J 


^.S 


20 & under, 





47 





1 


24 


1 


20 to 25, - 


5 


47 


5 


6 


24 


6 


25 to 30, - - 


15 


47 


15 


8 


24 


8 


30 to 35, - 


26 


47 


26 


9 


23 


9 


35 to 40, - - 


26 


46 


27 


7 


22 


8 


40 to 45, - 


25 


45 


20 


7 


22 


8 


45 to 50, - - 


28 


43 


30 


6 


19 


8 


iJO to 55, - 


23 


41 


26 





15 





55 to 60, - - 


5 


a3 


7 


1 


12 


2 


60 to 65, - 


G 


28 


10 


1 


11 


2 


65 to 70, - - 


4 


23 


8 





7 





70 & upwards. 


2 


18 


5 


1 


7 


3 



The first column for each country indicates the 
number of principal dramatic works ; the second the 
V 



number of authors who composed them, and who 
survived to the ages pointed out ; and the third column 
informs us how many works might have been pro- 
duced, all things being equal, if the number of authors 
had not been reduced by death. Thus, between their 
65th and 70th years, 23 authors have produced four 
works ; and I have supposed that if the 24 others had 
continued to live, they would have been able to pro- 
duce other four, which would give a total of 8 drama- 
tic works. Admitting, then, that each had the same 
opportunity to produce, at a given age, I have multi- 
plied each number of the first column, which gives 

47 
the principal dramatic works, by the ratio — , in 

a 
which a stands for the number of surviving authors. 

Now, if we proceed to examine the results which 
the table presents, we shall perceive that, both in 
England and France, dramatic talent scarcely begins 
to be developed before the 21st year ; between 25 and 
30, it manifests itself very decidedly ; it continues to 
increase, and continues vigorous, until towards the 
50th or 55th year ; then it gradually declines, espe- 
cially if we consider the value of the works pro- 
duced. 

Moreover, it would appear that authors were rather 
more precocious in England than m France : this may 
be owing to the manner in Avhich the numbers have 
been collected, and to the difficulty which French 
authors experience before they procure the represen- 
tation of their pieces. 

It would be interesting to compare these results 
with those which have been obtained bj' considering 
the number and relative merit of the different woi'ks. 
This I have endeavoured to do in the following table, 
which I only bring forward as an essay, not pretend- 
ing that the classification of French works is accord- 
ing to their real merit. I have thought proper only 
to make three degrees of comparison of the works 
given by Picard as forming the French stage ; and 
I have quoted a small number of those which I con- 
ceive to belong to the first rank : — 





Order of the 


?-2 


Ages. 




Works. 


1^ 




1st. 


2d. 


3d. 


20 and under, 














20 to 25, 


1 





4 


7 


25 to 30, - - 


3 


3 


9 


24 


30 to 33, 


4 


8 


14 


42 


35 to 40, - - 


4 


8 


14 


42 


40 to 45, - 


2 


9 


14 


38 


45 to 50, - - 


6 


10 


12 


50 


50 to 55, - 


3 


8 


12 


37 


55for;o, - - 





3 


2 


8 


60 to 65, 





2 


4 


8 


65 to 70, - - 





1 


3 


5 


70 & upwards, 





1 


1 


3 



Name of the Works of 
the First Order. 



(Edipe. 
f Le Cid, Androm.nquc, 
I Britannicus. 
I Les Horaces, Cinna, 
I Polyeucte.lphig^nie. 
/ Phedre, Le Joueur, 
I Zaire, Le Mechant. 

Le Distrait, Alzire. 
C Le Misanthrope, Le 
N TartufFe, L'Avare, 
i Mahomet, Merope, 
C La M^tromanie. 
t Les Femmes Savan- 
■J tes, Athalie, Le Glo- 
I rieux. 



In the approximative estimate I have made of the 
relative degrees of merit of works of the first, second, 
and third orders, I have taken the numbers 3, 2, and 
1 ; and from them I have deduced the values of the 
last column, which entirely confirm those given by 
the former table. It is also easy to see, Avhatever 
numbers we may employ to express the relative de- 
grees of merit of works, that the general results still 
remain the same. 

Another very curious result which the tables I have 
formed show, although the details are here suppressed, 
is, that tragic talent is developed more rapidl}' than 
comic. The chefs-d'oeuvre Avhich enrich French comedy, 



76 



ON MAN. 



V'crc not begun until the 38th or 40th year ; and we 
scarcely find any works belonging to elevated comedy 
before the 30th year ; though I am only speaking of 
the French authors included in the Kepertory of Picard. 
But I leave this discussion to more competent judges ; 
here I confine myself to just poiiating out the plan to 
be adopted. Others are more able to ascertain if the 
talent of the tragic autlior really arrives at maturity 
earlier than the condc author ; and if this maximum 
is more precocious because it is naturally connected 
with the time of life when the passions are in the 
highest state of exaltation. The best mode of ana- 
lysing this question will be, to ascertain the law of 
development of musical talent and the art of design, 
and things generally which excite the passions ; and, 
on the otlierhand, to study our fticulties, the develop- 
ment of which does not so much require the conjunc- 
tion of the passions and an exalted imagination, as 
observation and reflection. I shall soon present a re- 
markable example of analysis of the development of 
the passions, which tends to show that their maxi- 
mum of energy takes place about the 25 th year ; so 
that, if an art existed, the exercise of which would 
follow a ratio proportional to the development of the 
passions, and where previous studies were dispensed 
with, its maximum of development would also take 
place about the 25th year : this maximum AvUl after- 
\\'ards draw near to that which reason attains, accord- 
ing as the intervention of this faculty becomes more 
necessary. It wiU also be necessary to take into ac- 
count the time required for the studies which are 
indispensable in the production of works. 

Our intellectual faculties arise, increase, and decay : 
each one attains its energy towards a certain period 
of life. It Avould be of the highest interest to ascer- 
tain those which occupy the two extreme limits of 
the human scale ; that is to say, those which are the 
first and those Avhich are the last in arriving at ma- 
turity : because they have the property of being simple, 
and not resulting from combination : thus, for example, 
dramatic talent is a combination of several other fa- 
culties, such as imagination, reason, &c. ; but, I again 
repeat, such an analysis requires infinite care, nume- 
rous researches, and great shrewdness of observation. 

After liaving rapidly sketched the course to be 
pursued in studying the development of the intellec- 
tual faculties, I think it will be proper to speak of 
their diseases, which are dreadful affections, the in- 
tensity and nmnber of which seem to keep pace with 
the development of the mind. 

2. Of Mental Alienation. 

" Sloth and misconduct give birth to poverty ; 
innnorality and intemperate passions lead to crime ; 
insanity may attack the most honourable, and does 
not always spare the wisest men."* This opinion, 
put forth by a man whose name has great weight in 
science, will be sufficient to convey an idea of the 
importance I attach to any thing bearing on the sta- 
tistics of the deranged. If it be true that diseases of 
the mind increase in proportion to the development 
of this faculty, we shall have a new measure or stan- 
dard, which may regulate what I have previously 
attempted to establish. However, it is well to be 
aware that, by taking all insane persons indiscrimi- 
nately, we may be led to very inaccurate results. 
Moreover, it is right to distinguish the two classes of 
insane persons carefully : for, according to M. Esqui- 
rol, it is insanity, properly so called, witli which idiocy 
has been confounded, that is in a direct ratio with 
civilisation. Idiocy is a state depending on soil and 
material influences, whilst insanity is the product of 
society and of moral and intellectual influences. In 
idiocy, these causes have prevented the development 
of the organ, and, consequently, the manifestation of 
intelligence. In the production of insanity, the brain 

* Remarques sur la Siaiisiique dcs Alknet, iiC, par M. Ksfiuirol 
(Annales d'lli/gime, Dcccnibic 1C30). 



is over-excited, and goes beyond its physiological 
power.* 

To form an idea of the influence of this fatal malady, 
we shall commence by a glance at some of the principal 
countries where its mfluence has been most decided. 









Population 


Countries. 


Population. 


Deranged 
Persons. 


to one 
Deranged 








Person. 


Norway, 


1,051,318 


1,900 


551 


England, - 


12,700,000 


16,222 


7a'i 


Wales, - 


817,148 


896 


911 


Scotland, 1825, - 


2,01)3,454 


3,652 


573 


New York, 1821, 


1,616,458 


2,240 


721 


France, t 


30,000,000 


30,000 


KNIO 



In Norway, idiots form one-third of the total num- 
ber of deranged persons, and one-half in Scotland and 
Wales : it is tlie great number of idiots which makes 
the proportion of deranged persons in Scotland so 
much greater than it is in England. In general, we 
observe that in mountainous countries there are many 
more idiots than in level ones ; and in plains where 
agriculture is solely pursued, we find more idiots than 
in towns. In France and New York, the number of 
idiots is very small. 

From numerous researches into the ratio in Avhich 
the sexes are affected, collected from several countries, 
having great differences in temperature, customs, and 
laws, M. Esquirol has enumerated 37,825 males to 
38,701 females ; from which it appears that difference 
of sex has not much influence on mental derangement. 
But this is not the case with the seasons ; their influ- 
ence is very marked ; at least we may infer this from 
the following returns of insane j)ersons admitted at 
Charenton : — 





Admissions : 








Months. 


1828-1829. 


Admissions 
before 1829. 


Cures. 


Deatlis. 




]Men. 


Women. 




January, - 


42 


21 


37 


11 


21 


February, 


40 


33 


49 


10 


24 


March, - 


49 


25 


53 


10 


16 


April, - - 


50 


38 


58 


Ki 


22 


May, - - 


58 


.36 


44 


15 


18 


Juno, - - 


55 


34 


70 


19 


18 


July, - - 


52 


.36 


61 


23 


18 


August, 


45 


24 


64 


22 


13 


September, 


48 


26 


47 


22 


11 


October, - 


44 


47 


49 


24 


30 


November, 


47 


22 


35 


22 


22 


December, 


35 


28 


52 


15 


8 


Total, i: - 


565 


370 


G19 


200 


221 



Thus, the summer months have produced the great- 
est number of cases : the cures have also been most 
numerous in summer and autumn. We may conceive 
that, from cases of acute insanity breaking out during 
tlie hot season, and being more readily cured, also, 
than chronic ones, the three months of autumn ought 
to furnish the greatest number of cures. 

If Ave examine Avhat influence age has on the deve- 
lopment of mental alienation, Ave shaU again find very 
curious results. It would appear that mental aliena- 
tion may be divided, according to ages, into imbecility 
in infancy, mania in youth, melancholy in mature age, 
and madness in advanced age.§ 

The following table Avill shoAV us the degree of fre- 
quency of this disease at different ages. It is con- 
structed from the data given by M. Esquirol in the 

* M. Esq\iirol. The data of this chapter are extracted princi- 
pally from articles inserted by this philosopher in the AnnaUs 
d'Hyfl'tine. 

t Tlicse mmibers relating to France arc from casual not statis- 
tical observation. See also the Memorial Encydopedique, May 18.33. 

X Tlic numbers for the five years from 1829 to 1833, given in 
this and tlie following table, have been kindly furnished me by 
M. Ksquirol, from an unpublished work. 

§ Sec the article Folic of the Diet, des Sciences Mddicalcs. 



ON MAN. 



77 



Annalcs d'Hi/glcne for April 1829. To estimate the 
degree of frequency of mental alienation, I have 
thought it necessary to count the number of indivi- 
duals between 15 and 20, 20 and 25, &c., years of age. 
In this table I have also included the number of cures, 
and tlieir ratio to the number of patients.* Lastly, 
the numbers of both the last columns are those which 
M. Esq\iirol has kmdly permitted me to take from 
liis work about to be iiublished. 





At Charenton 




en 8 


At Charenton : 




before 1829. 






1829 to 1833. 


Ages. 




Ratio. 


s ©"a 














Admis- 


Cures. 




h1 o 


Men. 


AVomen. 
















15 to 20 years, 


22 


11 


2-0 


24 


24 


11 


20 to 25 -, 


07 


30 


2-2 


79 


65 


23 


25 to .TO „ 


86 


40 


2-2 


109 


78 


31 


30 to 35 -, - 


90 


36 


2-7 


134 


79 


47 


35 to 40 - 


81 


25 


3-3 


125 


65 


64 


40 to 45 - - 


79 


21 


3-8 


129 


64 


59 


45 to 50 „ 


72 


14 


5-1 


131 


52 


44 


50 to 55 ~ - 


52 


12 


4-3 


108 


54 


37 


55 to 60 ~ 


21 


6 


3-5 


51 


32 


20 


eoto65 ~ - 


21 


9 


2-3 


63 


33 


18 


(is to 70 ~ 


6 


1 


6-0 


24 


14 


9 


70 & upwards, 


14 


4 


3-5 


45 


6 


7 



We have already seen that, all things being equal, 
it is between the 30th and 50th years that the great- 
est number of standard dramatic works have been 
produced in France — that is, the period when imagi- 
nation and reason are most productive ; and, by a 
singular contrast, it is also about the same age that 
mental alienation is most frequent, and the cure of 
it most difficult. The intellectual life of man, and the 
diseases of Jiis mind, especially develop themselves 
about the age of 25 years, when physical development 
has almost ceased : man, indeed, at this age, is almost 
entirely developed in stature, weight, and strength ; 
and it is at this time that the greatest tendency to 
crime is manifested. Again, it is remarkable from 
another comparison, namely, that the period of repro- 
duction falls between the 25th and 30th years. Thus, 
the average man, between 25 and 30 years of age, has 
completed his physical development, and this is also 
about the period Avhen his intellectual life is most 
vigorous, f 

M. Esquirol, in a work published in 1830, in the 
Annales d'Hygime, has given the following munbers, 
which establish a difference between sexes and ages : — 







Paris. 






Norway 




Ages. 
















Men. 


Women. 


Total. 


IWen. 


Women. 


Total. 


rSofore 20 years, 


436 


348 


784 


188 


141 


329 


From 20 to 25, 


624 


563 


1,187 


101 


83 


184 


„ 25 to 30, 


635 


727 


1,362 


97 


88 


185 


- 30 to 40, 


1441 


1607 


3,048 


214 


173 


387 


~ 40 to 50, 


1298 


1479 


2,777 


150 


155 


305 


- 50 to 60, 


847 


954 


1,801 


128 


115 


243 


- 60 and -i 
upwards, - / 


875 


1035 


1,910 


117 


140 


257 


Tot.al, - - 


6156 


6713 


12,869 


995 


895 


1890 



* According to a work by M. Klotz, De Vesania Prognosi, the 
annual ratio of admissions to dismissions in the principal lunatic 
hospitals of Europe, would fall within the limits 0-330 and 0-590. 
In tlie generality of the establishments in Belgimn, the entries 
are to the exits as 390 to 1000. — Traite sur VAlienation Mentale, 
&c., par J. Gitislain, 2 vols. 8vo. 1826. 

t M. Pierquin, in his Ariilimetique Politique de la Folie, find^ 
as the principal conclusion of his researches, that "crimes are 
always, from being proportionate to the population, also in a rela- 
tive proportion to the degi-ee of insanity," and seeks to refute the 
assertion of M. Esquirol, that insanity is a disease of civilisation. 
I certainly think, with him, that in general, the causes which 
tend to produce alienation, also influence the number of crimes, 
and especially crimes against persons, but without there being a 
direct and necessary ratio between tlie number of insane and tliat 
of criminals, because all crimes havo not their source necessarily 
in mental alienation. 



We may first observe, that at Paris insane men, 
up to the age of 25 years, are rather more numerous 
than women ; after this age, the contrary takes place. 
In Norway, the number of insane women only exceeds 
that of men towards the end of hfe. In the latter 
coimtry, the number of insane under 20 years is 329, 
which is one-sixth of the total number existing in the 
kingdom ; whilst at Paris, the number of insane under 
20 years of age, is only 784, or one-fourteenth. This 
difference arises, no doubt, from the great number 
of idiots entered in the returns of Norwegian statis- 
tics. If in Norway there are more imbecile persons 
from the time of infancy or early youth, the contrary 
takes place for the periods beyond 60 years of age. 
In Norway, scarcely one-eighth of the insane are 
more than 60 years old; whilst in Paris one-sixth 
exceed that age. 

To form a better opinion of the influence of age, I 
have reduced the preceding numbers to 1000, and I 
liave compared them with the corresponding numbers 
of the same ages, given ui the tables of population in 
the Annuaire du Bureau des Longitudes of France, and 
those of Sweden for 1820 : — 



Ages. 


Piu-is. 


Norway. 


Popu- 
lation. 


Ins.ane. 


Ratio. 


Popu- 
lation. 


Insane. 


Ratio. 


Before 20 years, 

20 to 25 

25 to 30 

311 to 40 

40 to .50 - 

50 to 60 

00 & upwards, 


0-402 
0-084 
0-080 
0-140 
0-114 
0-091 
0-089 


0061 
0-092 
0-1(16 
0-237 
0-216 
0-140 
0-148 


0-15 
1-09 
1-.32 
1-69 
1-90 
1-54 
1-G6 


0-411 
0-087 
0-084 
0-136 
0-109 
0-086 
0-087 


0-174 
0-097 
0-098 
0-205 
0-161 
0-129 
0-136 


0-42 
1-11 
1-17 
1-51 
1-48 
1-50 
1-56 


Total. - 


1-000 


1-000 


1-00 


1-000 


1-000 


1-00 



The numbers for France also concur to shoAV that 
mental aUcnation is most frequent between the 40th 
and 50th years. In Norwaj^ its frequency becomes 
great between the 30th and 40th years, and preserves 
the same value almost to the end of life. 

These results agree well with the observation of 
M. Esquirol, that insanity is a disease which attends 
and increases with civilisation. The fortress of the 
miderstanding is attacked, either by too much mental 
labom-, or by passions and disappointments which are 
too acutely felt. 

We cannot collect too many documents to verify, 
A\ath still greater accuracy, the results of the tables 
which I have just given. It is with this object that 
I now bring forward some new documents taken from 
a Rapport Statistique sur la Maison d'Alienes de Bon- 
Sauveur a Caen, during the years 1829 and 1830, by 
jM. Vastel.* The author classes the insane in the fol- 
lowing manner, according to age. In the last column, 
the total numbers are reduced to 100: — 



Ages. 


Insane. 


Jlen. 


Women. 


Insane. 


From 15 to 20 years, 


10 


7 


3 


0-03 


-V. 20 to 30 - 


54 


33 


16 


0-17 


„ 30 to 40 « - 


94 


44 


50 


0-29 


„ 40 to 50 ~ 


82 


32 


SO 


0-25 


- 50 to 60 - - 


57 


18 


39 


0-17 


,- 60 to 70 - 


25 


6 


19 


0-08 


- 70 to 80 ~. - 


3 


1 


2 


0-01 


Total, 


325 


146 


179 


1-00 



Here, again, we find the same analogies, the same 
laws of development, proceeding, as it were, in a 
parallel maimer. 

M. Falret has written a work on insanity, suicide, 
and sudden death, of which at present we only know 
the general contents, from a report made by M. Serres 
to the Institute.f The prmcipal conclusions of this 

* Annales d'Hygifene, Oct. 1832. 

t The work of M. Falret has gained the prize for Statistics, 
founded by JI. de Monthyon. 



'78 



ON MAN. 



work, on the influence of season, sex, and age, are 
the following :— " Of the total number of the insane, 
women form one-third more than men. Women are 
most subject to tlie attack of insanity in July; but 
for men this montli is in the third rank; with a re- 
ference to civil statistics, we tind that more than one- 
fourth of the men are bachelors : as to age, we find 
mental diseases develop themselves in men between 
the 30th and 39 th years, and in Avomen between the 
40th and 49th years ; as to tlie nature of the afiec- 
tions, melancholy predominates in women, and the 
tendency to homicide in men. The same contrast is 
found in the cures, deaths, and relapses." 



CHAPTER IL 

DEVELOPMENT OF JIORAL QUALITIES. 
1. Of Foresight, Temperance, Activity, &c. 

1 HAVE already observed, that it is not so much a 
method which we want, when endeavouring to appre- 
ciate the development of moral qualities, as sufficient 
and trustworthy data. For example, if we are consi- 
dering the virtues most essential to the social state, we 
have scarcely any data, and those which exist, having 
been collected Avith intentions very different from our 
own, are either unfit for purposes of comparison, or 
utterly incomplete. For example, let us suppose tliat 
Ave Avant to ascertain the degree of foresight at diffe- 
rent periods of life, as well as the modifications of this 
virtue by the differences of sex, locality, profession, &c. 
We are obliged to recur to actions by Avhich this fore- 
sight has been manifested; and if Ave cannot collect 
them all, it is at least necessary to unite as great a 
number as possible, and to take care that the classes 
of individuals Avho are the subject of comparison are 
in the same circumstances. It is in choosing, class- 
ing, and reflecting upon the materials, that discern- 
ment and unjirejudiced reasoning are so essentially 
necessary, since the examples to be followed have not 
yet been laid doA\Ti. Those Avho first enter upon this 
field of research, Avill no doubt often go astray; but 
their efforts Avill be A-aluable and useful, if they are 
conducted Avith candour and impartiality. Nothing 
is more injurious to the interests of science, than to 
undertake such researches Avith notions previously 
formed. 

If Avc had authentic documents respecting savings' 
banks, assurance societies, and the different institu- 
tions Avhicli encourage foresight — if these documents 
gave the age, sex, profession, and everj- other requisite 
information concerning the individuals Avho take part 
in the operations of these establishments — it is evident 
that Ave should already haA'e very satisfactory ele- 
ments to enable us to obtain an approximation to the 
values Ave are seeking. We may conceive, moreover, 
hoAv much discernment is necessary, in placing the 
IndiAiduals concerned in similar circumstances, and 
distinguishing those among Avhom it is impossible to 
establish any comparison ; not to mention other data 
necessary to enable us, from the time at Avhicli they 
Avere taken, to render all chances equal on both 
sides. ^Vc should be able, Avith due precautions, to 
make other documents, furnished by establishments 
of another nature, available for the same purpose, and 
which would serve in this manjier to verify the former 
conclusions. Thus, the number and value of the objects 
placed in paAvnbrokers' hands, Avill better exemplify 
the Avant of foresight of a community than any misery 
in its condition. For, if it be true that accidents and 
reverses of fortune sometimes compel men, even tlie 
most prudent, to have recourse to such establishments, 
it much more frequently happens that the deposits 
are placed there from want of due care and economy. 
The passion for gambling, tlie numljcr of failures, the 
frequenting of coffee-houses and low haunts, drunken- 
ness, and many other circumstances, Avould furnish 



iiseful elements for our purpose in appreciating the 
Avant of order and foresight. On most of the subjects 
of inquiry Avhich I have just mentioned, there exist 
evidences Avhich are more or less complete, but Avhich 
are little understood in general, as I have already 
obserA'ed. 

Drunkenness is a A'ice of Avliich Are ought to have 
exact records in countries Avhere the police are ac- 
tive ; yet it is to be regretted that they are altogether 
unknoA^^l to those Avho have the greatest interest in 
making use of them. As drunkenness is a common 
source of many other vices, and also of crimes — 
tending to demoralise and to deteriorate the species — 
gOA'ernments ought to favour the researches of learned 
men, Avho seek to ascertain the condition of the people, 
and Avho try to improve them. Drunkenness is influ- 
enced by a great number of causes Avhich are easily 
estimated, because the necessary data require less 
investigation than those relating to other analogous 
estimates. I am persuaded that a Avork, well Avritten, 
Avhich would endeavour to make knoAvn the injiuries 
this pestilence inflicts on society, Avould be of the 
greatest utility, and would furnish an explanation of 
a great number of isolated facts which depend upon 
it, and Avhich Ave are in the habit of considering as 
purely accidental. 

In England, about half a century ago, strong drinks 
and liquors Avere used in excess ; and authors Avere 
not long in finding out to what extent this Aice 
led to thoughtlessness and injury in tlie nation, hoAV 
much the health of man suffered, and hoAv much tlie 
mortality increased Avith the demoralisation of the 
people. Their obserA^ations liave not been lost ; and 
a progi-essive reformation took place, commencing 
Avitli the better classes. This defect, formerly so com- 
mon, and of which they Avere almost proud, is not to 
be seen noAv, except in the lower orders, from among 
Avhom it Avill gradually disappear, as much as the na- 
ture of a moist climate will alloAv, Avhere cordials, 
taken moderately, are calculated to produce a useful 
effect. When climate creates a necessity, it is very 
difficult to prcA'ent the public from abusing it. I am 
obliged to j\Ir Babbage for tlie communication of some 
curious documents, containing a list of all the drunken 
persons who have been arrested by the London police 
in the year 1832, and AvhoAvere immediately released, 
because no charge Avas brought against them. Al- 
tliough the residts of one year cannot be A'ery useful, 
I have thought proper not to omit them. If avc pos- 
sessed an extensive series of similar documents, we 
should find in them the most precious memorials of 
the manners of the English people, and, in particular, 
all Avhich relates to changes in the condition of the 
population. 

Number of Drunken Persons taken up by tlio 
London Police in 1832. 



Months. 



Januarj', 

February, 

IMarch, - 

April, 

May, - 

June, - 

July, 

August, 

September, 

October, 

November, 

December, 



Total, 



1,190 

i,m 

1,190 
1,150 

1 ,2(K) 

i.2-2r, 
i,;«5 
i,.m5 

1,198 
1,560 

i,.T(;o 

1,425 



15,.'i33 



825 

740 

710 

690 
730 

780 

n<)0 

9.« 
975 
1,UH) 
880 
9a5 



10,290 



1-44 
1-59 
1-67 
1-67 
1-64 
1-57 
1-37 
1-39 
1-23 
1-42 
1-.55 
1-52 



1-49 



The number of drunken people taken up by tlie 
police Avas then 25,623 ; to Avhich Ave ought to add 
3505 individuals brought before the magistrates, and 
compelled to pay a fine, as Avell as 3429 others, Avho 
have likewise been conducted before the magistrates, 
but without undergoing condemnation ; so that the 
total amounts to 32,557. Wc must remark, that we 



ON MAN. 



79 



only know those cases of drunkenness which were so 
great as to disturb the pubhc tranquilUty. Also, in 
comparisons which we shordd like to establish between 
other towns, it Avould be necessary to be extremely 
circumspect, and consider the degree to which its sup- 
pression was carried ; or, rather, in comparing one 
town with itself at dilferent times, it would be neces- 
sary to take into account the effect of the police, and 
the changes they may have produced. 

One would require to have long inhabited London, 
and to know perfectly the pecidiarities which it pre- 
sented in 1832, to draw all the conclusions inferable 
from the preceding numbers ; still there are some re- 
sults which it may be very interesting to point out. 
And, firstly, we have to notice the great number of 
women, compared with the number of men, Avhich is 
- at least as 2 to 3. This disproportion is great, and 
must make us think unfavourably of the moral re- 
straint of M'omen in the lower class, especially in a 
country where the sex is so well conducted in the 
ranks of society a little higher. This ratio varies 
according to the different months, and in a manner 
which would make us think that the variation is not 
purely accidental. Towards the end of winter, and 
at the commencement of spring, the men are compa- 
ratively the most numerous : the contrary takes place 
in simimer. 

If we take the nimibers in their absolute value, we 
find, for men, that they sensibly increase from the 
commencement to the end of the year ; for women, 
the smallest nvunber is in spring, and 'the largest in 
summer and the commencement of autumn. Classing 
them according to the seasons, we find — 



For January, Februaiy, and March, 

• • April, May, and June, 

• • July, August, and September, 

• • October, November, and December, 



JNlen. AVomen. 
3:>.Y, 2275 

,T.7.5 2200 

aHM 2!)(X) 

4345 2915 



It must be remarked, that this is during the latter 
months of the year, when the feasts of Christmas and 
St Andrew take place, which are not always celebrated 
by the people with the greatest degree of temperance. 
If we seek to form an idea of the activity of a 
people, of the state of its industry, and of its produc- 
tive faculties, in the absence of direct data, we have, 
for the means of appreciating its revenue, the value 
of that which it is able to pay to government, the 
nature of its contribution, the quantity of imports or 
exports, the price of ground, of hand work, &c., but 
particularly the state of the population, because, as 
we have been able to see, the population is regtdated 
by the number of things produced. I shall present 
an example of such a valuation, a verj' poor one, no 
doubt, but one which will explain my idea :* — 



Countries. 



British Isles, 
France, - 
Low Countries, 
Prussian monarchy, 
Austrian empire, 
Spain, ... 



Countries. 



British Isles, 

France, 

Low Coiuitries, 

Pnissian monarcliy, 

Austrian empire, 

Russian empire, - 

United States, - 



Quantity of 
1 asturage. 



h of territory 



One 
Horse to 



12inhab, 
1!) • • 
13 •• 
10 •• 
27 ■• 
75 .. 



One L, , , 
head of N"mt,er of 
Cattle to S^ecp. 



2 inhab. 
5 •• 

3 •■ 
3 •• 
8 •• 

U •• 



2 to! inhab. 
ltd •• 
lto3 ■• 
lto6 •• 
lto3 •• 
Itol •■ 



Population. 



23,400,000 
32,000,0(10 
6,118,000 
12,464,000 
.32,(100,000 
56,500,000 
11,800,000 



Inhabitants 

to one 
square mile. 



257 
208 
339 
155 
105 
37 



Ratio of the 
Army to the 
Population. 



229 
138 
142 

80 
118 

.^7 
1977 



* Tlie first table is taten from the Revue de Paris of M. Moreau 
de Jonnes ; the numljers of the second and third tables are from 
the works of M. Balbi — La Monarchie Franfaisc Comparce aux 
rrincqiuux Elats, and L'AUn'ye de Gcoyraphic. 



Countries. 


a -" 


Part of the Popu- 
lation employed 


lis 


!..! 


in Manu- 

faetiu-es. 


in Agri- 
culture. 


^"1 


British Isles, 


0-50 


0-15 


0-34 


francs. 
65-2 


francs. 
869 


France, - 
Low Countries, 


0-33 

0'29 


0-36 

9 


0-44 

9 


30-9 
26-3 


145 
635 


Prussian monarchy, 
Austrian empire, 


0-27 
0-23 


0-18 
0-09 


0-C6 
0-C9 


17-2 
10-9 


29-3 
45-6 


Russian empire, - 
United States, - 


0-12 

9 


0-06 


079 

9 


6-6 
121 


21-4 
34-8 



If, in the beginning, we compare France to England, 
we shall find the first kingdom proportionally less 
peopled than the latter : there are fewer inhabitants 
in town, and also fewer employed in manufactures : 
the Englishman pays into the treasury twice as much 
as the Frenchman, and his exports are much more 
considerable : the proportion, as regards the two coun- 
tries, according to M. Ad. Balbi, is nearly as 3 to 1. 

Tlie Prussian monarchy bears almost the same pro- 
portion to France which France does to England. It 
is remarkable, according to our table, thatthe coun- 
tries which have the largest population, are gene- 
rally those which have the most town inhabitants, the 
greatest number of hands employed in manufacture, 
and proportionally the fewest in agriculture ; they have 
fewer men in the army,, pay most taxes to the state, 
and have the largest debt.* Land armies appear to 
be numerically in inverse ratio to maritime ones : the 
latter require fewer men, but more expense. 

In Europe, with the exception of Russia, nearly 
the same number of hands are employed in agricul- 
ture, and the surplus population turn to manufac- 
tures (industrie). It then becomes necessary to change 
the nature of the products by exportation ; and the 
country which has the most manufocturcs is gene- 
rally that which has the most exports. Manufac- 
tures are alwaj's and every where of more importance 
than agriculture, and those Avho pursue them ijossess 
the greatest riches and pay the most to the state ; but 
since the revenues from manufivctures are more uncer- 
tain, their wealth is less secure : we also see that the 
public debt rises immensely in value, and every thing 
which tends to confine the scope of trade, and to dimi- 
nish the exchange of produce, will cause a consider- 
able mortality. 

It is to be regretted that, at the present time, we 
do not possess, for different countries, exact accounts 
of the prices of manual labour, of ground, of lodgings, 
of the food necessary to the life of an individual, of 
the carriage of letters, and the means of communica- 
tion for travellers and merchandise ; these accounts 
would give data for comparing the activity of the 
inhabitants and the price of time — valuable elements, 
but of which some people do not yet appear to under- 
stand the importance. 

I had pro^iosed, at this place, to compare the dona- 
tions made for the use of the poor, of hospitals, and 
benevolent institutions in general ; but I must omit 
this investigation, from want of exact documents : I 
particularly regret that M. Guerry, when considering 
this subject in France, has only given ratios, and no 
absolute numbers, nor any of the sources whence he 
has extracted them. 

It appears to be still more diflicult to speak on the 
influence of religious ideas, and the condition of people 
in this respect. 

A very useful addition to moral statistics, would 
be to point out the dates at wliich certain practices 
and customs existed, and also the time when they 
commenced, and when they ceased. For example, at 
what period prosecutions for witchcraft were most 
* According to M. le Baron de Slorogues, states in which the 
people are most given to agriculture, are those which are the least 
loaded with pauperism. — Recherche des Causes de la Richcsse et 
de la Miscre des Peuples Cicilises, p. 385. 



80 



ON MAN. 



numerous, when they began to take place, and when 
they -were discontinued ; in what countries men were 
tortured and put to death for religious opinions, ^nth- 
out having disturbed the public peace, at the same 
time what were the extreme limits of the period, 
and the epochs of greatest severity ; what kind of 
fanaticism, either poUtical, religious, or otherwise, has 
prevailed at any period, in any country ; what gave 
rise to it, and what caused its decline ; what was its 
nature, intensity, and results, &c. I shall not stay 
longer to make such enumerations ; these are re- 
searches which henceforth must necessarily be con- 
sidered as pertaming to the history of nations, and 
will assist us in determining their laws of develop- 
ment. However, I do not think we ought to aban- 
don this subject without giving an example of a 
particular kind of mania or fanaticism, so to term 
it, which appears to be making sensible advances 
every day. 

2. Of Suicides and Duels. 

The destruction of man by his own hands, although 
generally repugnant to the notions of modern society, 
has nevertheless found panegyrists, and those who 
have proclaimed its advantages. Suicide, among some 
nations, continues to be branded with infamy by the 
public. The ancients were not entirely of this opinion : 
it was often practised by the most illustrious men, and 
has been mentioned with admiration by their gravest 
historians. We are naturally excited by the death 
of Cato, who wished not to survive the liberty of his 
country ; by the death of Lucretia, who wished not 
to survive her dishonour ; or even by the death of the 
criminal, who seeks to spare liis family the shame of 
seeing his head fall on the scaffold. 

The destruction of one man by another, excites 
horror ; yet this dreadful crime may also, in our 
manners and modern institutions, present the appear- 
ance of a virtue under certain circumstances. We can 
only comprehend these apparent contradictions, by 
admitting that the crime consists, not in the action, 
but in the intention of him who commits it ; so that, 
if the intention was noble or generous, the action may 
also be considered of the same character. This is the 
only manner in which Ave can explain the diversity 
of opinions on duelling especially, which was unknown 
to the ancients, and which had its rise in the middle 
ages. 

We possess few data on the number of suicides ; 
and what information we have on the number of duels, 
is so incomplete or inaccurate, that we cannot make 
use of it. From the table of M. Balbi, entitled La 
Monarchic Franfaise Comparic aux Principaux Etats 
(lu Globe, suicides appear to take place in the follow- 
ing proportions : — ■ 



France (1827), - 


1 suicide to 20,740 inhal 


itants. 


Prussian monarchy, - 


14,404 




Austrian empire, 


20,900 




Russian empire, 


4.'),182 




United Stotes— New York, 


7,707 




Boston, 


12,500 




Baltimore, 


13,(J50 




Philadelphia, 


15,875 





According to Casper, who has paid much attention 
to this subject,* the number of suicides is particularly 
great in towns; indeed, we annually enumerate as 
follows : — 

To 100,00f) Inhabitants 1 Suicide to 

At Copenhagen, - 100 suicides lOOO inhabitants. 

- • Paris, - - - 49 ■ • 2040 

• ■ Hamburg, - 45 • • 2222 

• • Berlin, - . M •■ 2941 
• . London, - - 20 • • SfKXl 
• . Elberfeld, - - 20 • • 500O 

The General Records of tlie criminal courts of 
Trance, present, from 1827, annual accounts, not only 
of suicides but also of accidental deatlis and duels 
* Bcitrage, &c., 1 vol. 12mo. Berlin : 1025. 



wliich have come to the Icnowledge of the public ma- 
gistrate. Accorduig to these accounts, we find — 



Years. 



1827, 
1028, 
1829, 
1830, 
1831, 



Total, 



Accidental 
Deaths. 



4,744 
4,855 
5,048 
4,478 
5,045 



24,170 



Suicides. 



1542 
1754 

1904 
1756 
2084 



9040 



followed 
by Death. 



not 
followed 
by Death. 



This table gives 4834 accidental deaths, and 1808 
suicides, as the annual average ; which, to a popula- 
tion of 32,000,000 souls, gives one accidental deatli to 
7000, and 1 suicide to 18,000 inhabitants ; as to the 
number of duels, it may be supposed that the values 
in the table are too low. 

A very great number of suicides takes place in the 
department of the Seine. They have been committed 
in the following manner, during the years from 1817 
to 1825 inclusive : — 



Years. 


3 


a 

o 

1 


i 




Si 




ll 


to 

s 

a 






a 




■^ 


> 


M 




'o 

P4 


1017, • - 


352 


160 


46 


35 


39 


36 


23 


13 


1818, - 


330 


131 


48 


35 


40 


27 


28 


21 


1819, 


370" 


148 


59 


46 


39 


44 


20 


21) 


1820, - 


325 


129 


46 


39 


37 


32 


28 


14 


1821, 


348 


127 


60 


42 


33 


38 


25 


23 


1822, - 


317 


120 


48 


49 


33 


21 


31 


15 


1023, 


390 


114 


56 


61 


43 


48 


47 


21 


1824, - 


371 


115 


42 


61 


47 


38 


40 


23 


1825, 


396 


134 


56 


59 


49 


40 


38 


20 


Total, 


320.-) 


1178 


461 


427 


360 


324 


280 


17.^ 



The average number of suicides, therefore, in the 
department of the Seine, annually reaches 356 ; which, 
for a population of 860,000 soiils, gives 1 suicide to 
2400 inhabitants ; Geneva gives the ratio of 1 to 3900, 
for the years between 1820 and 1826 inclusive.* Tlio 
following are the modes of destruction, according to 
95 observations : — 36 individuals perished in water ; 
34 blew out their brains ; 6 hanged themselves ; 5 were 
poisoned ; 2 died from wounds ; 2 cast themselves from 
an eminence. Tlius, with regard to the preference 
shown for particular modes, these numbers are almost 
the same as at Paris, 

The means of destruction are not every where the 
same : thus, at Berlin, according to Casper, 535 sui- 
cides have taken place in the following manner: — 
234 by strangulation, 163 by fire-arms, 60 by sub- 
mersion, 27 by cutting the throat, 20 by cutting in- 
struments, &c., 19byvolimtaryfalls, 10 by poisoning, 
and 2 by opening veius.f 

In all the preceding numbers, one may perceive an 
alarming concordance between the results of the diffe- 
rent years, as they succeed each other. This regu- 
larity, in an act which appears so intimately connected 
witli volition, will soon appear before us again in a 
striking manner, as connected with crime. However, 
society in a country may undergo modifications, and 

* Ilertha, August 1820 ; and Bulletin de M. de Fdrussac, May 
1829. 

t Studying the circiunstances connected with suicides, duels, 
and certain kinds of crimes, we may be disposed to think that 
man is frequently actuated by a propensity to imitation. M. Chev- 
reul, in a letter addressed to HI. Amp6re [Sitr une Classc Parti- 
culiere de Mouveincns Muscidaires) , has brought forward some phi- 
losophical considerations of great interest, and which show how 
much human n."iturc deserves to be studied more deeply, in some 
relations which have been perh.ips too much neglected. 



ON MAN. 



81 



thus produce an alteration in what at first presented 
a remarkable constancy for a short time. According 
to Casper,* at Berhu, between 1788 and 1797, only 62 
suicides took place ; and 128 between 1797 and 1808, 
and 546 between 1813 and 1822. It has been re- 
marked, tliat suicides have become more numerous ; 
this conjecture would be very probable, if it be true 
that they are a result of civilisation, and if we 
consider that legislation endeavours to repress them 
in some countries. It is to be doubted, however, 
whether there are not some errors in the numbers, 
depending on the circumstance that statistical re- 
searches were made with much less care formerly 
than at present. 

M. Casper, in his researches on the subject, has at- 
tentively discussed the i.ifluence of states of the atmo- 
sphere on suicide, and also the influence of seasons, 
which, despite the few observations we possess, is 
manifested in a remarkable manner, as may be seen 
in the following table, where the suicides occurring 
during each season are noted : — 



Montlis. 



J.an., Feb., & Ularch, 
April, May, & .Tune, 
July, Aug., & Sept., 
Oct., Nov., & Dec, 





nam- 


West- 


1812-1«22. 


burg : t 


minster::): 




1810-1822. 


1812-1821. 


ino 


39 


G7 


ir..5 


31 


55 


173 


41 


60 


145 


38 


46 



Paris : § 

Si.x 
Years. 



Here, again, summer appears to exercise a greater 
influence on the number of suicides than the otlier 
seasons, as weU as on the number of those afiected 
with insanity, and, as we shaU soon perceive, also on 
tlie number of crimes against person. 

M. Casper also finds that, all things being equal, 
suicides in town and country have been numerically 
as 14 to 4. With respect to difference of sex, he has 
observed, for Berlin, that, of 727 suicides, 606 were 
committed by men, and 121 by women, which gives 
a ratio of 5 to 1. According to the liecherches Statis- 
tiqries stir Paris, the ratio for this city would be 2 to 1 
nearly. At Geneva, the ratio has been 4 to 1 for the 
seven years from 1820 to 1826. 

We scarcely possess any researches on the ages at 
which suicide takes place. I only know of those 
published by Casper for Berlin, || and those published 
for Geneva.^ M. Guerry has given the number of 
suicides for Paris ;** but only those of men, and which 
have taken place by suspension or fire-arms. The 
following table presents a summary of the documents 
for Berlin and Geneva : — 



Ages. 


Berlin : 


Geneva : 


1818-1824. 


1820-1826. 


Below 10 years, 


^> 




From 10 to 15 years. 


- I7f 


5 


.. 15to20 ■• 


32) 




.. 20to25 •• 


- 30-) 




.. 25to30 •• 


25 ( 


24 


.• 30to35 -• 


- 12 C 


•• 35to40 •• 


9J 




.. 40to50 •• 


32 J 


45 


.. 50to60 .. 


.. 60to70 •• 


- I7j 




• • 70to80 •• 


9f 


21 


• • 80 and upwards. 


- 23 





Total, - - 220 95 

To have a better idea of these nimibers, it will be 
preferable to class them in periods, each of 10 years' 
duration, and to reduce the number to 1000. At the 
same time, we may compare them with those of Paris, 

♦ Beitrage zurMedictnischenStatistik, &c. 8vo. Berlin: 1825. 
Sec also the researches of Dr Heyfelder, entitled Der Selbsmord, 
&c. 8vo. Berlin: 1028. 

t Grohmann in Hufel, Journal, 1 c. i Falret, 1 c. 

§ Esquirol, 1 c. II Beitragc, p. 53. 

H Beitrage, and Bulletin de M. de Fcrussac, Mai 1829. 
** Annalcs d'llygiiine, -Janvier 18;)1, 



and with a population of 1000 individuals arranged 
according to their respective ages. 



Ages. 



10 to 20 years, 
20 to 30 • • 
30 to 40 • • 
40 to 50 • . 
50 to GO • • 
CO to 70 • ■ 
70 to 80 • • 
80 and upwards, 



Total, 






224 
251 
96 
156 
146 

77 
41 

9 



Suicides at Paris 



by 

Shooting. 



61 
283 
182 
150 
161 
126 

35 
2 



by Sus- 
pension. 



68 
511 
94 ' 
188 1 
256 I 
2.T5^ 
Ulfl [ 
03 



inoo 



■30 



474 



c« 12 to 
■3.S.S 

g-a'S 
fri S 



312 
188 
160 
136 
100 
68 
30 
G 



The number of suicides between 10 and 30 years 
of age, is extremely high at Berlin ; it would further 
appear, that between 30 and 40 years of age, the mi- 
nimum number occurs, or at least that the number of 
suicides, which was very great between the 10th and 
30th years, then diminishes, to regain fresh intensity 
towards the end of life. Will not the circumstance 
have some influence, that a father separates himself 
from his family with more difficulty when his chil- 
dren are young than when they can already provide 
for their ovm necessities ? It M^ould be very interest- 
ing to have more documents on the motives which 
lead to the commission of suicide. 

It is sufficiently evident, that some particular cause 
exists at BerUn, which induces such a great number 
of young persons between 16 and 20 to destroy them- 
selves. Removing the effects of this agency, the re- 
sults agree sufficiently with those of Paris and Geneva, 
and tend to show that the number of suicides increases 
with age, though we must take care to bear in mind 
the number of individuals of each age who are found 
in a population.* This tendency, in its first develop- 
ment, almost progresses in the same ratio as the deve- 
lopment of intelligence and mental alienation. 

It would also appear that the hours of tlie day have 
some influence on suicide by suspension. M. Guerry 
has given the following numbers in the Annales d'Hij- 
gihie for January 1831 : — 









Suicides. 


From midnight to 2 in 


the morning, 


- 77 


- 2to 4o 


'clock. 


... 


45 


- 4 to 6 


™ 


. . . 


58 


- 6 to 8 


-. 


. 


135 


„ 8 to 10 


^ 


. 


- 110 


- 10 to 12 


^ 


. 


123 


- 12 to 2 


„ 


. 


32 


., 2 to 4 


„ 


- 


84 


„ 4 to 6 


„ 


. 


- 104 


- 6 to 8 


— 


. . . 


77 


„ 8 to 10 


— 


. 


- 84 


- 10 to 12 


~ 


- 


71 



1000 

MM. Benzenberg and Casper have compared the 
number of suicides with the number of homicides and 
mortal blows, to infer thence the probability that an 
individual found dead has perished by one or the 
other.f The towns of Prussia give the following 
numbers : — 

Suicides. Homicides. 

1818, .... 339 27 

1819, .... 453 24 
182ft, .... 475 40 

1821, . . . . 45C 40 

1822, .... 442 45 



2164 



176 



* In the An. d'Hygime, Oct. 1829, there are two very remark- 
able Memoirs by M. Devergie, one on the mode of ascertaining 
how long a person has been lU'o^vned, the other containing soma 
researches on those who have been hanged. 

t Beitrage, &c., p. 94. 



82 



ON MAN. 



This ratio is aLout 1 honiicide to 12 suicides. M. 
Hermann has found that, in Russia, the number of 
suicides is almost equal to that of homicides, and 
that this ratio does not vary much in the different 
parts of the empire, although the nimiher of suicides 
and homicides are far from preserving the same com- 
parative value to the population.* In France, the 
suicides are to the population as 1 to 20,000 nearly, 
and the homicides as 1 to 48,000 : this ratio of sui- 
cides to homicides is therefore nearly as 5 to 3. 

In concluding this chapter, I shall lay before the 
reader the principal conclusions contained in the work 
of M. Falret on suicides, from the report of M. Serres 
to the Institute of France, which gives the only re- 
sults hitherto published. " Suicides present, in both 
sexes, a very remarkable contrariety, according to the 
results furnished by tables. Thus, the month of April, 
attended with the greatest number of suicides among 
men, is only so in the fifth degree among women ; 
with the latter, the month of August occupies the 
same rank as April does for men. 

The social position of the parties presents a no less 
remarkable contrast. Of the men, it is bachelors who 
form the largest number ; and of the women, Ave find 
the greatest number among those engaged in the bonds 
of matrimony. We cannot omit to observe here the 
difFei'cnce between women and men, as respects the 
influence of concubinage on the production of volun- 
tary death : this influence, for women, is almost treble. 

We observe still more striking differences, if such 
can be, between the two sexes, as respects the influ- 
ence of age. In men, it is from 35 to 45 that the 
greatest number of suicides take place ; in women it 
is from 25 to 35. The next period for men is 45 to 
55 ; whilst in women this only holds tlie fifth rank : 
but, by a singular compensation, we observe twice as 
many suicides among young girls as among boys who 
have not reached their fifteenth year. 

If we inquire into the mode of self-destruction which 
is practised, we shall see that men give a decided 
preference to cutting instruments and fire-arms, while 
women destroy themselves by poison, falls from a 
great height, or asphyxiate themselves by means of 
burning charcoal." 



CHAPTER III. 

OF TUE DEVELOPME.NT OF THE PROPENSITY TO CRIME. 
J. Of Crimes in General, and of the Repression of them. 
Supposing men to be placed in similar circumstances, 
I call the greater or less probability of committing 
crime, the propensiti/ to crime. My object is more 
especially to investigate the influence of season, cli- 
mate, sex, and age, on this propensity. 

I have said that the circmnstanccs in which men 
are placed ought to be similar, that is to say, equally 
favourable, both in the existence of objects likely to 
excite the propensity and in the facility of commit- 
ting the crime. It is not enough that a man may 
merely have the intention to do evil, he must also 
liave the opportunity and the means. Thus the pro- 
pensity to crime may be the same in France as in 
England, wittiout, on that account, the ?«om//<// of the 
nations being the same. I think this distinction of 
importance.f 

* Mcimoires (le rAcademie de Piitcrsbourg, 18.30; and Bulletin 
de M. dc Fdnissac, Nov. 18.11. 

I This has been very clearly established by M. Alphonse de 
CandoUe, in an article entitled ConnUleralions sur la Staiisliiiue 
lies Delils, inserted in the Bibliothe<jue Unifcrsclle de Genive, Feb. 
18.3(). The author regards the propensity of individuals to crime 
as depending on their morality, the temptation to which they 
are exposed, ami the greater or less facility they may find to com- 
mit ofJ'enccs. Of these three causes, the first belongs more espe- 
cially to the man ; the other two are, properly speaking, external 
to him. As it is with man that I am occupied, I have endeavoured, 
in the com'se of my researches, that the causes external to hin^ 
might be constantly nearly equal, so that they might be left out 



There is still another important distinction to be 
made ; namely, that two individuals may have the 
same propensity to crime, without being equally cri- 
minal, if one, for example, were inclined to theft, and 
the other to assassination.* 

Lastly, this is also the place to examine a difficulty 
which has not escaped M. Alphonse de CandoUe in 
the work above mentioned: it is this, that our ob- 
servations can only refer to a certain number of known 
and tried offences, out of the unknown sum total of crimes 
committed. Since this sum total of crimes committed 
will probably ever continue unknown, all the rea- 
soning of which it is the basis will be more or less 
defective. I do not hesitate to say, that aU the know- 
ledge wliich we possess on the statistics of crimes 
and offences will be of no utility whatever, unless 
we admit without question that there is a ratio, nearly 
invariably the same, between known and tried offences 
and the unknown sum total of crimes committed. This 
ratio is necessary, and if it did not really exist, every 
thing Avhich, until the present time, has been said ou 
the statistical documents of crime, would be false and 
absurd. We are aware, then, how important it is to 
legitimate such a ratio, and we may be astonished 
that this has not been done before now. The ratio of 
which we speak necessarily varies according to tlie 
nature and seriousness of the crimes : in a well-orga- 
nised society, where the police is active and justice 
is rightly administered, this ratio, for murders and 
assassinations, will be nearly equal to unity ; that is 
to say, no individual will disappear from the society 
by murder or assg.ssination, Avithout its being known : 
this will not be precisely the case Avith poisonings. 
When Ave look to thefts and offences of smaller im- 
portance, the ratio AviU become very small, and a great 
number of offences Avill remain unknown, either be- 
cause those against whom they are committed do not 
perceiA'e them, or do not Avish to prosecute the perpe- 
trators, or because justice itself has not sufficient evi- 
dence to act upon. Thus, the greatness of this ratio, 
Avhich wiU generally be different for different crimes 
and offences, will chiefly depend on the activity of 
justice in reaching the guilty, on the care with Avhicli 
the latter conceal themselves, on the repugnance Avliich 
the individuals injured may have to complain, or per- 
haps on their not knowing that any injury has been 
committed against them. Now, if all the causes which 
influence the magnitude of the ratio remain the same, 
Ave may also assert that the effects will remain inva- 
riable. This result is confirmed in a curious manner 
by induction, and observing the surprising constancy 
Avith which the numbers of the statistics of crime are 
reproduced annually — a constancy which, no doubt, 
Avill be also reproduced in the nvimbers at Avhich we 
cannot arrive : thus, although we do not know tlie cri- 
minals Avho escape justice, Ave very well know that 
every year between 7000 and 7300 persons are brought 
before the criminal courts, and that 6 1 are regularly 
condemned out of every 100; that 170,000 nearly are 
brought before courts of correction, and that 85 out 
of 100 are condemned ; and that, if we pass to details, 
Ave find a no less alarming regularity ; thus Ave find 
that between 100 and 150 individuals are annually 

of the computation. I have necessarily been obliged to take into 
account natural influencing causes, such as climate, seasons, sex, 
and age. 

* In an article on Hyyiene Morale, AI. Villermc^ has fullj- shown 
how fatal the rtyime of prisons may become to the unfortunate 
person who is often confined for slight offences, and cast into the 
midst of a collection of wicked Avretches, who corrupt him. " I 
have been told," says he, " by a person Avho accompanied Napo- 
leon to the Isle of Elba, that, in the particular and at that time 
philosophical conversations of the ex-emperor, he has several 
times been hoard to say, that under whatever relation we may 
view man, he is as much the result of his physical and moral atmo~ 
sphere as of his oim organisation. And the idea, now advanced 
by many others, which is contained in this phrase, is the most 
general as well as the most just that can be formed on the subject 
before us. — Aunales d'Hygi&ue Publiquc, Oct. 1830. 



ON MAN. 



83 



condemned to death,* 280 condemned to perpetual 
hard labour, 1050 to hard labour for a time, 1220 to 
solitary confinement (a hi reclusioii), &c. ; so that this 
budget of the scaffold and the prisons is discharged 
by the French nation, with much greater regularity, 
no doubt, than the financial budget ; and we might 
say, that what annually escapes the minister of jus- 
tice is a more regular sum than the deficiency of 
revenue to the treasury. 

I shall commence by considering, in a general 
manner, the propensity to crime in France, availing 
myself of the excellent documents contained in the 
Cvmptes Gencruux de V Administration de la Justice of 
this comitry ; I shall afterwards endeavour to establish 
some comparisons with other countries, but with all 
the care and reserve which such comparisons require. 

During the four years preceding 1830, 28,686 ac- 
cused persons were set down as appearing before the 
courts of assize, that is to say, 7171 individuals 
annually nearly ; which gives 1 accused person to 
4463 inhabitants, taking the population at 32,000,000 
souls. Moreover, of 100 accused, 61 persons have 
been condemned to punishments of greater or less 
severity. From the remarks made above with respect 
to the crimes which remain unknown or unpunished, 
and from mistakes which justice may make, we con- 
ceive that these mmibers, although they furnisli us 
with curious data for the past, do not give us any thing 
exact on the propensity to crime. However, if we con- 
sider that the two ratios which we have calculated have 
not sensibly varied from year to year, we shall be 
led to believe that they wUl not vary in a sensible 
manner for the succeeding years ; and the probability 
that this variation will not take place is so much the 
greater, according as, all things being equal, the mean 
results of each year do not differ much from the gene- 
ral average, and these results have been taken from a 
great number of years. After these remarks, it becomes 
very probable that, for a Frenchman, there is 1 against 
4462 chances that he will be an accused person during 
the course of the year ; moreover, there are 61 to 39 
chances, very nearly, that he Avill be condemned at 
the time that he is accused. These results are justi- 
fied by the numbers of the following table : — 



Vears. 


Si "S 


u 


o 

c 3 a 


C 3 C 

ESS 

0) c3 r; 


Accused of 
Crimes agaiust 


between 
umbers 
le two 
ofCrinie. 




Per- 
sons. 


Pro- 
perty. 


Ratio 

tlle^ 

oft 

kinds 


18-2C,, 
1827, 
1828, 
1829, 


fi,988 
6,929 
7,396 
7,373 


4,348 
4,236 
4,551 

4,475 


4,557 
4,593 
4,307 
4,321 


62 
61 
61 
61 


1,907 
1,911 
1,844 
1,791 


5,081 
5,018 
5,552 
5,582 


2-7 
2-6 
3-0 
3-1 


Total, 


28,686 


17.610 


4,463 


61 


7,453 


21,233 


2'8 



Thus, although we do not yet know the statistical 
documents for 1830, it is very probable that we shall 
again have 1 accused person in 4463 very nearly, and 
61 condemned in 100 accused persons ; this probabi- 
lity is somewhat diminished for the year 1831, and 
still more for the succeeding years. We may, there- 
fore, by the results of the past, estunate Avhat will be 
realised in the future. This possibility of assigning 
beforehand the number of accused and condemned 

* The number of persons condemned to death has, however, 
diminished from year to year ; is this owing to the increasing re- 
pugnance which tribunals feel to apply this punishment, for the 
abolition of which we have so many petitioners at the present 
day? 

t The number of accused persons absent was — 

In 1826, 1827, 1828, 1829, 

603 845 77C 746 

I have taken tlie documents of 1826, 27, 28, and 29 only, because 
the volume for 1825 did not contain the distinction of age or sex, 
of which I make use further on. Moreover, in 1825 tlie number 
of accused was 1 to 42U iuhabitants, and 61 in 100 were con- 
demned. 



persons which any country Avill present, must give 
rise to serious reflections, since it concerns the fate of 
several thousand men, who are driven, as it were, in 
an irresistible manner, towards the tribunals, and the 
condemnations Avhich await tliem. 

These conclusions are deduced from the principle, 
already caUed in so frequently in this work, that 
effects are proportionate to their causes, and that the 
effects remain tlie same, if the causes which have 
produced them do not vary. If France, then, in the 
year 1830, had not undergone any apparent change, 
and if, contrary to my expectation, I found a sensible 
difference between the two ratios calculated before- 
hand for this year and the real ratios observed, I 
should conclude that some alteration had taken place 
in the causes, which had escaped my attention. On 
the other hand, if the state of France has changed, and 
if, consequent!)', the causes -which influence the pro- 
pensity to crime have also undergone some change, I 
ought to expect to find an alteration in the two ratios 
whicli until that time remained nearly the same.* 

It is proper to observe, that the preceding numbers 
only show, strictly speaking, the probability of being 
accused and afterwards condemned, Avithout rendering 
us able to determine any thing very precise on the 
degree of the propensity to crime ; at least unless we 
admit, what is very likely, that justice preserves the 
same activity, and the number of guilty persons who 
escape it preserves the same proportion from year to 
year.f 

In the latter columns orthe preceding table, is first 
made the distinction between crimes against persons 

* After tlie preceding paragraphs were written, two new 
volumes of the Complcs Rendvs have appeared. As the results 
which tliey contain show how far my anticipations were just, I 
thought it unnecessary to change tlie text, and shall merely give 
in a note the numbers corresponding to those I availed myself of 
before. 



Years. 


^1 

s g 


is 


o 

C 3 C 

5SS 

IS =* o 


c 

c == n 

"^ On'' 


Accused of 
Crimes against 




Per- 
sons. 


Pro- 
perty. 


1830, 
1831, 


6,962 

7,607 


4,130 
4,098 


4,576 
4,281 


59 
54 


1,666 
2,046 


5,296 
5,560 


Aver. 


7,284 


4,114 


4,392 


56 


1,856 


5,428 



P i" a '^ 

•° 3 g-P 



3-2 

2-7 



2-9 



Thus, notwithstanding the changes of government, and the 
alterations in consequence of it, the number of accused persons 
has not sensibly varied: "the slight increase observed in 1831, 
may principally be attributed to the circumstance, that in conse- 
quence of renovations in the criminal court arrangements, the 
operation of the judiciary police was necessarily abated in the 
latter months of 1830 ; so that many cases belonging to this period 
were not tried until 1831, which has increased the figure for this 
year." — Report to the kinp. The number of acquittals is rather 
greater than in the preceding years ; and the same remark will 
be made further on in the case of Belgium, the government of 
which country was also changed. 

The number of accused persons absent in 1830 was 787, and in 
1831, 672 ; thus, the results of this year again agree with tliose of 
the preceding years. 

t If the letters A, A', A2, &c., represent the nximbcrs of indi- 
viduals annually committed for crimes, and a, a', a^, &c., tlie 
corresponding nimibers of individuals annually condemned ; if we 

A Ai A2 
suppose, also, that the ratios ~ ' ~\' ~.2' '^c., are sensibly equal 

A A^ 
to each other, that is to say, if — = — > we shall also have 



annually nearly the same, it wiU be the same with the number 
of those who are guilty ; that is to say, tlie propensity to crime 
will preserve the same value. It is thus that the almost unchange- 
ableness of the annual ratio of the accused to the condemned, 
allows us to substitute for the ratio of the condemned of any two 
years the ratio of the accused for the same two years. 



84 



ON MAN. 



and crimes against property : it ■will be remarked, no 
doubt, that the number of the former has diminished, 
wlulst the latter has increased ; however, these raria- 
tions are so small, that they do not sensibly affect the 
anmial ratio; and we see that we ought to reckon 
that three persons are accused of crimes against pro- 
perty to one for crimes against person. 

Beside the preceding numbers I shall place those 
■which correspond to them in the Low Countries, whilst 
the French code was still in force. 



"V'ears. 


is 

11 


It 


o 

i s o 

lis 


111 

i S £ 


Accused of 
Crimes against 


Ratio. 




t 

Per- 
sons. 


1 
Pro- 
perty. 




1826, 
1827, 


138<) 
1488 


1166 
1264 


4302 
4100 


84 
85 


3f4 
314 


1085 
1174 


3o 
3-7 



Thus, the probability of being before a court of 
justice was almost the same for France and for the 
inhabitants of the Low Countries ; at the same time 
the number of crimes against persons was fewer among 
the latter, but the repression of them was also greater, 
since 85 individuals were condemned out of 100 ac- 
cused, which may be owing to the absence of a jury, 
tlieir duties being fulfilled by the judges. This modi- 
fication made in the French code should be taken into 
consideration. Indeed, it causes a very notable diffe- 
rence in the degree of repression ; for when once ac- 
cused, the Belgian had only 16 chances against 84, or 
1 to 5, of bemg acquitted ; whilst the Frenchman, in 
the same circumstances, had 39 chances to 61, or 
nearly 3 to 5, that is to say, thrice as many. This 
unfavourable position in which tbe accused person 
was placed with us, might be cwing to the circum- 
stance, that the judges before whom he appeared were 
indeed more severe than a jury, or perhaps that they 
were more circumspect in acquitting a person in the 
Low Countries. I shall not determine which of these 
was the case, but simply observe, that in courts of 
correction the French judges are even more severe 
than ours, and the same is the case in courts of police. 

Thus, during the four years before 1830, in France, 
the reports gave 679,413 an-aigned persons, or 1 to 188 
inhabitants. Sloreover, of this number, 103,032 indi- 
viduals only were acquitted, or 15 in the 100 of tliose 
arraigned. There was then 1 chance against 187 that 
the Frenchman Avoidd be brought before a court of 
correction in the course of one year, and 85 chances to 
15 tliat when there he would be condemned. 

During the years 1826 and 1827, there were 01,670 
persons arraigned, in tlie Low Countries, before courts 
of correction, of wliom 13,499 were acquitted ; and 
there was one arraigned person to 198 inhabitants. 
Therefore, the probability of a Frenchman being before 
a court is rather greater than for an inhabitant of the 
Low Countries, as also is the probability of his being 
subsequently condemned. 

Setting aside the northern provinces of the ancient 
kingdom of tlie Low Comitries from those which at 
the present time fonn the kingdom of Belgium, and 
which are more intimately connected with France, we 
find, for the latter provinces, during the years previous 
to 1831 :— 





ki 


V. . 


ill 




Accused of 




Years. 


11 




Crimes against 


Ratio. 




Per- 
sons. 


1 
Pro- 
perty. 




1826, 


72.'. 


611 


r,2u 


84 


189 


636 


2-8 


1827, 


800 


682 


4776 


m 


220 


580 


2-6 


1828, 


814 


677 


4741 


(S3 


2.10 


584 


2-5 


1829, 


75.3 


612 


6187 


81 


203 


550 


2-7 


1830, 


741 


541 


5274 


73 


160 


681 


3-8 


Aver., 


7C7 


625 


.5031 


82 


2m 


566 


2-8 



Each year, then, in Belgium, we have had, as an 
average, 1 person accused to 5031 inhabitants ; and in 
France, 1 to 4400 inhabitants nearly. It is remark- 
able, that although these numbers do not differ much, 
yet the particular values for each year have not once 
given as great a number of accused persons for Bel- 
gium as for France. 

We may observe, that in Belgium, as in France, 
there was a sUght diminution in the number of ac- 
cused persons in 1830, which originated in the same 
cause, namely, the closing of the tribunals for a cer- 
tain period, in consequence of the revolution. 

We see also that the repression of crime has sensibly 
diminished. This, no doubt, is thus accounted for : 
after revolutions men are more circumspect in their 
condemnations, since they are not always screened 
from personal danger, even in the judgments which 
they pronounce. 

The jmy has been established in Belgium since 
1831 ; we shaU soon be enabled to judge what influ- 
ence this has had on the repression of crime, and wliat 
are its most remarkable consequences. 

2. Of the Influence of Knowledge, of Professions, and of CUmatc, 
on the Propensity to Crime. 

It may be interesting to examine the influence of 
the intellectual state of the accused on the nature of 
crimes : the French documents on this subject are 
such, that I am enabled to form the following table 
for the years 1828 and 1829;* to this table I have 
annexed the results of the years 1830 and 1831, which 
were not known when the reflections which succeed 
were written down. 





1820-1829 : 


00 >>-g 


1830-1831 : 


^ '^'m 




Accused 


s s-a 


Accused 


B jj.S 


Intellectual 


of Crimes 


atio of Cri 

linst Prop 

Crimes agr 

Persons. 


of Crimes 


dtio of Cn 

ainst Prop 

Crimes aga 

Persons 


state of the 
Persons 


against 


against 


Accused. 


r 
Per- 


Pro- 


Per- 


Pro- 




sons. 


perty. 


« ^3 


sons. 


perty. 


K^2 


Could not read 1 
or write, - f 


2072 


6,617 


3-2 


2134 


G,7a5 


31 


Could read and ^ 














■\vrite but im- ^ 


1001 


2,804 


2-8 


1033 


2,840 


2-8 


perfectly, - i 














Could re;id and i 
^vrite well, i 


400 


1,109 


2-8 


408 


1,047 


a^j 


Had received a -s 














superior edu- / 
cation to this r 


80 


206 


2-6 


135 1 


m 


1-4 


1st degi-ee, 3 
















3553 


10,736 


SOaver. 


3710 


10.856 


2-9 aver. 



Thus, all tlihigs bemg equal, the number of crimes 
against persons, compared ivith the number of crimes 
acjainst property, during the years 1828 and 1829, was 
greater according as the intellectual state of the ac- 
cused was more higldy developed ; and tliis difference 
bore especially on murders, rapes, assassinations, 
blows, wounds, and other severe crimes. Must we 
thence conclude that knowledge is injurious to society? 
I am far from thinking so. To establish such an as- 
sertion, it would be necessary to commence by ascer- 
taining how many individuals of the French nation 
belong to each of the four divisions which we have 
made above,t and to find out if, proportion being con- 
sidered, the individuals of that one of the divisions 
commit as mauj"^ crimes as those of the others. If 
this were really the case, I should not hesitate to say 

* The intellectual state of 474 accused persons for the year 1828 
h.is not been noted, as also 4 for the year 1829, and 2 for 1831. 

t The number of the accused of this class is increased in con- 
sequence of political events, and crimes against the safety of the 
state. 

i See the Tableaux Sommaires faisant connaitre I'Etat el les 
Sfsoins dc I'lnsfruclion Primaire dans le Dcparlcmenl de la Seine. 
Paris; L. Colas; a pamphlet in 8vo, 1828, anonymous, but pro- 
bably by SI. Jomard. .See also the Rapport General sur la Sitiia- 
tion el les Frogres dc VEnseignement Primaire en Franee el d 
I'Etranger, by the same person. 8vo. Paris ; L. Colas. 1832. 



ON MAN. 



that, since the most enlightened individnals commit 
as many crimes as those wlio have liad less education, 
and since their crimes are more serious, they are ne- 
cessarily more criminal ; but from the little we know 
of the difiusion of knowledge in France, we cannot 
state any thing decisively on this point. Indeed, it 
may so happen, that individuals of tlie enlightened 
part of society, while committing fewer murders, 
assassinations, and other severe crimes, than indivi- 
duals who have received no education, also commit 
much fewer crimes against property, and this wovdd 
explain what we have remarked in the preceding 
numbers. This conjecture even becomes probable, 
■when we consider tliat the enlightened classes are 
liresupposed to possess more affluence, and conse- 
quently are less frequently under the necessity of hav- 
ing recoiirse to the different modes of theft, of which 
crimes against property almost entirely consist ; wliUst 
affluence and knowledge have not an equal power in 
subduing the fire of the passions and sentiments of 
hatred and vengeance. It must be remarked, on the 
otlier hand, that the results contauied in the preced- 
ing table only belong to two years, and consequently 
present a smaller probability of expressing what really 
is the case, especially those results connected witli 
the most enlightened class, and which are based on 
very small numbers. It seems to me, then, that at 
the most we can only say that the ratio of the mmi- 
ber of crimes against persons to the number of crimes 
against property varies with the degree of knowledge ; 
and generally, for 100 crimes against persons, we may 
reckon fewer crimes against property, accorduig as 
tlie individuals belong to a class of greater or less 
enlightenment. In seeking the relative annual pro- 
portion, we find the following numbers for France, 
to which I annex those furnished by the prisons in 
Belgium in 1 833, according to the report of the in- 
spector-general of prisons : — 



85 
uphol- 



Intellectiial 

state of t)io 

Accused. 



'} 



Could not read 
or write, - 

Could read and 
%vrite imper 
fectly, 

Could read and 
^vl•ite well, I 

Had received a -\ 
superior edu- / 
cation to the f 
1st degree, j 



Total, - 



Absolute Number. 



Accused in 
France : 



8,fi89 



1,509 



14,289 



8,919 



3,873 



1,455- 



a ^ 



1972 



472 



776 



Relative Number. 



Accused in 
France : 



1828-29. 1830-31. 



14,566 3220 



a n 



CM 

On 



Thus, the results of the years 1828 and 1829 are 
again reproduced identically in 1830 and 1831, in 
France. Sixty-one out of one hundred persons accused 
could neither read nor write, which is exactly the 
sa)ne ratio as the Belgic prisons presented. The other 
numbers would also be probably the same, if the 
second class in Belgium took in, with the individuals 
able to read only, those who could write imperfectly. 

The following details, which I extract from the 
liapport cm Roi for the year 1829, will serve to illus- 
trate what I advance : — 

" The new table, which points out the professions of 
the accused, divides them into nine principal classes, 
comprising. 

The first, individuals who work on the land, in 
vineyards, forests, mines, &c., 2453. 

The second, workmen engaged with wood, leather, 
iron, cotton, &c., 1932. 

The third, bakers, butchers, brewers, millers, &c., 
253. 



The fourth, hatters, hairdressers, tailors, 
sterers, &c., 327. 

The fifth, bankers, agents, wholesale and retail mer- 
chants, hawkers, &c., 467. 

The sixth, contractors, porters, seamen, waggoners, 
&c., 289. 

The seventh, innkeepers, lemonade-sellers, servants, 
&c., 830. 

The eighth, artists, students, clerks, bailifis, nota- 
ries, advocates, priests, physicians, soldiers, amiui- 
tauts, &c., 449. 

Tlie 7iinth, beggars, smugglers, strumpets, &c., 373. 
Women who had no profession have been classed 
in those which their husbands pursued. 

Comparing those who are included in each class 
with the total number of the accused, we see that the 
first furnishes 33 out of 100 ; the second, 26 ; the 
third, 4 ; the fourth, 5 ; the fifth, 6 ; the sixth, 4 ; the 
seventh, 1 1 ; the eighth, 6 ; the ninth, 5. 

If, after that, we point out the accused in each class, 
according to the nature of their imputed crimes, and 
compare them with each other, Ave find the following 
proportions : — 

In the first class, 32 of the 100 accused Avere tried 
for crimes against persons, and 68 for crimes against 
property. These numbers are 21 and 79 for the second 
class; 22 and 78 for the third; 15 and 85 for the 
fourth and fifth ; 26 and 74 for the sixth ; 16 and 84 
for tlie seventh ; 37 and 63 for the eighth ; 13 and 87 
for the ninth. 

Thus, the accused of the eighth class, who all ex- 
ercised liberal professions, or enjoyed a fortune which 
presupposes some education, are those who, relatively, 
have committed the greatest number of crimes against 
persons ; whilst 87-hundredths of the accused of the 
ninth class, composed of people without character, have 
scarcely attacked any thing but property." * 

Tliese results, which confirm the remark made be- 
fore, deserve to be taken into consideration. I shall 
observe that, when we divide individuals into two 
classes, the one of liberal professions, and the other 
composed of journeymen, workmen, and servants, the 
difference is rendered still more conspicuous. 

The following table will assist us in arriving at the 
influence of climate on the propensity to crime ;f it is 
* See the Comptes Generalise, p. 9, 1830. The Comples Genermix 
for 1830 and 1831 present the following results for each of the 
classes given in the text ; here again we find the same constancy 
of numbers :— 

For 1829. 
1st, - - - 2453 

2d, - - 1932 

3d, - - - 253 

4th, - - 327 

5tli, - - - 467 

Cth, - - 289 

7th, - - - 830 

8th, - - 447 

9th, - - - 373 

Total, - - 7373 

t It has seemed to me that these numbers might give us a satis- 
factory idea of the state of knowledge in each department, espe- 
cially of the lower classes, among whom the greatest number of 
crimes take place. Tliis method, by which we take for each de- 
partment some hundred individuals wliose intellectual state we 
can determine, appears to me to be more certain than that of M. 
Dupin, which is, to judge of the education of the province by the 
number of children sent to school. It may be that there is gene- 
rally very little knowledge in those places where schools have 
been but recently established, and have not as yet been able to 
produce any appreciable effects. In order to render tlio results 
obtained by this method more comprehensible, I have constructed 
a small map of France (Plate 5), which, by the varying depths 
of shade, points out the intellectual state of tlie different parts of 
this kingdom. Allowing that this map differs a little from that 
which M. Dupin has given, we shall, however, easily sec from 
both maps, that Northern France, especially near Belgium and 
tlic Rhine, is the most enlightened, whilst we find the greatest 
darkness along a line which traverses France diagonally from 
Cape Finisterre to the department of the Var. With this dark line 
is connected a second one, which leaves the centre of France, 
passing to the base of tlie Pyrenees. Thus, the results, obtained 



For 1830. 


For 1831 


2240 


2517 


1813 


1985 


225 


272 


309 


300 


455 


425 


310 


327 


848 


320 


374 


391 


388 


469 


69C2 


700(5 



86 



ON MAN. 



formed from the documents of the Comptes Gmeraux 
de V Administration de la Justice in Trance, for the five 
years previous to 1830. Tlie second and the third 
columns give the numbers of those condemned for 
crimes against persons and property ; the two follow- 
ing columns show the ratio of these numbers to the 
respective population of each department in 1827 ; a 
sixth column gives the ratio of crimes against pro- 
perty to crimes against persons ; and the last column 
shows how many in 100 accused were unable to read 
or write ; the numbers which are given there only 
relate to the years 1828 and 1829. 







1 




>. 


(D 




Condemned 


Inhabitants 
to one Person 


11 


5 3 
2 c ^ 




for Of' 


mes 


Condemned for 


l-S^ 


Departments. 


againsi, 1 


Crime against 


c S S 
"3 '1^ oj 














■« 2 "o 




A 






s§ 


S &.S 




r 


1 


f 


1 


^ C^ 




Per- 


Pro- 


Per- 


Pro- 


.S o 


88 




sons. 


perty. 


sons. 


perty, 





< " 


Corse, 


287 


107 


3224 


8649 


0-.30 


50 


Haut-Rhin, - 


144 


295 


14,192 


6928 


2-05 


a3 


Lot, 


98 


110 


14,312 


12,751 


112 


80 


Ari^ge, 


82 


78 


15,118 


15,893 


0.95 


83 


Ardeohe, - 


108 


99 


15,205 


16,587 


0-92 


67 


AvejTon, 


99 


160 


17,677 


10,938 


1-02 


69 


Pyrenees-Orient, 


41 


55 


18,460 


13,761 


1-34 


76 


Seine-et-Oise, 


112 


377 


20,034 


5953 


3-36 


56 


Vaucluse, 


58 


118 


20,09t» 


9875 


203 


65 


Moselle, - 


95 


274 


21,534 


7466 


2-88 


49 


Lozere, 


.■51 


53 


22,384 


13,092 


1-71 


47 


Var, 


67 


117 


23,216 


13,2.95 


1-75 


71 


Bas-Rhin, 


111 


341 


24,120 


7851 


3-07 


31 


Seine, 


197 


2496 


25,720 


2030 


12-67 


34 


Bouches-du-Rliin, 


m 


208 


25,897 


7844 


3-25 


56 


Eure, 


80 


296 


26,354 


7123 


370 


63 


Doubs, 


48 


146 


26,491 


8909 


3-04 


35 


Marne, 


61 


244 


26,643 


6661 


4-00 


54 


Tarne, 


59 


169 


27,767 


9694 


2-86 


75 


Seine-Inferieure, 


123 


850 


27,980 


4049 


6-91 


59 


Dr6me, 


49 


133 


29,163 


10,744 


2-71 


71 


Calvados, - 


84 


3.()4 


29,819 


6357 


4 ■69 


52 


liautes-Alpes, 


21 


47 


29,840 


13,333 


2-24 


42 


Landes, 


44 


153 


30,149 


8690 


3-48 


86 


Tiasses-Alpes, - 


25 


62 


30,613 


12,344 


2-48 


60 


Vosges, 


C2 


132 


30,632 


14,388 


2-13 


45 


Card. 


53 


129 


32,788 


13,471 


2-43 


67 


Loiret, 


46 


215 


a3,068 


7075 


4-07 


70 


Vienne, 


40 


170 


33,459 


7873 


4-25 


81 


Ille-et-Vilaine, 


82 


318 


33,747 


87l>2 


3-88 


m 


Hdrault, 


50 


92 


.33,956 


18,454 


1-84 


02 


Aude, 


39 


75 


,34,102 


17,7.33 


2-42 


72 


Rhone, 


61 


302 


.•U,14G 


(i8<)5 


4-95 


51 


France, - 


41)62 


17,543 


»t,108 


i»080 


3-76 


60 


Pny-de-Domc, 


82 


1.-.7 


,34,.547 


18,044 


1-91 


75 


Loire-Inferienre, 


m 


160 


34,628 


14,284 


2-42 


76 


Aube, 


34 


206 


.35,5.53 


5W;8 


6-ik; 


54 


Isfere, 


73 


220 


;i6,026 


11,9,58 


3-01 


62 


Dordogne, 


64 


149 


,3(J,25C 


15,573 


2,33 


76 


Jura, 


3;} 


123 


.37,'t44 


12,613 


2!ii3 


,50 


Ilautc-SIarne, 


3Z 


94 


.38,254 


13,023 


2!)3 


40 


Indre-et-Loire, 


37 


1.31 


.39,211 


11,075 


3,54 


79 


Charente, 


45 


!^2 


3i),295 


19,220 


2-05 


60 


Haute-Loire, 


.36 


35 


39,677 


40,810 


o-!>7 


75 


AUier, 


35 


124 


40,757 


11„504 


3-.54 


91 


Pas-de-Calais, 


76 


rm 


41,751 


.WOO 


7-,38 


(« 


IJasses- Pyrenees, 


47 


142 


43,880 


14,.524 


3-(l2 


73 


Gers, 


35 


91 


43,943 


10,!)01 


2-00 


70 


Corrize, 


32 


56 


44,513 


25,4.30 


1-75 


77 


Orne, 


48 


183 


45,248 


11, Wilt 


3-81 


00 


Seine-et-Mame, 


.35 


167 


45,4.59 


9.527 


4-77 


58 


Maine-et-Loire, 


50 


1!)7 


45,lKi7 


11,041 


3!)4 


81 


Haute Vienne, 


30 


120 


46,058 


11,515 


4'(M) 


79 


ITautes • Pyrenees, 


24 


64 


40,26.3 


17,,'M9 


207 


71 


Eure-et-Loire, 


,30 


231 


4(i,.5!)2 


«I13 


770 


0.3 


Ain, - 


.36 


84 


47,448 


20,,3^5 


2;i3 


00 


Deux-S6vres, 


.30 


124 


48,043] 11,623 


413 


61 



by two different modes, nevertheless agree with eacli other in a 
very satisfactory manner. We may say that we find the greatest 
enlightenment where there is the greatest freedom of eommimi- 
cation, and in the course of large rivers, sucli as the Rhine, the 
Seine, the Meuse, &c. In Southern Fnince, the trading sea- 
coasts, and the banks of the Khone, are also less obscure, whilst 
the absence of enlightenment is perceived chiefly in those parts 
of France which are not traversed by great conniiercial roads. 
We natuniUy look for instniction in those places wliere the need 
T>f it is greatest. 



{Table continued.) 



Departments. 



Charente-Inf^-, 
rieure, / 

Bleurtlie, 
Sarthe, 

Haute-Garonne, 
Haute-Saone, 
Mayenne, 
Morbihan, 
Cantal, 
Loir-et-Cher, 
Nord, 
Loire, 
COte-d'Or, 
Nievre, 

Saone-et-Loire, 
Vendue, - 
Lot-et-Garonne, 
Meuse, 
Yonne, 
Cher, 
Finistfere, 
Manclie, - 
Tarn-et-Garonne, 
C6tes-du-Nord, 
Gironde, 
Aisne, 

Oise. ' - 

Somnie, 
Ardennes, 
Indre, 
Creiise, 



Condemned 


for Crimes 


against 




Per- 


Pro- 


sons. 


perty. 


44 


257 


52 


249 


45 


177 


41 


190 


33 


134 


35 


146 


41 


183 


25 


75 


22 


142 


91 


548 


.34 


104 


35 


160 


24 


109 


45 


168 


28 


106 


29 


111 


26 


105 


29 


140 


21 


98 


42 


252 


51 


247 


20 


89 


47 


2.02 


41 


207 


.36 


259 


23 


163 


31 


257 


15 


92 


12 


96 


6 


40 





i? 






Inhabitants 


|.g 


to one Person 


&< a 


Condemnedfor 


■" « C 


Crime against 


sag 








^«<2 




Is 


r 
Per- 


Pro- 


sons. 


perty. 


u 


48,199 


8252 


5-84 


48,788 


10,189 


479 


49,613 


12,614 


3-93 


49,636 


10,711 


4-63 


49,643 


12,225 


406 


50,591 


12,128 


4-17 


52,129 


11,679 


4-46 


52,403 


17.468 


3-00 


52,424 


8122 


6-45 


52,893 


8783 


6 02 


55,252 


18,063 


3()6 


55,992 


11,592 


4-57 


56,620 


12.467 


4-54 


57,308 


15,350 


373 


57,648 


15,228 


3 62 


58,084 


15,181 


3-83 


58,911 


14,588 


4-04 


58,986 


12,219 


4-83 


59,188 


12,683 


4-67 


59,863 


9977 


6-00 


59,922 


12,373 


4-84 


60,397 


13,572 


4-45 


61,881 


9900 


6-21 


65,628 


12,999 


5-05 


67,995 


9451 


7-20 


83,723 


11,814 


7-09 


84,884 


10,230 


8-29 


93,875 


15,306 


6-13 


99,012 


12,.377 


8-00 


210,777 


31,617 


0-67 



t-" 3 Ui 

<u o o 



To the preceding documents I shall join those con- 
cerning the ancient kingdom of the Low Countries* 
and the dutchy of the Lower Rhine, where the Frencli 
code is still in force, and allows comparisons to be still 
established : — 



Brabant, Southern, 
Flanders, Eastern, 
Limbourg, 
Overyssel, 
Brabant, Northern, 
An vers, 
Groningen and 

Drenthe, 
Liege, - - - 
Flanders, Western, 
Naniur, 
Gucldres, 

Holland, Southern, 
Holland, Northern, 

and Utrecht, 
Lu.xembourg, 
Hainault, - 
Zenl.ind, 
FriesliUid, 

Lotv Countries, 

Low Countries (crimes), 

liutchy of the Lower 

Rhine, 
France, 



Condemned 

for Crimes 

against 



Pro- 
perty. 



474 
424 

296 
7160 



1956 
1691 

994 

20„308 



Inhabitants to 


gs . 


one Person 


i-Hr 


Condemned 


t^U g 


^ for Crimes 


.S ■» £ 


against 


^?^ 


^ 




( 
Per- 


-1 
Pro- 


sons. 


perty. 


16.. 330 


5932 


275 


17,100 


9104 


1-88 


20,384 


5430 


375 


20,385 


7760 


2-02 


22,031 


10,014 


2-20 


22,562 


5!i(K> 


3-90 


23,611 


4296 


5-44 


25,107 


7961 


315 


25,222 


8I7I 


3-09 


27,433 


5819 


471 


27.6.33 


5f)!i0 


2-20 


32,0(KI 


4148 


7-71 


37,500 


400(1 


9-42 


42.208 


12,.572 


3-34 


52,712 


14,565 


3-02 


.53,450 


3108 


17-20 


1,32,248 


3852 


34-33 


25,747 


62a9 


4-13 


28,783 


7217 


4-00 


a3,784 


10,060 


3-36 


21,648 


7632 


2-84 



* The numbers for the Low Coim tries embrace the years 1826-27, 
and for the dutcliy of the Lower Rhine the years from 1822 to 
1820, according to the lU'vue Encydopedique for the month of Au- 
gust 1830. .Since this summary gives us the number of crimes 
and not of the condemned, I h.ive thought proper to give the 
numljcr of crimes for Fr.ance and tlie Low Countries, in order to 
render the results comjiarable. 



ON MAN. 



87 



As it would be very difficult to form an idea of the 
whole of the results contained in the preceding tables, 
and as at the same time it M'ould be impossible to 
embrace the whole at one glance, I have endeavoured 
to render them perceptible by shades of greater or less 
depth, placed on a map of France and the Low Coun- 
tries, according to the greater or less number of crimes 
against persons or property, in proportion to the po- 
pidation {See plate 6). Tlie first figurative map be- 
longs to crimes against persons ; it shows us at first, by 
the darkness of the shades, that the greatest number 
of crimes are committed in Corsica, in the South of 
France, and particularly in Languedoc and Provence, 
as well as Alsace and tlie Valley of the Seine. The 
southern part of the Low Countries, with the excep- 
tion of Hainault and Luxembourg, present also rather 
deep tints. However, it is proper to observe, that the 
shades are perhaps more obscure than they ought to 
be, if we consider that they represent the number of 
condemned people, and that in general, in the Low 
Countries, the repression has been much stronger than 
in France, since in the latter country only 61 indivi- 
duals are condemned in every 100 accused, whilst in 
the Low Countries, 85 is the proportion. On the con- 
trary. Central France, Brittany, Maine, Picardj^, as 
well as Zealand and Friesland, present much more 
satisfactory shades. If we compare this map with 
that which indicates the state of instruction, we shall 
be disposed to bclie^■e, at first, that crimes are in a 
measure in inverse ratio to the degree of knowledge. 
The figurative map of crimes against persons and 
those of crimes against property presents more ana- 
logy. In like manner, the departments which show 
themselves advantageously or disadvantageously on 
cither side, may be arranged in the following manner, 
making three principal classes : — 

First Class. — Departments ivhere the number of those 
condemned for crimes against persons and property 
exceeds the average of France. 

Corse, Landes, Rhone, Bouchcs-du-Rhone, Doubs, 
Ilaut-Rhin, Bas-Rhin, Moselle, Seine - Inferieure, 
Calvados, Eure, Seine-et-Oise, Seine, Marne, Loiret, 
Vienne, lUe-et-Vilaine — 17 departments. 

Second Class. — Departments where the number of those 
condemned for crimes against property and persons 
has been less than the average of France. 

Creuse, Indre, Cher, Nicvre, Saone - et - Loire, 
Jura, Ain, Isore, Loire, Haut-Loire, Cantal, Puy-de- 
Dome, Allier, Correze, Haut- Vienne, Basses-Pyronces, 
Ilautes - Pyrenees, Haute - Garonne, Gers, Tarn-et- 
Garonne, Lot-et- Garonne, Gironde, Dordogne, Cha- 
rente, Deux-Sevres, Vendee, Loire-Inferieure, ]\Iaine- 
et-Loire, Sarthe, Orne, Mayenne, Manche, Finistere, 
Morbihan, C6tes-du-Nord, Somme, Oise, Aisne, Ar- 
dennes, Meuse, Meurthe, Haute-Saone, Haute-Marne, 
Cote- d'Or, Yonne, Seine-et-Marne — 47 departments. 

Third Class. — Departments where the number of those 
condemjied for crimes against persons only, or against 
property only, has been less than the average of France. 

Var, Hautes-Alpes, Basses-Alpes, Drome, Vaucluse, 
Gard, Ardcche, Lozere, Aveyron, Lot, Tarn, Hcrault, 
Aude, Pyrenees-Orientales, Ariege, Charente-Inferi- 
cure, Loir-et-Cher, Eure-et-Loii-e, Nord, Pas-de-Calais, 
Aube, Vosges — 22 departments. 

In making the same distinction with regard to the 
provinces of the Low Countries,* we find — 

First Class— Southern Brabant, Anvers, Lim- 
bourg, Groningen, and Drenthe — 5 provinces. 

Second Class — Hainault, Luxembourg — 2 pro- 
vinces. 

* See, for the most ample accoimtg, Im Statistiquc (Jcs Tri- 
hvnaux de la Bflr/irixc, pendant h-.i Annt^es 1820, 1827, 1828, 1829, and 
1830, published "by MM. Quotclot and Smits. 4to. Brussels: 1832. 



Third Class — Namur, Liege, "Western Flanders, 
Eastern Flanders, Zealand, Northern Brabant, South- 
ern Holland, Northern Holland, Utrecht, Guelder- 
land, Overyssel, Friesland — 12 provinces. 

Before endeavouring to deduce conclusions from the 
preceding calculations, I shall remark that certain ra- 
tios cannot be rigorously compared, on account of the 
defective valuation (or census) of the population, or 
from an unequal degree of repression in the different 
courts of justice. It will be difficult enough to find 
out the errors arising from the first cause, as we have 
only, for the elements of verification, the relative num- 
bers of births and deaths ; as to the unequal degree of 
repression, such is not exactly the case, for, besides 
that we are led to believe that the activity of justice 
in finding out the authors of crimes is not every where 
the same, Ave see that acquittals are not always in the 
same ratio. Thus, according to the documents from 
1825 to 1829, 61 individuals out of every 100 accused 
have been condemned in France, yet the degree of 
repression has generally been stronger in the nor- 
thern than in the southern part of the country. 
The Court of Justice of Rouen has condemned the 
greatest number, and it has condemned 71 indivi- 
duals out of 100 accused at the least ; the coiirts of 
Dijon, Anjou, Douai, Nanci, Orleans, Caen, Paris, 
Rennes, have also exceeded the average ; the courts 
of Metz, Colmar, Amiens, Bordeaux, Bourges, Be- 
sancon, Grenoble, Lyons, and La Corse, have presented 
nearly the same average as France ; whilst the acquit- 
tals have been more numerous in the southern courts, 
such as Toulouse, Poitiers, Nismes, Aix, Riom, Pau, 
Argen, Limoges, and Montpellier — the two last courts 
having condemned, at an average, only 52 individuals 
of 100 accused. It yet remains for examination, whe- 
ther these decisive inequalities in the number of ac- 
quittals in the north and south of France are owing to a 
greater facility in bringing forward accusations, or to 
indulgence to the accused. It appears to me probable, 
that it may be in part owing to crimes against persons 
being more common, all things being equal, in the 
south, and crimes against property in the north ; we 
know, also, that more acquittals take place in the first 
class of crimes than in the second. However the case 
may be, I think it will be proper not to lose sight of 
this double cause of error which I have just pointed 
out. 

If we now cast our eyes over the departments of 
France Avhich have exceeded the average of crimes 
against persons as well as of crimes against property, 
we shall first find Corsica and Landes to be, from 
their manners and customs, in peculiar circumstances, 
and which will scarcely permit of their being com- 
pared with the rest of France. 

The Corsicans, indeed, impelled by cruel prejudices, 
and warmly embracing feelings of revenge, which are 
frequently transmitted from generation to generation, 
almost make a virtue of homicide, and commit the 
crime to excess. Offences against property are not 
frequent, and yet their number exceeds the average 
of France. We cannot attribute this state of things 
to want of instruction, since the number of accused 
who could neither read nor write was comparatively 
less than in France. This is not the case in Landes, 
where almost nine-tenths of the accused were in a state 
of complete ignorance. This department, where a 
poor and weak population live dispersed, as it were, 
in the midst of fogs, is one where civilisation has made 
the least progress. Although Landes is found in the 
most unfavourable class as regards crimes, it is never- 
theless proper to say that it does not differ much from 
the average of France : we may make the same obser- 
vations on the departments of Vienne and lUe-et-Vi- 
laine. As to the other departments, we may observe 
that they are generally the most populous in France, in 
which we find four of the most important cities, Paris, 
Lyons, Marseilles, and Rouen ; and that they also are 
the most industi'ious — those which present the great- 



ON MAN. 



est changes and intercourse with strangers. We may 
be surprised' not to find with them the departments 
of the Gironde and Loire-Inferieure, which seem to be 
ahnost in the same circumstances as the departments 
of Bouches-du-Khone and Seine-Inferieure, especially 
if we consider that, with respect to knowledge, they 
seem less favoured than these last, and the repression 
of crime also has generally been effective. This remark 
is particularly applicable to the department of the 
Gironde, for the Loii'e-Inferieure does not differ so 
much from the average of France. I shall not hesitate 
to attribute these differences to a greater morality in 
one part than the other. And this conjecture becomes 
more probable, if we observe that the whole of the 
departments of the south of France, which are on the 
shores of the sea from the Basses-Pyrcnces to La 
Manche, except Landes and Ille-et-Vilaine Avhich 
have ah'cady been mentioned, fall below the average 
of France for crimes against persons ; and that, on 
the contrary, all the departments, without exception, 
which are on the shores of the Mediterranean, as well 
as the ones adjacent to them, exceed this average. 
We may also remark, that the shores of the Atlantic, 
from Basses-Pyrenees to La Manche, generally fall 
below the average for crime against property. 

The third class presents us Avith fifteen depart- 
ments, on the border of the Mediterranean, and Avhich 
all exceed the average of France m crimes against 
persons and are beloAv the average in crimes against 
liroperty. The districts on the Mediterranean appear, 
then, to have a A'ery strong propensity to the first 
kind of crimes. Of seven other departments of the 
same class, one only exceeds the average for crimes 
against person, and that is Vosges m Alsace ; the 
others exceed the average of crimes against propertj^ 

The "departments of the second class, where the 
fewest condemnations for crimes against persons and 
property take place, are generally situated in the centre 
of France, on the shores of the Atlantic, from the 
Basses-Pyrenees to La Manche, and in the A'alleys 
watered by the Somme, the Oise, and the Meuse. 

The following is a simamary of what has been 
said : — 

1. The greatest number of crimes against persons 
and property take place in the departments which 
arc crossed by or near to thfe Rhone, the Ehine, and 
the Seine, at least in their navigable portions. 

2. The fewest crimes against persons and property 
are committed in the departments in the centre of 
France, in those which arc situated in the west to- 
wards the Atlantic, from the Basses-Pyrenees to La 
Manche, and in those toAvards the north, wliich are 
traversed by the Somme, the Oise, and the Meuse. 

3. The shores of the Mediterranean and the adja- 
cent departments shoAv, all things being equal, a 
stronger jiropcnsity to crimes against persons, and 
the northern parts of France to crimes against pro- 
perty. 

After having established these facts, if we seek to 
go back to the causes which produce them, Ave are 
immediately stopped by numerous obstacles. And, 
indeed, the causes influencing crimes are so numerous 
and different, that it becomes almost impossible to 
assign to each its degree of importance. It also fre- 
quently happens, that causes AA'hich appear A^ery in- 
fluential, disappear before otliers of Avhich Ave had 
scarcelj'^ thought at first, and this is Avliat I liaA-e 
especially found in actual researches : and I confess 
that I have been probably too much occupied Avith 
the influence Avhich Ave assign to education in abating 
the propensity to crime ; it seems to me that this 
common error especially proceeds from our expecting 
to find feAver crimes in a country, because Ave find 
more children in it avIio attend school, and because 
there is in general a greater number of persons able 
to read and Avrite. We ought rather to take notice 
of the degree of moral instruction ; for A^ery often tho 
education received at school only facilitates the com- 



mission of crime.* We also consider poverty as ge- 
nerally conducing to crime ; yet the department of 
Creuse, one of the poorest in France, is that Avhieh 
in every respect presents the greatest morality. Like- 
Avise, in the Low Countries, the most moral province 
is Luxembourg, where there is the greatest degree of 
poA'crty. It is proper, hoAvcA'cr, that Ave come to a 
right understanding of the meaning of the Avord po- 
AX-rty, Avhich is here employed in an acceptation which 
may be considered improper. A province, indeed, is 
not poor because it possesses fcAver riches than an- 
other, if its inhabitants, as in Luxembourg, ai'C sober 
and active ; if, by their labour, they can certainly ob- 
tain the means of relieAdng their wants, and grati- 
fying tastes Avhich are proportionally moderate ; ac- 
cording as the inequality of fortune is less felt, 
and does not so much excite temptation : we should 
say, with more reason, that this province enjoys a 
moderate affluence. Poverty is felt the most in pro- 
vinces where great riches haA'c been amassed, as in 
Flanders, Holland, the department of the Seine, &c., 
and above all, in the manufacturing countries, Avhere, 
by the least political commotion, by the least obstruc- 
tion to the outlets of merchandise, thousands of indi- 
A'iduals pass suddenly from a state of comfort to one 
of misery. These rapid changes from one state to 
another giA'e rise to crime, particularly if those who 
suflFer are smTounded by materials of temptation, 
and are irritated by the continual aspect of luxurj"- and 
of the inequahty of fortmie, which renders them des- 
perate. 

It seems to me that one of the first distinctions to 
be made in our present mquiry, regards the different 
races of mankmd Avho inhabit the countries Avhich Ave 
are considering; as Ave shall shortly see, this point is 
of the greatest importance, although not the first AN'hich 
presents itself to the mind. ""The population of France 
belongs to three different races — the Celtic race, Avhich 
forms nearly three-fifths of its inhabitants ; the Ger- 
man race, Avhieh comprehends those of the late pro- 
Auuces of Flanders, Alsace, and part of Lorraine ; and 
the Pelasgian race, scattered along the shores of the 
Mediterranean and in Corsica. The changes of man- 
ners," adds Malte-Brun, " to which this division is 
exposed, may alter the character of a people, but 
cannot change it entirely." f If Ave cast our eyes over 
the figiuratiA'c map of crimes against persons, this dis- 
tinction of people is perceived in a remarkable man- 
ner. We shall see that the Pelasgian race, scattered 
over the shores of the Mediterranean and in Corsica, is 
particularly addicted to crimes against persons ; among 
the Germanic race, Avhich extends over Alsace, the. 
dutchy of the LoAver Ehine, a part of Lorraine, and 
the Low Countries, Avhere the greater proportion of 
persons and of property gives rise to more occasions 
of committing crime, and where the frequent use of 
strong drinks leads more often to excesses, Ave have 
generaUy a great many crimes against property and 
persons. The Batavians and Frieslanders, Avho also 
belong to the Germanic race, are more especially prone 
to crimes against property. Lastly, the Celtic race 
appears the most moral of the three wliich we have 
considered, especially as regards crimes against per- 
sons ; they occupy the greatest part of France and 
the Wallone of Belgium (e< Ja partie Wallone de la 
Bclgique). It Avould appear, moreover, that frontier 
countries, Avhere the races are most crossed with each 
other, and where there is generaUy the most disturb- 
ance, and Avhere the customhouses are established, arc 
the most exposed to demoralisation. 

After having admitted this distmction, based upon 

* M. Guen-y lias aiTivecl at conclusions similar to mine, and 
almost at the same time, in his Essai sur la Slatislique Morale 
(le la France, p. 51, and has expressed them almost in the same 
terms ; the same results have also been obtained in England, 
Germany, and the United States. 

t Precis de la Gcographie ITnivcrsellc, livre 15?. 



ON MAN. 



89 



the differences of races, it remains to be examined 
what are the local anomalies which influence the mo- 
rality of the people and modify their character. 

The most remarkable anomaly whicli the Celtic 
race seems to present, is observed in the department 
of the valley of the Seine, especially below Paris ; many 
causes contribute to this. We first observe that these 
departments, from their extent, contain the greatest 
proportion of persons and property, and consequently 
present more occasions for committing crimes ; it is 
there that there are the greatest changes in the people, 
and the greatest influx of people from all countries 
without character, in a manner which must even have 
altered the primitive race more than any where else ; 
lastly, it is there also where the greatest nmnber of 
industrial establishments are found ; and, as we have 
already had occasion to observe, these establishments 
maintain a dense population, whose means of subsist- 
ence are more precarious than in any other profession. 
The same remark is applicable to the valley of the 
IHione, and with the more reason, as the Pelagian 
race has been able, in ascending this river, to pene- 
trate farther into the interior of the country than any 
where else. 

The commercial and industrious provinces of the 
Low Countries are likewise those in which the greatest 
number of crimes are committed. 

As to the greater number of crimes against pro- 
perty to be observed as we advance towards the north, 
I think Ave may attribute it, in a great measure, to 
the inequality between riches and wants. The great 
cities, and the capitals esiiecially, present an unfa- 
vourable subject, because they possess more allure- 
ments to passions of every kind, and because they 
attract people of bad character, who hope to mingle 
with impunitj' in the crowd. 

It is remarkable that several of the poorest depart- 
ments of France, and at the same time the least 
educated, such as Creuse, Indre, Cher, Haute-Vienne, 
Allier, &c., are at the same time the most moral, 
whilst the contrary is the case in most of the depart- 
ments which have the greatest wealtli and instruction. 
'J'hese apparent singularities are, I think, explained 
by the observations which have been made above. 
^Morality increases with the degree of education in the 
late kingdom of the Low Countries, which would lead 
us to believe that the course of education was better. 

The influence of climate is not very sensible here, 
as we may see by comparing Guienne and Gascoigne 
with Provence and Lauguedoe, and the inhabitants of 
the Hautes and Basses Pyrenees to the inhabitants of 
the Hautes and Basses Alpes, which, notwithstanding, 
are mider the same latitudes. TVe may also say that 
tlie influence of kno\vledge and of climate partly dis- 
appears before more energetic influences; and that 
tliey are moreover far from effacing tlie moral cha- 
racter of the three races of men who inhabit the 
country which we are considering. Nevertheless, we 
cannot but allow, when bringing the ratios of the 
sixth column of our table together, that the number 
of crimes against property, in proportion to the num- 
ber of crimes against persons, is increased considerably 
in advancing towards the north. 

It is to be regretted that the documents of the 
courts of justice of other countries cannot be com- 
pared with those of France and the Low Coimtries. 
The difference in laws and the classifications of crime 
render direct comparisons impossible. Yet the coun- 
tries of some extent, and which give the distinction 
of crimes against persons and crimes against pro- 
perty, allow at least of our drawing a comparison 
between their different provinces under this head. 
It perhaps will not be without some interest to our 
inquiry to compare the different parts of Prussia and 
Austria with one another. The data of criminal jus- 
tice in Austria are extracted from the BuUetin des 
Sciences of M. de Fcrussac, for November 1829, and 
relate to the five years from 1819 to 1823; those of 



Prussia are extracted from the Revue Encyclopedique 
for August 1830, and relate to the three years from 
1824 to 1826 inclusive. I have followed the same 
form of table as the above : nevertheless, I regret that 
I could not give the number of children in the schools 
of the different parts of Austria. For Prussia, I have 
taken the number of children in 1000 of those who 
attend the schools, according to the statement of the 
Revue Encyclopedique. 







Inhabitants 


P s 






Crimes 
against 


to one Crime 
against 


■so g 

.S " o 


1^ 


AiTondissements. 






I!? 






>- 


>- 




3 to 




( 


^ 


f 




2 <» 




Per 

sons. 


Pro- 
perty. 


Per- 
sons. 


Pro- 
perty. 


ill 


•2 a 
5° 


AusTniA. 














Dalmatia, 


2986 


2,540 


535 


625 


oa5 


7 


GaUicia k BulvO- j 
Vina, - / 

TjTOl, - 


5294 


14,105 


3,955 


1470 


2-70 


7 


(558 


2,516 


5,707 


1492 


3-82 


•> 


Moravia & Silesia, 


753 


3,545 


12,002 


2689 


4-71 


13 


Gratz-Leibacli & t 
Trietz, or Inter- > 
nal Austria, J 














580 


*2,479 


13,311 


3188 


4-21 


10 














Lower Austria (or, » 
Cotes de I'Ens), / 


673 


7,099 


17.130 


1382 


12-37 


10 


Bohemia, 


737 


♦'7.221 


18,437 


1881 


9-80 


9 

Scholars 
in 1000 


Pni-ssiA. 












Children. 


PiTjssia, - 


249 


0,875 


22,741 


G39 


35-65 


451 


Saxony, 


147 


5,815 


27,588 


697 


39-5<j 


491 


Poscn, 


'■fl 


3,481 


31,440 


875 


35-88 


490 


Silesia, 


228 


7.077 


33,714 


1086 


31-04 


584 


Westphalia, 


92 


3.383|38,43<; 


1045 


36-77 


.525 


Brandenburg, 


112 


5,431 39,4Wi 


688 


57-42 


468 


Pomerania, 


27 


l,r)22l92,131 


1.5,3;) 


60-11 


940 



It would be very difficult to point out the various 
races of men who have peopled the comitries mentioned 
in the preceding table, because they are so much mixed 
in certain parts, that their primitive character is almost 
lost. The German race predominates in the Prussian 
states, and is mixed with the northern Sclavonians, 
particularly along the shores of the Baltic and ancient 
Prussia, and with the western Sclavonians in the Grand- 
Dutchy of Posen and Silesia. In the Austrian states, 
and especially in the northern and eastern parts, the 
Sclavonian race is again mixed with the German ; 
^Slalte-Brun even thinks that in IMoravia the Sclavo- 
nians are three times as numerous as the Germans :t 
they are divided into several tribes, of which the most 
remarkable is the Wallachians ; " they are brave in 
war, tolerant in religion, and scrupulously honest in 
their habits." The Tyrolese, formed of the ancient 
Ehccti, would be, according to Pliny (book iii. chap. 
19), originally from Etruria; the Dalmatians, of Scla- 
vonic origin, are also mingled with Italians. 

It will appear, then, also, from the table Avliich has 
just been given, that crimes are more numerous in 
Dalmatia, where the blood of the south is mixed with 
the blood of the people of the north. Among the 
Tyrolese, we find also tlie traces of more energetic 
passions than among the other people under the Aus- 
trian dominion, excepting, however, the inhabitants 
of GaUicia, descendants of the Rosniacks, who pro- 
ceeded, together with the Croatians and Dalmatians, 
from the Eastern Sclavonians.J Classing the people 
according to the degree of crime, it would appear that 
they are in the folloAving order : — Etruscans or Itahans, 
Sclavonians, and Germans. § It would also appear 

* The numbers for Bohemia and Internal Austria only relate 
to the four years 1819, 1820, 1822, and 1823. 

t Precis de G^ograpliie UniverseUe, livre 145. % Ibid. 1. 116. 

§ The western Sclavonians are composed, according to Maltc- 
Bnin, of Poles, Bohemians or Tcheches, of the Slovaqiies of Hun- 
gary, the Serbcs in Lueatia. — hivre 110. " The distinctions 



90 



ON MAN, 



that the eastern Sclavonians have a greater propen- 
sity to crime than the nortliern and western ones, 
who are more mixed with the Germans, and are in a 
more advanced state of civilisation. We see from the 
precedins? table, that the state of instruction in Prussia 
is in a direct ratio to the number of crimes ; it appears 
to be nearly the same in the countries under the Aus- 
trian dominion. 

3. On tlie Influence of Seasons on the Propensity to Crime. 

The seasons have a Avell-marked influence in aug- 
menting and diminishing the number of crimes. We 
may form some idea from the following table, Avhicli 
contains the number of crimes committed in France 
against persons and property, during each month, for 
three years, as well as the ratio of these numbers. We 
can also compare the numbers of this table with those 
which I have given to show the influence of seasons 
on the development of mental alienation, and we shall 
find the most remarkable coincidences, especially for 
crimes against persons, which would appear to be 
most usually dependent on failures of the reasoning 
powers :* — 





Crimes 


against 


Ratio: 


Crimes 


against 


Ratio : 


Months. 












Per- 


Pro- 


1827-28. 


Per- 


Pro- 


1830-31. 




sons. 


perty. 




sons. 


perty. 




January, - - 


282 


1,005 


3-89 


189 


666 


3-52 


February, - - 


272 


910 


3a5 


194 


563 


2-90 


March, - - 


335 


968 


2-89 


205 


602 


2-94 


April, - - - 


314 


841 


2-68 


197 


548 


2-78 


May, - - - 


381 


844 


2-22 


213 


569 


2-67 


June, - - - 


414 


850 


2-05 


208 


602 


2-90 


July, - - - 


379 


828 


2-18 


188 


501 


2-66 


August, - - - 


382 


934 


2-44 


247 


596 


2-41 


September, - 


355 


89G 


2-52 


176 


584 


3-32 


October, - - 


285 


926 


3-25 


207 


506 


2-83 


November, - 


301 


961 


3-20 


223 


651 


2-95 


December, - - 


347 


1,152 


3-33 


181 


691 


3 82 


Total, - - - 


3847 


11,205 


2-77 


2428 


7159 


2-94 



First, the epoch of maximum (June) in respect to 
the number of crimes against persons, coincides pretty 
nearly with the epoch of minimum in respect to 
crimes against property, and this takes place in sum- 
mer ; whilst, on the contrary, the minimum of the 
number of crimes against persons, and the maximum 
of the number of crimes against property, takes place 
in winter. Comparing these two kinds of crimes, avc 
find that in the month of January nearly four crimes 
take place against property to one against persons, 
and in the month f)f Juno only two to three. These 
differences are readily explained by considering that 
during winter misery and want are more especially 
felt, and cause an increase of the number of crime? 
against property, whilst the violence of the passions 

between tlie Sclave (Sclavonian) and the German are, tlie care 
which the former takes of liis property, and his constant desire 
to acquire more ; he is not so industrious, not so capable of 
attachment and fidelity in his affections, and more disposed to 
seek for society and dissipation. He prides himself on greater 
prudence, and is generally distrustful, especially in his deal- 
ings with Germans, whom he always regards as a kind of enemy." 
— Livrc 114. Jtalte-Brun .also makes a distinction of Germans 
of the*orth and Germans of the south. " The Thuringerwald 
divides Germany into two regioris— the north and the south. 
The German of the north, living on potatoes, butter, and cheese, 
deprived of beer and spirits, is the most robust, frugal, and intel- 
ligent : it is also with liim that Protestantism has the most 
proselytes. Delicate in his mode of life, accustomed to wine, 
sometimes even given to dnmkcnness, the Gcnnan of the south 
is more sprightly but also more superstitious." — hivrc 14!!. 

* The observations which we possess are neither so nimierous 
nor so carefully compiled as to enable us to affirm that any direct 
ratio exists between the propensity to crimes against persons and 
the tendency to mental alienation ; yet the existence of this ratio 
becomes more probable if we consider that we find again the same 
coincidence regarding the influence of age. 



predominating in summer, excites to more frequent 
personal collisions. 

The periods of maxima and minima also coincide 
with those of the maxima and minima of births and 
deaths, as we have already shown. 

The Comptes Generaux of France also contain data 
on the hours at which crimes have been committed, 
but only for thefts in Paris and the neighbourhood. 
These data are hitherto too few to draw any satisfac- 
tory conclusions froni them. 

4. On the Influence of Sex on the Propensity to Crime. 

We have already been considering the influence 
Avhich climate, the degree of education, differences of 
the human race, seasons, &c., have on the propensity 
to crime ; we shall now investigate the influence of 
sex. 

At the commencement, we may observe that, out of 
28,686 accused, who have appeared before the coiu"ts 
in France, during the four years before 1830, there 
were found 5416 women, and 2.3,270 men, that is to 
say, 23 women to 100 men. Thus, the propensity to 
crime in general gives the ratio of 23 to 100 for the 
sexes. This estimate supjjoses that justice exercises 
its duties as actively with regard to women as to men ; 
and this is rendered probable by the fact, that the 
severity of repression is nearly the same in the case 
of both sexes ; in other words, that women are treated 
with much the same severity as men. 

We have just seen that, in general, the propensity 
to crime in men is about four times as great as in 
women, in France ; but it will be important to ex- 
amine further, if men are four times as criminal, which 
will be supposing that the crimes committed by the 
sexes are equally serious. We shall commence by 
making a distinction between crimes against property 
and crimes against persons. At the same time, we 
shall take the numbers obtained for each year, that 
we may see the limits in which they are comprised : — 



1826, - 

1827, - - 
1828, 
1829, - - 



Averages, 



18.30, 
1831, 



Averages, 1612 



Crimes against Persons. 



Men. Women. Ratio, 



16.39 
1637 
l.'>76 
1552 



1601 



1412 
1813 



268 
274 
270 
239 



254 
233 



0-16 

0-17 
0-17 
015 



0-16 



0-18 
0-13 



Crimes against Property. 



Men. Women. Ratio, 



4073 
4020 
4306 
4379 



4217 



4196 
4567 



1008 
998 
1156 

1203 



1091 



1100 
993 



0-25 
0-25 
0-26 
0-27 



0-26 



0-26 
0-22 



Although the number of crimes against persons 
may have diminished slightly, whilst crimes against 
property have become rather more numerous, yet we 
see that the variations are not very great ; they have 
but littlemodified the ratios between the numbers of the 
accused of the two sexes. AVe have 26 women to 100 
men in the accusations for crimes against propert^^-, 
and for crimes against persons the ratio has been only 
16 to 100.* In general, crimes against persons are of 
a more serious nature than those against property, so 
that our distinction is favourable to the women, and 
we may afiirm that men, in France, are four times as 
criminal as women. It must be observed, that the 
ratio 16 to 26 is nearly the same as that of the strength 
of the two sexes. However, it is proper to examine 
things more narrowlj', and especially to take notice of 
individual crimes, at least of those Avhicli are com- 
mitted in so great a number, that the inferences drawn 
from them may possess some degree of probability. 
For this purpose, in the following table I have col- 

* These conclusions only refer to the results of the four years 
before 18.30. The numbers of the following ye.ars, which have 
been since added to the table, give almost the same ratios. 



ON MAN. 



91 



lected the mimbers relating to the four years before 
1830, and calculated the different ratios ; the crimes 
are classed according to the degree of magnitude of 
this ratio. I have also groiiped crimes nearly of the 
same nature together, such as issuing false money, 
counterfeits, falsehoods in statements or in commercial 
transactions, &c. 









Women 


Nature of Crimes. 


Jlcn. 


Women. 


to 100 
Men. 


Infanticide, 


,?0 


426 


1.320 


Jliscarriage, 


15 


.39 


£60 


Poisoning, 


77 


73 


91 


] louse robbery {vol domesliquc\. 


2648 


16()2 


60 


Parrii.'ide, - - . 


44 


22 


50 


Incendiarism of buildings and other 1 
things, - . - / 


27!) 


94 


34 








Robber}' of churches, 


17G 


47 


27 


Wounding of parents (bh'ssures en- ■, 
vers ascendans) , • j 


292 


63 


22 








Theft, 


10,677 


2249 


21 


False evidence and suborning, 


307 


51 


17 


Fraudulent bankruptcy. 


.■J53 


57 


16 


Assassination, - - . 


947 


HI 


12 


False coining Ifatisse monnak),^ 








counterfeit making, false affirma- >■ 


16G9 


177 


11 


tions in deeds, &c. - - ' 








Rebellion, ... 


(512 


60 


111 


Highway robbery. 


048 


54 


8 


AVounds and blows. 


1447 


78 


5 


Murder, 


1112 


44 


4 


Violation and seduction, - 


685 


7 


1 


Violation on persons under 15 j'cars i 
of age, - - - I 


585 


5 


1 









As we have already observed, to the commission of 
crime the three following conditions are essential — 
tl:e will, which depends on the person's morality, the 
opportunity, and the facility of effecting it. Now, 
the reason why females have less propensitj- to crime 
than males, is accounted for by their being more under 
the influence of sentiments of shame and modestj', as 
far as morals are concerned; their dependent state, 
and retired habits, as far as occa.sion or opportunity 
is concerned ; and their physical Aveakness, so far as 
the facility of acting is concerned. I think we may 
attribute the differences observed in the degree of 
criminality to these three principal causes. Home- 
times the whole three concur at the same time : we 
ought, on such occasions, to expect to find their in- 
fluence very marked, as in rapes and seductions ; 
thus, we have only 1 woman to 100 men in crimes of 
tliis nature. In poisoning, on the contrary, the num- 
ber of accusations for either sex is nearly equal. When 
force becomes necessary for the destruction of a per- 
son, the number of women who are accused becomes 
much fewer ; and their numbers diminish in propor- 
tion, according to the necessity of the greater publi- 
city before the crime can be perpetrated : the following 
crimes also take place in the order in which they are 
stated — infanticide, miscarriage, parricide, woimding 
of parents, assassinations, woimds and blows, murder. 

With respect to infanticide, woman has not only 
many more opportunities of committing it than man, 
but she is in some measure impelled to it, frequently 
by misery, and almost always from the desire of con- 
cealing a liiult, and avoiding tlie shame or scorn of 
society, which, in such cases, thinks less unfavourably 
of man. Such is not the case with other crimes in- 
volving the destruction of an individual : it is not the 
degree of the crime which keeps a Avoman back, since, 
in the series Avbich we have given, parricides and 
Avounding of parents are more numerous than assas- 
sinations, which again are more frequent than mur- 
der, and Avounds and blows generally ; it is not simply 
Areakness, for then the ratio for parricide and Avound- 
ing of parents should be the same as for murder 
and wounding of strangers. These differences are 
more especially OAving to the habits and sedentary 
life of females ; they can only conceive and execute 
guilty projects on individuals Avith whom they are in 
G 



the greatest intimacy : thus, compared witli man, her 
assassinations are more often in her family than out 
of it ; and in society she commits assassination rather 
than murder, Avhich often takes place after excess of 
drink, and the quarrels to Avhich Avomen are less ex- 
posed. 

If Ave now consider the different kinds of theft, we 
shall find that the ratios of the propensity to crime 
are arranged in a similar scries : thus, Ave haA^e suc- 
cessively house robbery, robbery in churches, rob- 
beries in general, and, lastly, highway robbery, for 
which strength and audacity are necessary. The less 
conspicuous propensity to cheating in general, and 
to fraudulent bankruptcy, again depend on the more 
secluded life of females, their separation from trade, 
and that, in some cases, they are less capable than 
men — for example, in coining false money and issu- 
ing coimterfeits. 

If Ave attempt to analyse facts, it seems to me that 
the difference of morality in man and Avoman is not 
so great as is generally supposed, excepting only as 
regards modesty ; I do not speak of the timidity aris- 
ing from this last sentiment, in hke manner as it does 
from the physical Aveakness and seclusion of females. 
As to these habits themselves, I think Ave may form 
a tolerable estimate of their influence by the ratios 
which exist betAveen the sexes in crimes of different 
kinds, Avhere neither strength has to be taken into 
consideration, nor modesty — as in theft, false Avit- 
nessing, fraudident bankruptcy, &c. ; these ratios are 
about 100 to 21 or 17, that is to saj% about 5 or 6 to 
1. As to other modes of cheating, the difference is 
a little greater, from the reasons already stated. If 
Ave try to giA-e a numerical expression of the inten- 
sity of the causes by which Avomen are influenced, as, 
for example, the influence of strength, avc may esti • 
mate it as being in proportion to the degree of strength 
itself, or as 1 to 2 nearly; and this is the ratio of the 
number of parricides for each sex. For crimes Avhere 
both physical Aveakness and the retired life of females 
must be' taken into account, as in assassinations and 
highAvay robberies, folloAving the same plan in our 
calculations, it Avill be necessary to multiply the ratio 
of poAver or strength ^ by the degree of dependence 
1-5, Avhicli giA-es 1-10,' a quantity which really falls 
betAveen the values 12-100 and 8-100, the ratios given 
in the table. With respect to murder, and bloAvs and 
wounds, these crimes depend not merely on strength and 
a more or less sedentary life, but still more on being in 
the habit of using strong drinks and quarrelling. The 
influence of this latter cause might almost be consi- 
dered as 1 to 3 for the sexes. It may be thought that 
the estimates Avhich I have here pointed out, cannot 
be of an exact nature, from the impossibility of assign- 
ing the share of influence Avhich the greater modesty 
of Avoman, her physical Aveakness, her dependence, or 
rather her more retired life, and her feebler passions, 
Avliich are also less frequently excited by liquors, may 
have respectiA'ely on any crime in particular. Yet, 
if such Avere the characters in Avhich the sexes more 
particidarly differ from each other, Ave might, by ana- 
lyses like those noAV given, assign their respectiA^e 
influence Avith some probability of truth, especially if 
the observations Avere very numerous. I do not speak 
of modes of justice, of legislation in general, of the 
state of knowledge, of means of providing for physical 
Avants, &c., Avhich may poAverfully contribute to in- 
crease or diminish the number of crimes, but Avhose 
influence is generally not very evident as regards the 
ratio of the accused of each sex. 

Perhaps it maj- be said, that if it be true that the 
morality of woman is not greater than tliat of man, 
house robbery should be as frequent for the one as for 
the other. This observation Avould be just, if it Avere 
proved that the class of individuals by Avhom house 
robberies are committed, Avere equally composed of 
men and women ; but there are no data on this sub- 
ject. All that can be laid doAvn is, that men and 



93 



ON MAN. 



women wlio live in a domestic state, rather commit 
crimes against property tlian against persons, wliicli 
very materially confirms the observations made above, 
on the influence of retired life and sedentary habits. 
The Compte Gendral de V Administration de la Justice 
in 1829, for the first time, gives the professions of the 
accused; and in the article Domestiqiies, M-e find 318 
men and 147 -women employed as farm-servants ; and 
149 men and 175 women as personal domestics : the 
total number of men is greater than that of women. 
Now, of these numbers, there were 99 accused of crimes 
against persons, and 590 of crimes against property : 
the ratio of these numbers is 1 to 6 nearly, and it has 
preserved exactly the same value in the years 1830 
and 1831. But we have had occasion to see that this 
ratio for the mass of society is 1 to 3, when particular 
circumstances are not taken into consideration ; and 
it would be only as 263 to 1091, or 1 to 4 nearly, if 
society were composed of Avomen alone : thus, in all 
the cases, I think it has been sufiiciently shown that 
men and women, Avhen in the state of servants, com- 
mit crimes against property in preference to others. 

As to capital crimes, Ave may arrange them in the 
following manner : — 



Apparent Motives : 
1826-13-29 inclusive. 



Cupidity, theft, 
Adultery, 
Domestic dissen- . 

sions, 
Debauchery, jea- ■ 

lousy, - - 
Hatred, revenge, & 

divers motives, 



Total, 



Accused for 



Poison- 
ing. 



liO 
58 
903 



Assassi- 
nation. 



237 
7() 
131 

115 

460 



Incen- 
diarism. 



Total. 



362 
13.3 

333 

220 
1615 



2663 



Adultery, domestic quarrels, and jealousy, cause 
almost an equal number of poisonings in both sexes ; 
but the number of assassinations, and especially of 
murders, of women by their husbands, is greater than 
that of husbands by their Avives. The circumstances 
bearing on this subject have been stated already. 

Of 903 murders Avhich have taken place from hatred, 
revenge, and other motives, 44G have been committed 
in consequence of quarrels and contentions at taverns ; 
thus, more than one-third of the total number of mur- 
ders have taken place under circumstances in Avhich 
women are not usually involved. 

The four last volumes of the Comptes Gdneranx, 
contain some interesting details on the intellectual 
state of the accused of both sexes : they may be stated 
as foUoAvs : — 



Intellectual 
State. 


Men. 


Women. 


.2 Si 


Men. 


Women. 


.2 c? 

Big 


Unable to read, 
or write, - - } 

Able to read and ^ 
Avrite imper- ^ 
fectly, - - J 

Could read and \ 
Avrite well, - ' 

Had received an ^ 
excellent edu- ( 
cation to the 1st f 
degi'ee, - - ) 

Intellectual state ^ 
not mentioned, ( 


6,537 
3,308 
1,399 

203 

374 


2152 
497 

no 

104 


3-0 
6-6 
12-7 
.56-6 
3-6 


6.877 
3,422 
1,3/3 

314 

2 


2042 
451 
112 


3-3 
7-6 
16-7 
62-8 




11,901 


2868 


4-2 


ll,9f«t 


2.><!0 


4-6 



These numbers give us no information on the popu- 
lation, since avc do not know Avhat is the degree of 
knoAvledge diffused in France ; but Ave see, at least, 
that there is a great difl'erence in the sexes. I think 
Are might explain these results by saying, that in 
the lower orders, Avhere there is scarcely any edu- 



cation, the habits of the women approach those of the 
men ; and the more Ave ascend in the classes of society, 
and consequently in the degrees of education, the life 
of Avoman becomes more and more priA^ate, and she 
has less opportunity of committing crime, all other 
things being equal. These ratios differ so much from 
each other, that Ave cannot but feel how much influ- 
ence our habits and social position have on crime. 

It is to be regretted that the documents of justice 
for the Low Countries do not contain any thing on 
the distinction of the sexes ; we only see (according 
to the returns of the prisons and the houses of cor- 
rection and detention, in the Recueil Official), that on 
the 1st of January 1827, the number of men Avas 51G2, 
that of Avomen 1193, which gives 100 Avomen to 433 
men. Making use of the documents which have been 
disclosed to me by INI. le Baron de Keverberg, I found 
that in 1825 this ratio Avas 100 to 314. 

According to the report of M. Ducpetiaux, on the 
state of prisons in Belgium, Ave enumerated 2231 men 
and 550 Avonien, as prisoners on the 1st of January 
1833, Avhich gives a ratio of 405 to 100 : among those 
prisoners Avere found 1364 men and 326 Avomen Avho 
could not read or Avrite ; so that the intellectual state 
of the prisoners of both sexes Avas nearly the same ; the 
ratio of the Avhole population to those Avho could neither 
read nor write, was as 100 to 61 among the men, 
and 100 to 60 among tlie Avomen. To the number of 
prisoners just mentioned, may be added 419 indivi- 
duals confined in the central military prison, of Avhom 
282 could neither read nor Avrite ; this gives a ratio 
of 67 in 100.* 

If Ave examine the accounts of the correctional 
(or minor) tribunals of France, Ave find the ratio 
betAveen the accused of both sexes to be 529,848 to 
149,565, or 28 females to 100 males. Thus, Avith re- 
spect to less serious offences, Avhich are judged by the 
correctional tribunals, the Avomen have there been 
rather more numerous compared Avith the men than 
in the case of weightier crimes. 

5. Of the Influence of Age on the Propensity to Crime. 

Of all the causes Avliich influence the development 
of the propensity to crime, or Avhich diminish that 
propensity, age is unquestionably the most energetic. 
Indeed, it is through age that the physical poAvers 
and passions of man are developed, and their energy 
afterAvards decreases Avith age. lleason is developed 
Avith age, and continues to acquire power even Avheii 
strengtli and passion have passed their greatest A^gour. 
Considering only these three elements, strength, pas- 
sion, and judgment f (or reason), Ave may almost say, 
« priori, Avhat Avill be the degree of the propensity to 
crime at different ages. Indeed, the propensity must 
be almost nothing at the two extremes of life ; since, 
on the one hand, strength and passion, tAvo poAverful 
instruments of crime, have scarcely begun to exist, 
and, on the other hand, their energy, neai'Iy extin- 
guished, is still further deadened by the influence of 
reason. On the contrary, the propensity to crime 
should be at its maximum at the age Avhen strength 
and passion have attained their maximum, and Avhen 
reason has not acqiured sufficient poAver to govern 
their combined influence. Therefore, considering only 
physical causes, the propensity to crime at different 
ages Avill be a property and sequence of the three 

* According to the statistical tables of France, of ymmg persons 
inscribed for military service in 1827, wo enumerate (Bulletin do 
M. F^russac, Nov. 1829, p. 271)— 

Absolute No. Relative No. 
Voung persons able to read, - - 13,794 5 

read and write, 100,787 37 

not able to read or write, 1.57,510 58 

272,091 100 

Tliis ratio of 58 in 100 is a little less unfavourable than that of 
l)risons, which is 60 in UK). 

t I am not speaking of the intellectual state, of religious senti- 
ments, of fear, shame, pimisjhment, &c., because these qualities 
depend more or less directly on reason. 



ON MAN. 



93 



quantities Ave hare ju.st named, and might be deter- 
mined by them, if they -K-ere sufficiently known.* 
But since these elements are not yet determined, we 
must confine ourselves to seeking for the degrees of 
the propensity to crime in an experimental manner ; 
■we shall find the means of so doing in the Comptes 
Generaux de la Justice. The following table vfiU. 
show the number of crimes against persons and 
against property, whicli have been committed in 
Prance by each sex during the years 1826, 27, 28, and 
29, as well as the ratio of these numbers ; the fourth 
column points out how a population of 10,000 souls 
is divided in France, according to age -, and the last 
column gives the ratio of the total number of crimes 
to the coiTcsponding rumber of the preceding column ; 
thus there is no longer an inequality of number of the 
individuals of different ages. 



Individuals' 
Age. 



Less than IG yeais, 
16 to 21 years, 
21 to 25 ~ - - - 
25 to SI) „ - - 
at to 35 ,- - - - 
35 to 40 ~ - - 
40 to 45 „ - - - 
45 to 50 ~ - - 
50 to 55 - - - - 
55 to (JO - - - 
60 to 05 „ - - - 
65 to 70 ~ - - 
70 to 80 „ - - - 
30 and upwards, - 



Crimes against 



Per- 
sons. 



00 
!)04 
1278 
15/5 

u-,:i 

650 
575 
445 
288 
168 
157 
91 
64 
5 



440 

3723 

3329 

3702 

2883 

2076 

1724 

1275 

811 

500 

385 

184 

1.37 

14 



It" • 

S 2 

o 






3304 
8«7 
673 
791 
732 
672 
612 
549 
482 
410 
330 
247 
255 
55 






161 
5217 
6846 
6671 
5514 
4057 
3757 
3133 
2280 
1629 
1642 
1113 
788 
345 



This table gives us results conformable to those wliich 
I have given in my Recherclies Statistique for the years 
1826 and 1827. Since the value obtained for 80 5-ears 
of age and upwards is based on very small numbers, 
it is not entitled to much confidence. Moreover, we 
see that man begins to exercise his propensity to crimes 
against property at a period antecedent to his pursuit 
of other crimes. Between his 25th and 30th year, 
when his powers are developed, he inclines more to 
crimes against persons. It is near the age of 25 years 
that the propensity to crime reaches its maximum ; 
but before passing to other considerations, let us exa- 
mine what difference there is between the sexes. The 
latter columns of the following table show the degrees 
of propensity to crime.f reference being had to popu- 

* Here we are more especially considering crimes against per- 
sons; for crimes against property, it will be necessary to talce no- 
tice of the wants and privations of man. 

t To give a new proof of the almost identity of results of each 
year, I have thought proper to present here the numbers collected 
between 1830 and 1831 ; we may compare tUem with those of the 
preceding tables, which are nearly exactly double, because they 
refer to four years : — 





Crimes 


against 


14 


Accused. 








Individuals' 
Age. 






III 

5 -s 






r 


[ 

Per- 
sons. 


Pro- 
perty. 


Men. 


Women. 


Under 16 j'ears, 


27 


214 


88 


211 


30 


14 


16 to 21 


394 


1,888 


83 


1,911 


371 


19 


21 to 25 „ - 


643 


1 ,708 


72 


1,913 


438 


23 


25 to 30 


758 


1,872 


70 


2,185 


445 


20 


30 to 35 - - 


662 


1,741 


72 


2,004 


399 


20 


a5 to 40 


3/6 


1,088 


74 


1,167 


297 


26 


40 to 45 „ - 


279 


725 


72 


800 


204 


25 


45 to 50 


200 


643 


70 


692 


151 


21 


60 to .5,5 „ - 


161 


426 


73 


487 


100 


21 


55 to 60 


91 


245 


73 


270 


66 


24 


60 to 65 -, - 


55 


147 


73 


162 


40 


25 


65 to 70 


31 


100 


77 


113 


18 


16 


70 to 00 - - 


29 


58 


66 


67 


20 


30 


80 and upwards, 
All ages, - - - 


6 
3712 


1 
10.856 


14 

74 


6 
11,988 


1 
2580 


16 
22 



lation, and the greatest number of each column being 
taken as unity : — 



Individuals' 
Age. 



Under 16 years. 

16 to 21 

21 to 25 ~ 

25 to 30 ~ 

30 to 35 

35 to 40 

40 to 45 „ 

45 to 50 ~ 

50 to 55 

55 to 60 

00 to 65 

65 to 70 

70 to 80 

80 & upwards, 

All ages, 



Accused. 



438 

3,901 

3,762 

4,260 

3,254 

2,105 

1,831 

1,357 

896 

555 

445 

230 

163 

18 

23,270 



Wo- 
men. 



82 

726 

845 

1017 

782 

621 

468 

3(J3 

203 

113 

97 

45 

38 

1 

5416 



J 



Degrees of the Propensity 
to Crime. 



In 
Gene- 
ral. 



0-02 
0-76 
1-00 
0-97 
0-81 
0-59 
0-55 
0-46 
0-33 
0-24 
0-24 
016 
0-12 
005 
0-41 



002 
0-79 
1(J0 
0-96 
0-80 
0-50 
0-54 
0-44 
0-33 
0-24 
0-24 
017 
012 
006 



AVo- 
men. 



0-02 
0-64 
0-98 
1-00 
0-83 
0-75 
0-CO 
0-51 
0-33 
0-22 
0-23 
0-14 
0-12 
0-01 



Calcu- 
lated. 



002 
0-6S 
1-00 
0-92 
0-81 
071 
0-60 
0-51 
0-42 
034 
027 
0-21 
0-12 
004 



Women, compared to men, are rather later in enter- 
ing on the career of crime, and also sooner come to 
the close of it. The maximum for men takes place 
about the 25th year, and about the 30th for women ; 
the numbers on Avhich our conclusions are founded ai-e 
still very few ; yet we see that the two lines which 
represent the relative value for each sex are almost 
parallel. The latter column contains results calcu- 
lated by the following very simple formula : — 

y = (1 — sin. X) Yl~^, supposmg m = ^^ _ ,3 - 

In this manner the degree of the propensity to 
crime is expressed according to age {en fonction de 
rage) X. We must take, as we see, for the axis of the 
abscissae, one-fourth of the corrected circumference 
(circonference recti/jee), and divided into decimal parts. 
The results of this formula generally agree better with 
the results obtained for women. I have endeavoured 
to render them sensible by the construction of a curve, 
the greater or less divergences of which from the axis 
AB (see plate 4) indicates the degree of the propensity 
to crime. The equation becomes a sinusoide — 

y = I — sin. X, 
for ages above 30 j-ears, because m evidently is equal 
to unity. It is not to be expected that we should find 
mathematical precision, for several reasons, of which 
the principal are — 

1. Tlie numbers obtained for four years are not so 
great that we may adopt their results with perfect 
confidence. 

2. To calculate the propensity to crime, Ave must 
combine these numbers with those Avhich the tables of 
population have furnished ; and it is pretty generally 
agreed that the table of the Annuaire does not give the 
state of the population of France with sufficient accu- 
racy. 

3. The propensity to crime can only be calculated 
from the Avhole of the individuals Avho compose the 
popidation ; and as those Avho occupy the prisons are 
generally persons of more than 25 years of age, and 
who, from their state of captivity, cannot enter into 
the ratio for persons above 25 years of age, there 
must necessarily be a void (lacune). If, instead of 
taking crimes collectively, we examine each in par- 
ticular in proportion to age, we shall have a ncAv proof 
that the maximum" of crimes of different kinds takes 
place between tlie 20th and 30th j^cars, and that it is 
really about that period that the most vicious dispo- 
sition is manifested. Only the period of maximum 
will be hastened or retarded some years for some 
crimes, according to the quicker or slower develop- 
ment of certain qualities of man Avhich are propor- 
tioned to those crimes. These results are too curious 
to be omitted here ; I ha\'e presented them in the fol- 
loAving table, according to the documents of France, 
from 1826 to 1829 inclusiA-ely, classing them according 



d4 



ON MAN. 



to the periods of maxima, and taking into account the I wliich are committed in smallest nimiher, because the 
population of different ages. I have omitted the crimes I results from that alone would have been very doubtful. 





Under 


16 


21 


25 


30 


35 


40 


45 


50 


65 


00 


65 


70 


80 and 


Nature of the Crimes. 


Years. 


to 21. 


to 25. 


to 30. 


to 35. 


to 40. 


to 45. 


to 50. 


to 55. 


to 60. 


to 65. 


to 70. 


to 80. 


up- 
wards. 


Violations on children under 15 j-eai-s, 


4 


120 


71 


96 


73 


39 


34 


45 


22 


18 


26 


17 


21 


2 


House robbery, - - - - 


54 


965 


845 


766 


528 


351 


249 


207 


112 


50 


61 


34 


14 


„ 


Other thefts, . . . - 


332 


247') 


2050 


2292 


1716 


1249 


1016 


707 


433 


263 


190 


98 


65 


10 


Violation and seduction, 


.0 


155 


156 


148 


99 


38 


40 


27 


9 


5 


3 


1 





- 


Parricide, - - - - - 


6 


13 


12 


13 


6 


3 


2 


1 


4 


2 


— 


~ 


— 


~ 




6 


180 


300 


359 


219 


129 


101 


95 


55 


35 


23 


10 


7 


1 




15 


139 


198 


275 


172 


103 


84 


49 


48 


30 


25 


17 


9 


„ 


Infanticide, 


1 


40 


99 


134 


76 


44 


30 


8 


7 


1 


8 


4 


2 


„ 


Rebellion, . - - . 


5 


67 


129 


156 


115 


51 


51 


35 


29 


16 


16 


5 


5 


,- 


Highway robbery, 


21 


80 


HI 


149 


107 


60 


62 


46 


22 


21 


8 


6 


4 


~ 


Assassination, 


10 


90 


144 


203 


183 


lOO 


104 


89 


53 


32 


24 


13 


15 


1 


Wounding parents, ... 


2 


47 


64 


73 


72 


40 


30 


16 


8 


2 


1 


- 


~ 


~ 


Poisoning, .... 


5 


6 


IV 


30 


27 


15 


20 


12 


6 


2 


5 


4 


1 


~ 


False witnessing and suborning, 


2 


23 


46 


48 


44 


42 


42 


35 


23 


15 


15 


11 


7 


~ 


Various misdemeanours, - 


8 


86 


202 


276 


312 


244 


207 


185 


129 


78 


75 


28 


28 


2 



Thus the propensity to theft, one of the first to 
show itself, prevails in some measure throughout our 
whole existence ; Ave might be led to believe it to be 
inherent to the weakness of man, who falls into it as if 
by instinct. It is first exercised by the indulgence of 
confidence which exists in the interior of families, then 
it manifests itself out of them, and finally on the public 
highway, where it terminates by having recourse to 
violence, when the man has then made the sad essay 
of the fullness of his strength by committing all the 
different kinds of homicide. This fatal propensity, 
however, is not so precocious as thatAvhich, near ado- 
lescence, arises with the fire of the passions and the 
disorders which accompany it, and which drives man 
to violation and seduction, seeking its first victims 
among beings whose Aveakness opposes the least re- 
sistance. To these first excesses of the passions, of 
cupidity, and of strength, is soon joined reflection, 
plotting crime ; and man, become more self-possessed 
and hardened, chooses to destroy his victim by assas- 
sination or poisoning. Finally, his last stages in the 
career of crime are marked by address in deception, 
which in some measure supplies the place of strength. 
It is in his decline that the vicious man presents the 
most hideous spectacle ; his cupidity, Avhich nothing 
can extinguish, is rekindled with fresh ardoui% and 
assumes the mask of swindling ; if he still uses the 
little strength Avliich nature has left to him, it is 
rather to strike his enemy in the shade ; finally, if 
his depraved passions have not been deadened by age, 
he prefers to gratify them on feeble cliildren. Thus, 
his first and his last stages in the career of crime 
have the same character in this last respect : but Avhat 
a difference ! That Avhlcli was somewhat excusable 
in the young man, because of his inexperience, of the 
violence of his passions, and the similarity of ages, in 
the old man is the result of tlie deepest immorality 
and the most accumulated load of depravity. 

From the data of the preceding tables, it is scarcely 
possible not to perceive the great influence which age 
exercises over the propensity to crime, since each of 
the individual results tend to prove it. I shall not 
hesitate to consider the scale of the different degrees 
of the propensity to crime, at different .ages, deserving 
of as nmch confidence as tliose which I have given for 
the stature, weiglit, and strength of man, or, finally, 
those for mortality. 

Account has also been taken of the ages of accused 
persons, Avho have appeared before the minor or cor- 
rectional courts of France, but only i)reserving tlie 
three following heads, which refer but to the four 
years preceding 18.30 : — 



Ages. 


Criminal Courts. 


Correctional Courts. 


Men. 


■\Vonicn. 


Men. 


Women. 


Under 16 years. 
From 16 to 21, 
Jlore than 21 , 


2 
17 
81 


2 
13 
85 


5 
14 
81 

1011 


6 
16 
78 




1(11) 1 llH) 


KHI 



Thus, the correctional cases are, in early age, all 
things being equal, more frequent than criminal cases ; 
they are the first steps of crime, and consequently 
those most easily ascended. In Belgium, only four 
heads of ages have been made, and the results of cor- 
rectional and criminal courts have been united, Avhich 
renders our comparisons more difficult, since, as we 
have just seen, the numbers in each are not the same ; 
it is also to be regretted that care has not been taken 
to distinguish the sexes. Be this as it may, by taking 
the total number of the accused and suspected {jpre- 
venus) as unity, Ave obtain the foUoAving results : — 





Suspected (or Committed) and Accused. 


Ages. 


1826. 


1327. 


1828. 


1829. 


Average 
Number. 


Under 16 years, 

From 16 to 21, 

~ 21 to 70, 

Above 711 years. 


4 
13 
81 

2 


5 
11 
82 


5 
12 
81 

2 


5 
11 
82 

2 


5 
12 
81 

2 




KXI 


100 


100 


100 


100 



These results are very similar to those of the cor- 
rectional courts of France, and the latter elements 
ought certainly to predominate, Avhen Ave make no 
distinction betAvcen the accused and those merely 
committed, since the latter are always more numerous 
than the accused. Yet it Avould seem that Avith us 
there are fcAver offences betAveen the ages of 16 and 
2 1 than in France. 

We do not find that the number of children brought 
annually before the courts of Belgium has dimini.shed, 
citlier in an absolute sense, or compared Avith the 
numbers of other accused and committed persons. 
The same is nearly the case with France, as we sec 
by the folloAving table, in Avhich I have preferred 
giving the absolute numbers : — 



Tears. 


Under 
16 Years. 


10 to 21. 


More 
than 21. 


Total. 


Accused. 










1826, 


124 


1,101 


5,763 


6,988 


1827, - 


136 


1,022 


5.771 


6,939 


1828, 


143 


1,278 


5,!)75 


7,aO() 


1829, - 


117 


1 ,226 


6.0.30 


7,373 


KWO, 


114 


1,101 


5,687 


6,962 


1831, - 


127 


1,121 


6,358 


7,600 


Committed. 










1826, 


5,042 


12,7.09 


80,19() 


104,0,37 


1827, - 


5,2.33 


13,291 


73,588 


92,112 


1828, 


5,228 


14,902 


71,022 


91,752 


1829, - 


5,306 


14,431 


79,4,38 


99,175 


law,* . 


2,iir,-2 


6,452 


47,812 


57,116 


1831, - 


5,051 


17,0.59 


84,4.33 


107,743 



We must not, hoAvever, conclude from these results 
that education, which for some time has been diffused 

* Those committed for different kinds of offences are not in- 
cluded in these numbers. 



ON MAN. 



95 



Vritli such activity, has heen of no effect in diminish- 
ing the number of crimes committed by young per- 
sons ; several years more are necessary before its 
influence can become apparent, and before it can 
carry its effects into tlie bosom of famihes. 

It is a matter of regret, that as yet we possess so 
few accounts of the ages of criminals, calculated to 
render appreciable the influence of places and the cus- 
toms of different nations. In general, we remark, that 
the number of children in prisons in England is much 
greater than with us ; this would appear to be owing, 
especially in the metropolis, to children being trained 
in a manner to theft, Avliile the really guilty act througli 
their intermediation. In the penitentiary of Millbank, 
in the year 1827, 125f' individuals wei'e registered as 
under 21 years of age out of a total number of 3020, 
which gives a ratio of 41 to 100, being more than 
double that of France and the Low Countries.* 

The condemned persons in the jail of Philadelphia 
in 1822, 1823, and 1824, were proportioned as fol- 
lows : f — 



Ages. 


1822. 


1823. 


1824. 


Totals. 


Under 21 years, 
From 21 to 30 years, - 

~ 30 to 40 ~ - 
Above 40 years, - 


52 
1,')1 
72 
.55 


72 

143 

07 

49 


58 

122 

' 79 

28 


182 
416 
218 
132 



The total for the three years Avas 948. Taking the 
ratio of this sum to 1000, we find the following A^alues, 
opposite to which I have placed those of France : — 



Under 21 years, 
From 21 to 30, 
- 30 to 40, 
Above 40 years. 



Philadelphia. France. 
19 19 

44 35 

23 23 

14 23 



100 



100 



Thus the prisons of Philadelphia present exactly 
the same number of criminals as those of France for 
individuals imder 1 9 and for those between 30 and 40 
years of age ; they have fewer old men, but more 
men between 21 and 30, Avhich may be owing to the 
nature of the population of the two countries. 

France, Belgium, and Philadelphia, agree then 
pretty nearly as to the number of criminals in pro- 
portion to the ages ; but England differs very sensibly 
from the average values presented by these countries, 
and that is owing, no doubt, as I observed before, not 
so much to the character of the English people as to 
the modes of eluding the rigour of the laws which the 
malefactors make use of, acting through the inter- 
medium of children whom they have trained up as 
instruments of crime. 

Conclusions. 

In making a summary of the i^rincipal observations 
contained in this chapter, we are led to the following 
conclusions : — 

1st, Age (or the term of life) is undoubtedly the 
cause Avhich operates with most energy in developing 
or subduing the propensity to crime. 

2d, This fatal propensity appears to be developed in 
proportion to the intensity of the physical power and 
passions of man : it attains its maximum about the 
age of 25 years, the period at which the physical de- 
velopment has almost ceased. The intellectual and 
moral development, which operates more slowly, sub- 
sequently weakens the propensity to crime, which, still 
later, diminishes fi'om the feeble state of the physical 
powers and passions. 

3d, Although it is near the age of 25 that the 
maximum in number of crimes of different kinds 
takes place, j'et this maximum advances or recedes 
some years for certain crimes, according to the quicker 

* Bulletin do M. de Ferussac, Blai 1828. 

* American Review, 1827, No. 12. 



or slower development of certain qualities which have 
a bearing on those crimes. Thus, man, driven by the 
violence of his passions, at first commits violation and 
seduction ; almost at the same time lie enters on the 
career of theft, which he seems to follow as if by 
instinct till the end of life; the development of his 
strength subsequently leads him to commit every act 
of violence — homicide, rebellion, highway robbery 
still later, reflection converts murder into assassination 
and poisoning. Lastly, man, advancing in the career 
of crime, substitutes a greater degree of cunning for 
violence, and becomes more of a forger than at any 
other period of life. 

4th, The difference of sexes has also a great influence 
on the propensity to crime : in general, there is only 
1 woman before the courts to 4 men. 

5th, The propensity to crime increases and decreases 
nearly in the same degrees in each sex ; yet the period 
of maximum takes place rather later in women, and 
is near the 30th year. 

6th, Woman, undoubtedly from her feeling of weak- 
ness, rather commits crimes against property than 
persons ; and when she seeks to destroy her kind, she 
prefers poison. Sloreover, when she commits homi- 
cide, she does not appear to be proportionaUy arrested 
by tlie enormity of crimes which, in point of frequency, 
take jilace in the following order : — infanticide, mis- 
carriage, parricide, wounding of parents, assassination, 
wounds and blows, murder : so that we may affirm that 
the number of the guilty diminishes in proportion as 
they have to seek their victim more openly. These 
differences are no doubt owing to the habits and seden- 
tary life of woman ; she can only conceive and execute 
guilty projects on individuals with whom she is in 
constant relation. 

7 th, The seasons, in their course, exercise a very 
marked influence on crime : thus, during summer, the 
greatest number of crimes against persons are com- 
mitted, and the fewest against property ; the contrary 
takes place during winter. 

8th, It must be observed that age and the seasons 
have almost the same influence in increasing or dimi- 
nishing the number of mental disorders and crimes 
against persons. 

9 th, Climate appears to have some influence, espe- 
cially on the propensity to crimes against persons : 
this observation is confirmed at least among the races 
of southern climates, such as the Pelasgian race, scat- 
tered over the shores of the Mediterranean and Corsica, 
on the one hand ; and the Italians, mixed with Dalma- 
tians and Tyrolese, on the other. We observe, also, 
that severe climates, which give rise to the greatest 
number of wants, also give rise to the greatest num- 
ber of crimes against property. 

10th, The countries whei-e frequent mixture of the 
people takes place ; those in which industry and trade 
collect many persons and thmgs together, and possess 
the greatest activity ; finally, those where the inequa- 
lity of fortime is most felt, all things being equal, are 
those Avhich give rise to the greatest nmnber of 
crimes. 

1 1th, Professions have great influence on the nature 
of crimes. Individuals of more independent profes- 
sions are rather given to ci-imes agamst persons ; and 
the labouring and domestic classes to crimes against 
property. Habits of dependence, sedentary life, and 
also physical weakness in Avomen, produce the same 
results. 

12th, Education is far from having so much influ- 
ence on the propensity to crime as is generally sup- 
posed. IMoreover, moral instruction is very often 
confounded Avith instruction in reading and writing 
alone, and Avhich is most frequently an accessory in- 
strument to crime. 

13th, It is the same Avith poverty, several of the 
departments of France, considered to be the poorest, 
are at the same time the most moral. INIan is not 
driven to crime because he is poor, but more generally 



96 



ON MAN. 



because he passes rapidly from a state of comfort to 
one of misery, and an inadequacy to supply the arti- 
ficial wants which he has created. 

14th, The higher we go in the ranks of society, and 
consequently in the degrees of education, Ave fold a 
smaller and smaller proportion of guilty women to 
men ; descending to the lowest orders, the habits of 
both sexes resemble each other more and more. 

15th, Of 1129 murders committed in France, during 
the space of four years, 446 have been in consequence 
of quarrels and contentions in taverns ; which would 
tend to show the fatal influence of the use of strotig 
drin/is. 

16th, In France, as in the Low Countries, we enu- 
merate annually 1 accused person to 4300 inhabitants 
nearly; but in "the former country, 39 in 100 are ac- 
quitted, and in the second only 1.5 ; yet the same code 
was used in both countries, but in the Low Countries 
the judges performed the duty of the jury. Before 
correctional courts and simple police courts, where 
the committed were tried by judges only, the results 
were nearly the same for both countries. 

17th, In Finance, crimes against persons were about 
one-third of the number of crimes against property, 
but in the Low Countries they were about one-fourth 
only. It must be remarked, that the first kind of 
crimes lead to fe^ver condemnations than the second, 
perhaps because there is a greater repugnance to apply 
punishment as the punishment increases in severity. 

I cannot conclude this chapter without again ex- 
pressing my astonishment at the constancy observed 
in the results which the documents connected with 
the administration of justice present each year. 

" Thus, as I have already had occasion to repeat 
several times, we pass from one year to another, with 
the sad perspective of seeing the same crimes repro- 
duced in the same order, and bringing with them the 
same punishments in the same proportions." All ob- 
servations tend likewise to confirm the truth of this 
proposition, which I long ago announced, that everi; 
thing which pertains to the human species considered as a 
whole, belongs to the order of physical facts : the greater 
the number of individuals, the more does the influence 
of individual Avill disappear, leaving predominance to 
a series of general facts, dependent on causes by which 
society exists and is preserved. These causes we now 
want to ascertain, and as soon as we are acquainted 
with them, we shall determine their influence on so- 
ciety, just in the same way as we determine effects by 
their causes in physical sciences.* It must be confessed, 
that, distressing as the truth at first appears, if Ave 
submit to a well followed out scries of observations the 
physical world and the social sj-stem, it would be diffi- 
cult to decide in respect to which of the two the acting 
causes produce their effects with most regularity. I 
am, however, ftir from concluding that man can do 
nothing for man's amelioration. I think, as I said at 
the commencement of this work, that he possesses a 
moral power capable of modifying the laws which affect 
him ; but this power only acts in the slowest manner, 
so that the causes influencuig the social system cannot 
undergo any sudden alteration ; as they have acted 
for a series of years, so will they continue to act in 
time to come, until they can be modified. Also, I 

* >I. Guerry comes to the same conclusions from his researches 
on crimes, Essai mr la Statistiqiic Morale, p. 69: — " One of the 
most gcner.al conclusions wc can make is, tliat they all concur to 
prove tliat the greater number of facts of a moral nature, con- 
sidered in tlie mass, and not individually, are determined by re- 
gular causes, the variations of which take place within narrow 
limits, and which may be submitted, like those of a material 
nature, to direct and numerical observation." As this idea has 
continually presented itself to me in all my researches on man, 
and as I have exactly expressed it in the same terms as those of 
the text, in my conclusions on the Rcchcrches sur le Penchant au 
Crime, a work which appeared a year before that of M. Guerry, 
i have thought it necessary to mention the point here, to prevent 
misunderstanding. 



cannot repeat too often, to all men who sincerely desire 
the well-being and honour of their kind, and who would 
blush to consider a few francs more or less paid to the 
treasury as equivalent to a few heads more or less 
submitted to the axe of the executioner, that there 
is a budget Avhich we pay with a frightftd regvdarity 
— it is that of prisons, chains, and the scaffold : it is 
that which, above all, we ought to endeavour to abate. 



BOOK FOURTH. 

OP THE PROPERTIES OP THE AVERAGE MAN, OP 
THE SOCIAL SYSTEM, AND OP THE FINAL AD- 
VANCEMENT OF THIS STUDY. 

CHAPTER I. 

PROPERTIES OF THE AVERAGE MAN. 

In the three preceding books I have presented the 
results of my inquiries on the development of the 
physical and moral system of the average man, and 
on the modifications which he undergoes from diffe- 
rent influences. ^ These results can only be considered 
as the first essay towards an immense Avork, which, 
to be completed, would require long and painful re- 
searches, and which would only be really useful by 
being extremely exact. 

This determination of the average man is not merely 
a matter of speculative curiosity ; it may be of the most 
important service to the science of man and the social 
system. It ought necessarily to precede every other 
inquiry into social physics, since it is, as it were, the 
basis. The average man, indeed, is in a nation Avhat 
the centre of gravity is in a body ; it is by having 
that central point in vicAV that Ave arrive at the ap- 
prehension of all the phenomena of equilibrium and 
motion ; moreover, Avhen considered abstractly, it pre- 
sents some remarkable properties, Avhich I am noAV 
going to state succinctl3^ 

1. Of the Average Man considered with reference to 
Literature and the Fine Arts. 

The necessity of veracity in faithfully representing 
the physiognomy, the habits, and the manners of people 
at different epochs, has at all times led artists and 
literary men to seize, among the individuals Avhora 
they observed, the characteristic traits of the period 
in Avhich they lived ; or, in other words, to come as 
near the average as possible. I do not Avish to be 
understood as implying that it is necessary to give 
the same traits, the same tastes, and the same passions, 
to CA^ery individual, Avhatever may be his age, rank, 
countrj^ or the period at Avhich he hves ; but that the 
most characteristic marks must be studied, still keep- 
ing in view these differences. Thus Ave should inves- 
tigate Avhat are the predominating elements in any 
people or in any age ; for example, Avhether fiinaticism, 
piety, or irreligion — a spirit of servility, independence, 
or anarchy. No one Avill hesitate to alloAV to me 
that man is more courageous at 20 than at 60, and 
more prudent at 60 than at 20 ; or that persons of the 
south have more liveliness of thought and feature than 
tile inhabitants of the north : these are common obser- 
vations, whicli every one admits, and Avhich Ave should 
be shocked to find unattended to in Avorks of imagi- 
nation. But can it be thought Avrong to give more 
precision to these A'ague ideas ? — is it altogether con- 
formable to the actual state of our knoAvledge, to re- 
ceive relations Avhich have only been slightly observed, 
Avhen they may be determined Avith certain precision ? 
If it had been demanded some years ago at Avhat age 
a man has the greatest propensity to crime, aa'c should 
no doubt have been much embarrassed to find the true 
answer ; and perha^js the most erroneotis opinions 
Avould have been put forth, especially on the influence 



ON MAN. 



97 



of sexes and the intellectual state. Yet who would 
assert that these researches are useless to philoso- 
phers and men of letters, or even to the artist, who 
only truly deserves this name according as he has 
studied the human heart deeply ? The time is passing 
away Avhen men were contented with indistinct ideas, 
and relations determined at a glance ; when numeri- 
cal determinations hecome applicable, thej' are espe- 
ciaUy consulted by the observer and lover of truth. 

I am far from pretending, however, that even a pro- 
found knowledge of the different faculties of man will 
be sufficient to obtain success in the fine arts and hte- 
rature; but I think that, to produce a work truly 
capable of moving and agitating the passions, we must 
be acquainted with man . and especially man as it is de- 
sired to represent him. Thus, to take but one example, 
the artist who has only studied the type of the Grecian 
physiognomies, however admirable this type may ap- 
pear to us, if he reproduces it in modern subjects, will 
produce but a chilling effect on the spectator, who, 
though he admires the art and composition, will never 
be deeply excited. Grecian figures, however varied 
they may be according to age, passion, and sex, have 
notwithstanding a general likeness, which carries us, 
in spite of ourselves, back to antiquity, and distracts 
our attention from the subject sought to be represented 
before us. If such figures are represented in action, 
the anachronism only becomes more sensible. Artists, 
at the revival of the fine arts, fully comprehended the 
necessity of painting what they had before their eyes, 
and on that account they produced such astonishing 
effects. The noble and severe figure of Christ has 
nothing in common with those of the Apollo or the 
Jupiter of ancient mythology ; a Jladonna of Raphael 
has an enchanting grace, which is not surpassed by 
the finest forms of the antique ; and these beauties 
have a greater influence on the imagination, because 
they are more similar to the natures around us, and 
act more directly upon us. Even we ourselves, in 
more remote situations and circumstances, feel the 
necessity, when retracing our national facts, of not 
bringing forward Grecian or Italian figures: in the 
midst of a battle, where men are found, all nearly of 
the same age, and all alike dressed in the same kind 
of armour, our eye seeks to recognise, by the phy- 
siognomic traits and expressions, the Frenchman or 
the Englishman, the German or the Kussian. In the 
French army itself, the soldier of the old guard had 
an expression which has become classical, and is iden- 
tified in some measure with the remembrances of the 
empire. 

If the arts have already admitted such imperceptible 
shades, and have the j)Ower of awakening the remem- 
brance of an era by recalling the physiognomic traits 
which seem to belong to it, what value ought we not 
to affix to an accurate determination of these traits, 
if they are capable of being appreciated ? Some men 
of genius have penetrated very far in these researches, 
and their ideas, which at first were rejected, have since 
been more fa vom-ably judged of, when experience came 
to their support. Lavater has not hesitated to analyse 
the human passions by the inspection of the features, 
and Gall has endeavoured to prove that we may arrive 
at similar results by inspecting the cranial protuber- 
ances. There is an intimate relation between the 
physical and the moral of man, and the passions leave 
sensible traces on the instruments they put in con- 
tinual action ; but what are these traces ? It is agi-eed 
that they do exist; the artist studies and seeks to 
seize them ; yet, by a singular prepossession, we re- 
ject the possibility of this being determined with any 
degree of accurac\% or the utiUty of the determination. 
But how comes it that such artist or such j)oet labours 
to no purpose, and presents constantly to us the Greek 
or Italian type, according as he had more especially 
studied the antique or the Italian school ? — how is it 
that Rubens, despite his genius, when painting the 
divinities of ancient mythology, gives forms which 



antiquity would have disavowed ? It is because 
Rubens had also a tj^pe, and this type had been chosen 
from among the moderns. 

It is imdoubtedly owing to the want of care taken 
ill studying the shades of the moral and phj-sical 
qualities of man among different people and in diffe- 
rent ages, that the greater munber of works of imagi- 
nation have been so monotonous and lifeless. The 
necessity of studying natm'e and truth has indeed 
been felt ; but the fact has not been sufficiently at- 
tended to, I think, that nature is not uivariable. The 
ancients have represented the physical and moral man 
with infinite art, such as he then was ; and the greater 
number of the moderns, struck with the perfection of 
their works, have thought they had nothing to do but 
servilely to imitate them ; they have not understood 
that the type has been changed ; and that, when imi- 
tating them for the perfection of art, they had another 
nature to study. Hence the universal cry, " Who 
shall deliver us from the Greeks and Romans?" 
Hence the violent dispute between the classics and 
romanticists ; hence, lastly, the necessity of having a 
literature which was truly the expression of society. 
This great revolution was accomplished, and furnishes 
the most irrefragable proof of the variability of the 
liuman type, or of the average man, in different men 
and in different ages. 

As for ancient subjects, the artist or the poet who 
wished to reproduce them might constrain us to ad- 
mire his art ; but we should always feel that he placed 
a natm'e before oiur eyes, which, so to speak, was dead 
— a type which is extinct. We must undoubtedly make 
concessions to the fine arts, and give ourselves to their 
illusions ; but we must not let the sacrifices demanded 
exceed certain limits. We cannot, for a moment, go 
back several centuries, forget our religion, social insti- 
tutions, and habits, and feel sympathy for men not 
having our tastes, manners, or the same traits which 
Ave are accustomed to see around us. The ancients 
themselves never required such sacrifices on the part 
of the public ; and such men as Euripides and Sopho- 
cles took good care not to introduce on the stage an 
Osiris, and the mysterious feasts of the Egyptians, 
who, nevertheless, had been their patterns. 

A few ages are of little moment in the annals of the 
human race ; and Ave cannot assure ourselves that 
man AA'iU not undergo any modifications — in form, for 
example — and that a type Avhich once existed may 
not be completely lost some A&y. This supposition 
may appear extraordinary ; yet Ave see that all the 
elements relating generally to man undergo changes ; 
who, therefore, can assure himself that the type of 
the Grecian figure shall not be lost, either in the flight 
of time, or in some great catastrophe involving the 
destruction of the Caucasian race ? Such overthrows 
are in the nature of possible things. The consequences 
of such an event might be, that another race— the 
IMongolian, for instance— Avhich, after much difficulty, 
might people the earth, and find the remains of the 
fine arts, Avould only see in aU these fine Grecian 
figures, Avhich we are accustomed to admire, things 
entirely artificial and conventional, such as the Egyp- 
tian forms appear at present to us. They might ad- 
mire these antiques as specimens of art ; but I doubt 
if they would prefer the ancient form to their own, 
if they had to represent their divinity in a human 
shape. What has just been said, will no doubt be 
rejected by those who have pre-estabhshed ideas re- 
garding a fixed standard of beauty. I shall not dis- 
cuss that question here ; I only publish my vicAvs Avith 
diffidence, not seeking to impose them on any one. 

I think I have sufficiently shoAvn, in Avhat has pre- 
ceded, that the determination of the average man is 
not useless, even to the tine arts and literature ; and 
that he Avho shaU arrive at this determination, Avill 
have no difficulty in obtaining the attention of artists 
and men of literature. It Avovdd inform them more 
precisely of things Avhich they noAV know but vaguely ; 



98 



ON MAN. 



it would discover others to them of which they are 
ignorant, or at least clear their minds of a mass of 
prejudices. They would receive these notions as a 
painter learns perspective, which, in geometrical out- 
line, is not very pittoresque either. Moreover, artists 
have received the researches of Gall and Lavater pro- 
bably with greater eagerness than savants : indeed, 
it is to their care that painters are indebted in a great 
measure for the knowledge of the proportions of dif- 
ferent parts of the human body, in each sex, at differ- 
ent ages. This knowledge was so important to them, 
that it was an object of study of the greatest painters 
at the revival of the arts : we may see, especially, 
what care the celebrated Albert Durer took in regard 
to it in his works. 

At the same time, I admit that the artist and the 
literary man can, and even ought, to search out the 
prominent traits, exaggerate rather than diminish 
them, and contrast the most diiferent physiognomies 
and characters ; but the truth must always lie be- 
tween the extremes Avhich they present to our view, 
and these extremes themselves lie within limits defined 
by nature. Going beyond, Ave only create fantastic 
beings and monstrosities ; these reveries of a disor- 
dered imagination may astonish, and even amuse, but 
they can never produce those deep sensations and 
lively emotions which we only feel for beings of our 
own caste. 

To conclude the exposition of my views of the 
average man, I remark, that it Avill first be necessary 
to study, in the most complete manner, the develop- 
ment of his different faculties, and every thing which 
may influence their development, every other consi- 
deration being laid aside. The artist, the man of 
literature, and the savant, will afterwards choose froni 
among these materials those which are best suited to 
the subject of their studies, as the painter borrows 
from optics the few principles bearing on his art. 

2. Of tlie Average Blan considered in reference to the Natural 
and Medical Sciences. 

It will not be necessary to insist forcibly, to natu- 
ral philosophers, on the importance of the investigation 
of the different laws of the development of man ; in- 
deed, without the knowledge of these laws, the science 
of man cannot be complete or philosophic. I think 
the utility of the methods of determining them, which 
I propose, needs not to be explained to tlicra again ; 
several of these have been familiar to them for a long 
time, and others form a part of their usual modes of 
proceeding in fathoming the secrets of nature. 

In the eyes of the naturalist, the average man is 
only the type of a people ; numerous observations 
have shown that this type is not unique, and conse- 
quently that there are different races of men. But 
the characters on which these distiuctions are esta- 
blished have not been sufficiently defined; indeed, 
how can we study the modifications which the elements 
relative to man, as well as their laws of development, 
undergo in the different races, when we have not 
settled the point of commencement ? 

Hence, also, proceeds the difficulty of surmounting 
the greater number of the most interesting and philo- 
sophical questions of natural history. It is frequently 
asked if tlie human species has deteriorated, or if it is 
capable of deteriorating at any time ; but this problem, 
for want of the elements for its solution, remains with- 
out a satisfactory answer. 

It is also asked if there is a type or standard of the 
beautiful for the human species, which is proportionate 
to the development of intelligence. Comparative ana- 
tomy has been thought to find an affirmative solu- 
tion of this question, in tlie magnitude of the brain 
and the size of the facial angle, which, according to the 
delicate researches which have been made, diminislies 
in proportion to the lowering of intelligence in men 
and animals ; and it has been inferred from this, that 



the maximum of intelligence will be found in the 
species which have the facial angle most nearly ap- 
proaching to a right angle ; which would give the 
pre-eminence to the Caucasian. I do not know if any 
observations have been made on a somewhat larger 
scale, having in view the measurement of the degrees 
of size of the facial angle at different ages, in order to 
determine if these are at all proportionate to the de- 
grees of the development of intelligence. 

Naturalists are also occupied in determining care- 
fully Avhat are the limits of the extent of the different 
elements belonging to man ; these limit values have 
alwa3's been objects of attention, and ought to be care- 
fully registered in the natural history of man, so that 
we might know, not only what is, but also what is 
possible. 

The anatomical researches of Gall on the brain 
tend to show that the development of its different 
parts is jiroportionate to the development of certain 
corresponding faculties, which appear to have their 
seat tliere. Without entering into an examination of 
the doctrine of this learned physiologist, one must 
regret that his principles have not yet been sub- 
mitted to more direct observations, and that it has 
not been examined whether the law of development 
of our faculties at different ages corresponds to the 
law of development of the presumed corresponding 
parts of the brain ;* indeed, so fiir from knowing the 
relative projiortions on these different points, it ap- 
pears tliat, up to the present time, we have but very 
few data on the law of development of the brain itself, 
or upon its size and weight at diflTerent ages, either as 
regards average value or extreme limits. f 

* Since the above was written, I\I. Broussais, to whom science 
is indebted for so many useful woi-lcs, has read a memoir to tho 
Academy of Moral and Political Sciences, on the influence of the 
physical on the moral, and, in particular, on the actual state of 
our knowledge on phrenology. M. Edwards has presented some 
considerations in support of this work, agi-eeing with it, also, in 
requiring scientific experiments on this new science. The prin- 
cipal conclusions of this learned physiologist are contained in 
the following note, for which I am indebted to his friendship .-^ 

" The proofs on which we found our convictions are referred 
to two principal classes ; the first includes proofs whicli m.iy be 
called individual, and the second those which we shall call scien- 
tific. 

In the first case, we cannot be convinced of the truth of certain 
relations without verifying them ourselves. Thus it is necessary 
that every individual who wants to form an opinion, must him- 
self make the proof which others liave done. In the second case, 
on the contrary, when we are considering a scientific proof, if it 
lias been properly obtained, it is enough to receive the knowledge 
to be convinced of the trutli. Thus we dispense with the neces- 
sity of personally making the proof again. 

In general, tlie Ivind of proofs on which phrenology rests belong 
to the first class, or those here called individual ,- because it is 
always necessary that each individual who wishes to know what 
to maintain should repeat tlie proof. 

This is the condition in wliicli phrenology stands. It is evident 
that, if the relations pointed out are generally true, any one 
who has sufficient knowledge may convince himself by a suffi- 
cient number of observations ; but he could not transmit to an- 
other his conviction, imlcss one could know the extent and mea- 
sure of his experience. 

Is'ow, if that could be expressed in a determinate manner, tlie 
proof would be no longer individual but scientific ; and not only 
he who had acquired could communicate his conviction, but the 
latter would also be able to impress it on others; for it is the 
peculiarity of scientific proof that it forces general conviction on 
those who can understand it. Other persons are obliged to admit 
on hearsay, that is, on the authority of the first class. No«', phre- 
nology, if true, is really capable of scientific proof. 

It is by forming a sort of statistics, the plan of which might be 
readily designed, that the scientific proof of this doctrine is prac- 
ticable. It is greatly to be desired that phrenologists would do 
this." 

t M. Guerry wrote to me in 1831 — " I am now occupied, along 
with JI. le Docteur Esquirol and M. le Docteur Leuret, witli the 
statistics of insanity. We measure the head, in every direction, of 
every person at Cliarenton, the Bieetre, and the Salp6tri6re. Wo 



ON MAN. 



99 



We ought also to state with more care than has 
yet been done, the capacity of our organs, and the 
limits they can attain. 

If the average man were completely determined, we 
might, as I have already observed, consider him as 
the type of perfection ; and every thing differing from 
his proportions or condition, would constitute defor- 
mity and disease ; eveiy thing found dissimilar, not 
only as regarded proportion and form, but as exceeding 
the observed hmits, would constitute a monstrositj^ 

The consideration of the average man is so impor- 
tant in medical science, that it is almost impossible 
to judge of the state of an individual without com- 
paring it to that of another imagined person, regarded 
as being in a normal condition, and who is intrinsically 
no other than the individual we are considering. A 
physician is called to a sick person, and, having 
examined him, finds his pulse too quick, and his res- 
jnration immoderately frequent, &c. It is very evi- 
dent, that to form such a decision, we must be aware 
that the characters observed not only differ from those 
of an average man, or one in a normal state, but that 
they even exceed the limits of safety. Every physi- 
cian, in forming such calculations, refers to the exist- 
ing documents on the science, or to his own expe- 
rience ; which is only a similar estimate to that which 
we wish to make on a greater scale and with more 
accuracy. 

Moreover, the data which the average man presents, 
can themselves only serve to furnish others more im- 
portant, and which relate to the individual observed. 
To explain my idea, I shall suppose that every man 
has the knowledge and prudence necessary to exa- 
mine himself carefully, and to determine all the ele- 
ments which compose him, and the limits within 
which they may var3% in a state of health : he will 
form a table differing more or less from that of the 
average man, and which will assist him in recognising 
whatever is more or less anomalous in his own case, 
and whatever imperiously demands attention. It 
would be this table which the physician should con- 
sult in the case of illness, in order to estimate the 
extent of the divergences from the normal state, and 
Avhat are the organs more especially affected. But as, 
in the greater number of cases, the sick person can 
make no satisfactory observations on his own person, 
nor any elements which are peculiar to him, the phy- 
sician is obliged to have recourse to the common stand- 
ard, and compare his patient with the average man ; 
a course Avhich, in fact, seems to present less difficulty 
and inconvenience, but may also cause serious mis- 
takes in some circumstances. For here, again, we 
must observe that general laws referring to masses 
are essentially imperfect when applied to individuals ; 
but we do not mean to say that they can never be 
consulted with advantage, or that the divergences are 
alwaj's considerable. 

A prudent inan, who studies and observes his con- 
also measure the cerebrum and cerebellum of those who die. I 
have thus been led to undertake the Histoire du Developpement dc 
la Tele Humaine Moycnne. I have been led to it entirely from 
having read your excellent Memoir on the Stature of Man. Fif- 
teen days ago, we noted the state of the pulse of ninety maniacal 
persons, between five and seven o'clock in the morning, and 
whilst they were at breakfast. 'W'e already have fo\md certain 
periodic returns in the number of the pulsations ; these observa- 
tions will be continued to the end of the month. 

I hope to be able to measure the angles of tlie head verj- exactly, 
80 as to obtain the proportions and form of an average maniacal 
head, of one hallucinated, of an idiotic, imbecile, and epileptic 
one, i!>:c." — (Notes on my Rechcrches tur le Paichanl, &c.) It 
is to be regretted that this announced work has not yet appeared. 

At the end, however, of the work. He la Frequence du Pauls chez 
les Alienis, MJI. Leuret and Mitivie give the result of their re- 
searches on the specific weight of the brain of the insane, which 
prove that there is no marked difference in this respect between 
insane and healthy persons. The specific weight has an average 
value, represented by 1'031, water at 15° of temperature being con- 
sidered as unity. 



stitution, may prevent many diseases, and scarcely 
needs to have recourse to professional men, except in 
severe and extraordinary cases. His habit of observ- 
ing himself, and the knowledge Avhich he has thus 
obtained, form, in some measure, a kind of table giv- 
ing him the elements of his constitution. In general, 
we only call in the physician when indisposed : I 
think it would be useful were he also to see us when 
in a state of health, so that he might obtain a better 
knowledge of our normal state, and procure elements 
of comparison necessary for cases of anomaly and in- 
disposition. It is very evident that a physician, called 
to a patient whom he sees for the first time, and of 
whose constitution he is absolutely ignorant, will, in 
certain circumstances, commit errors by submitting 
him to the common rule. 

I shall not pursue these remarks, the truth of 
wliich, I venture to think, will be appreciated. The 
constitution of the average man serves as a type to 
our kind. Every race has its peculiar constitution, 
which differs from this more or less, and which is de- 
termined by the influence of climate, and the habits 
which characterise the average man of that peculiar 
country. Every individual, again, has his particular 
constitution, which depends also on his organisation 
and his mode of existence. It is consequently inter- 
esting to know each of the elements which concern 
us individually, and we have a general interest in 
knowing each of the elements which bear on the 
average man, who is the type to which we should 
incessantly have recourse. 

a Of the Average Man considered with respect to Philosophy 
and Morals (la Morale). 

Human nature (Jmmanite) is modified by necessities 
of time and place. The development of the different 
f:\culties of the average man ought to be closely pro- 
portionate to these necessities : this is a condition essen- 
tial to his existence and continuance. If the average 
man, at different epochs, had been determined care-- 
fidly, we might at this day perceive what laws of 
development have undergone the greatest change : 
we should possess the most valuable means of analysis ; 
and we should also learn what have been the qualities 
which have successively predominated and exercised 
the greatest influence on our social system. 

The laws of development of the avei'age man, at 
such or such a period, must not be confounded with 
the laws of the development of human nature* (hu- 
manite). There is but little general conformity bet\vixt 
them : thus, I should be much disposed to believe that 
the laws of development of the average man continue 
almost the same through successive centuries, and 
that they only vary in the magnitude of maxima. 
Now, it is really these maxima, relating to the deve- 
loped man, which give the measure of the development 
of human nature in each century. We do not possess 
any exact documents to guide us in such a research, 
but it would appear that, physically considered, col- 
lective man is scarcely progressing ; yet it has been 
observed that a civilised man is generally stronger 
than a savage. As to intelligence, his progress can- 
not be questioned, and his existing state of develop- 

* To render my idea sensible by a figure (see plate 4), I sup- 
pose that we construct the line indicating the development of the 
strength of man at any given period ; and that on the same axis of 
the abscissas we also construct the corresponding similar lines for 
other periods, so that these lines succeed each other at the distance 
of a century, for example, proceeding from points whose distance 
from each other increase as the time; it will happen that the 
maxima of the ordinates will not correspond to the same ages or 
have the same magnitude. Now, connecting all the points of 
maxima by a line, which will evidently be the container (I'en- 
veloppe) of all the curves representing the law of individual de- 
velopment in all tlie modifications which it has undergone in the 
course of time, we shall have the curve which represents tlie 
general law of the development of human nature (humanite). By 
similar processes, we may render equally apparent all the laws of 
development of the different faculties of the human species. 



100 



ON MAN. 



ment undoubtedly exceeds what it has been at any 
other time. Also following, with history in our hands, 
the average type of human nature through different 
centuries, we see man, at first, in possession of all 
his strength, blindly taking advantage of it, and at- 
taching to the world of matter a po^ver and a range 
altogether Hmitless : the king of nature, he has plants, 
animals, and even the stars, as tributaries. But, as 
his reason becomes developed, a new world is unroUed 
before his eyes, contracting the limits of the former 
one ; the intellectual man gradually supplants the phy- 
sical one ; and it is this continually increasing triumph 
of the intellectual man, which the history of the arts 
and sciences presents to us at every page. 

I have said that, although the laws of the develop- 
ment of human nature were not generally the same as 
those of the average man of any one period, yet these 
laws might, in certain circumstances, be identically 
the same ; and that human nature, under certain re- 
lations, might be developed in a manner similar to a 
single individual. I should be much disposed to 
believe that this is the case Avith the collective human 
mind ; indeed, following it in its uncertain and irre- 
gular course, we see it endeavour to strengthen itself 
from the very beginning, reach in due time the highest 
conceptions, and present almost the same phases as 
the intellect of the individual man from infancy to 
maturity. The human mind is at first astonished at 
the sight of any thing beyond the ordinary course of 
things, and attributes the most simple occurrences to 
the caprice of supernatural beings, instead of de- 
ducing them from immutable laAvs, which are alone 
worthy of a divine intervention. We see it after- 
wards pursuing a course which is more certain and 
conformable to reason, observing facts, isolated at first, 
then classing them, and inferring the consequences. 
Still later, the mind learns to interrogate nature by 
experiment, and to reproduce transitory phenomena 
at will, under the most favoiirable circumstances for 
observing them. And when its reasoning powers 
have reached full maturity, then it studies the nature 
of causes, seeks to value their reciprocal intensities, 
and thus raise itself to a knowledge of the attendant 
phenomena which they must produce. Such is the 
development Avhich we see the human mind under- 
going when we study its progress in the history of the 
sciences ; such, also, is the course which the intellect 
of man pursues from infancy to maturity. 

I have said before, that the average man of any one 
period represents the type of development of human 
nature for that period ; I have also said that the ave- 
rage man was always such as was conformable to and 
necessitated by time and place ; that his qualities were 
developed in due proportion, in perfect harmony, alike 
removed from excess or defect of every kind, so that, 
in the circumstances in which he is found, he should 
be considered as the type of all which is beautiful — 
of all which is good. 

If human nature were stationary and not suscep- 
tible of amelioration, it is evident that the average 
man would also continue invariable; and his different 
qualities, instead of presenting the type of the beau- 
tiful and excellent of the period at which he lives, 
would present the type of the absolutely beautiful and 
excellent in the most general sense. Thus, when we 
say that the type of the beautiful, as to the form of 
man, is absolute, we mean that the average man ought 
not to differ from this proportion, and that Inunan 
nature cannot advance further. It is not so with rea- 
son : the vast conquests of science, by giving more 
accurate notions of an infinite multitude of things, 
and by destroying errors and prejudices, have neces- 
sarily furnished our reason Avith the means of rising 
to a still greater height, and arriving at a relative 
degree of perfection, the idea of Avhich could not so 
mucli as be conceived some ages ago. 

Such slioidd also be our criterion as to morals. 
Human qualities become virtues, when they arc equally 



removed from all the excesses into wliich they may be 
disposed to fall, and confined within due limits, be- 
yond which every thing is vice.* If these limits do 
not vary in the com'se of time and among different 
people, we have strong probabilities for believing that 
this virtue ^has an absolute value. Now, this is what 
we remark generally concerning most moral qualities : 
they admit a type which we may Avith great proba- 
bility consider as absolute, so that human nature, 
considered in reference to these qualities, Avill not be 
progressive. Yet there are qualities the importance 
of which has varied in the course of time, and which 
has increased or diminished with the development of 
reason, on which they depend, at the same time that 
the physical has yielded preponderance to the intel- 
lectual man. Thus courage, which, in the earliest 
ages, raised a man to the first rank, and, in some 
manner, assigned to him a place near to divinity, has 
diminished in importance beside other qualities more 
in harmony with our manners and present actual ne- 
cessities. The qualities of a contingent value, if I may 
so express myself, are in a measure subordinate to 
the law of development of human nature, and to the 
different jDrinciples of conservation ; they generally 
produce more renoAvn than the others, because men 
have a more direct influence in encouraging them. 

The natural consequence of the ideas which I have 
just stated, is, that an individual who should comprise 
in himself (in his own person), at a given period, all 
the qualities of the average man, Avould at the same 
time represent all which is grand, beautiful, and ex- 
cellent. But such an identity can scarcely be realised, 
and it is rarely granted to individual men to resemble 
this type of perfection, except in a greater or less num- 
ber of points. M. Cousin, setting out from very differ- 
ent considerations to those which are the object of this 
work, has nevertheless been in some measure led to 
conclusions similar to those I have just deduced from 
the theory of the average man. Speaking of the cha- 
racter peculiar to great men, he finds that this cha- 
racter consists in comprising people, periods, all human 
nature, nature, and universal order.f " Thus," says 
this learned academician, " all the individuals of which 
a people is composed, represent the whole mind of 
this people. But how do they represent it? One 
peoi^le is one in mind ; but this is a multitude in its 
external composition, that is to say, a great multipli- 
city. Now, what is the law of all multiplicity ? It 
is, to have differences (<i'e?/-ef//wer5e), and, consequently, 
to be capable of more and less. Apart from abso- 
lute unity, every thing comes within the sphere of 
difference (and has degrees) of greater and of lesser. 
It is impossible but that, in a given multitude, such 
as a people, which, as has been shown, has a common 
type, there should be individuals who represent this 
type more or less. As there are those who represent it 
less clearly, more confusedly and imperfectly, so there 
are also those who represent it more clearly and per- 
fectly, and less confusedly. Hence a line of demar- 
cation between all the individuals of one and the same 
people. But those who are on the first plane, and 
represent the entire mind of their people more com- 
pletely, are nevertheless a multitude, a great number, 
and are still subject to shades of difference : whence, 
again, a new selection of individuals who eminently 
represent the mind of their people. It is impossible 
for the case to be otherwise. From this Ave infer two 
things: first, the necessity of great men ; second, their 
peculiar character {caracthe propre). The great man 
is not an arbitrary creature, Avho may be or may not be. 
He is not simply one individual, but he has reference 
to a general idea, AA'hich communicates a superior 
power to him, at the same time that it gives him the 
determinate and real form of individuality. Too much 
and too little individuaUty equally destroy the great 

* This is Avhat the ancients thought generaUy, and in particu- 
lar, Aristotle — Eth. ad Nic 2, ch. 2. 
t Cours (Ic Philosophic, le^on 10. 



ON MAN. 



101 



man. In the one case, the individuality in itself is 
an element of misery and littleness ; for the particu- 
larity, the contingent, the finite, incessantly tend to 
division, to dissolution, to notliingness. On the other 
hand, every generality being connected to univer- 
sality and to infinity, tends to unity, and absolute 
unity : it possesses greatness, but runs a chance of 
losing itself in chimei'ical abstraction. The great 
man is the harmonious union of particularity and 
generality : it is the possession of this character alone 
which makes him great — this added representation of 
the general mind of his people ; and it is his relation 
to this generality which makes him great ; and, at the 
same time, to represent this generality which confers 
his greatness on him, in person and in a real form, 
that is to say, in a finite, positive, visible, and deter- 
minate form ; so that the generality does not encum- 
ber tlic particularity, and the particularity does not 
destroy generality ; so that particularity and gene- 
rality, infinite and finite, are imited in this measure 
or standard, which is true human greatness. 

This measure, which constitutes true greatness, 
also constitutes true beauty," &c. 

The passage which has just been quoted, expresses 
my ideas better than I could have succeeded in doing 
myself. A man can have no real influence on masses 
— he cannot comprehend them and put tliem in action 
— except in proportion as he is infused with the spirit 
which animates them, and shares their passions, sen- 
timents, and necessities, and finally sympathises com- 
pletely with them. It is in this manner that he is a 
great man, a great poet, a great artist. It is because 
he is the best representative of his age, that he is pro- 
claimed to be the greatest genius. 

It is never sufficient for a man merely to resemble 
the average man in many things as much as possible, 
to enable him to pi'oduce great things himself; it is 
moreover n.ccessary that he has occasion and possibi- 
lities for action. Newton, for example, deprived of all 
the resources of science, would always have had the 
same strength of intellect ; he would always have been 
a type of several eminent qualities, and, in particular, 
of correctness of judgment and imagination ; but if 
only a greater or smaller amount of science had been 
laid within his reach, he would have been Pythagoras, 
Archimedes, or Kepler ; with all the resources which 
his period possessed, he has, and must have been a 
Newton. This appears to me incontestil)le : in the 
favourable position in Avhich he found himself, it was 
a matter of necessity for him to put his eminent facid- 
ties in action, and to advance as far as circumstances 
permitted him. Now, the sciences had arrived at such 
a point, as to render it necessary that the theory of 
the motion of the celestial bodies shoidd be reduced 
to correct principles ; and Newton was then the only 
man who combined the necessary conditions to accom- 
plish tliis work. 

It appears to me that science only is tridy progres- 
sive, and I use this word in its widest sense. All the 
faculties of man which are not based on science are 
essentially stationary, and their laws of development 
are constant. As to the other faculties, their laws of 
development, as has already been observed, probably 
remain the same also, or at least each only undergoes 
changes in the degree of its maximum, which depend 
on the development which science has attained. The 
development of science would therefore give the mea- 
siu-e of the development of human nature. 

Consequently, I participate in the following opinion 
of il. Cousin, that "entire history, not that of one 
people or one epoch onlj^ but that of all epochs and 
all human nature, is represented by the great men. 
Thus, give me the series of all the known great men, 
and I will give you the known history of the hiunan 
race." * 
And, indeed, from what we have seen, the gi'cat 

* Coiirs fie Philosophie— Introduction h I'lTistoirc do la Pliilo- 
goiiliie, le^'on in. 



man, in his individuality, is the best representative 
of the degree of development to which human nature 
has attained in his times, and his Avorks show the 
extent m which he himself has aided that develop- 
ment. 

"We are more convinced of the necessity of great 
men, and the error we commit in supposing that thej'^ 
spring up accidentally, when we consider the immense 
time required for a great truth, after it has been 
shadowed forth, to diifuse itself, and descend to the 
mass of people, and produce its effects ; in general, 
it is not until centuries after, that we see the man 
come forward who developes or personifies it and 
secures its triumph. Thus, the germ of the great 
revolution, which has marked the close of the last 
century, was brought forward long ago, and was slowly 
developed, descending from high intellects to the lower 
ranks of society ; but its course had not escaped the 
sagacious observer. Great events are, like great men, 
necessitated; and how can we be surprised at this, 
when we have seen that even the actions of ordinary 
individuals are necessitated, and when we have seen 
that a given social organisation induces a certain num- 
ber of virtues and crimes as a necessary consequence, 
and that these ciumes are of such or such a kind, and 
are performed by such and such means? This neces- 
sity is found both in good and evil — in the production 
of good things as well as of evil — in the production of 
chefs-tVceuvre and noble actions which are an honour 
to a country, as well as in the appearances of scourges 
wliich desolate it. 

4. Of the Average Man considered with reference to Politics. 

"Whatever may be the difference of opinion observed 
in the same people, there must exist, even in the most 
opposite minds, some common ideas, which in moments 
of excitement of the passions are unobserved, but 
which would soon show themselves spontaneously if 
any one attempted to do violence to them. There are 
also common necessities ; and even between opinions 
which seem utterly opposed to each other, we some- 
times find more relations than at first sight we should 
suppose. 

It is evident that, of all the political systems which 
any people would incline to adopt, there must be one 
which would suit best with the ideas and ordinary 
requirements, and which M'otild most advantageously 
reconcile the interests of different parties ; it is also 
evident that such a system could not be established 
by unanimous consent, since, even supposing that it 
is meditated upon most rationally and calmly, it must 
necessarily jar against certain passions, and meet 
opinions which are unfavourable to it. This system 
must not be confounded with that which would con- 
sist in taking a sort of average between two dominant 
ideas, and which must always be essentially defective 
in principle, since it is always impossible to concihate 
minds, by placing between their opposed opinions 
another opinion which they equally repel. On the 
contrary, that which Are have in view is based on 
elements common to all, and on ideas, which, though 
differed from by some, are still those of the majority. 

It wUl perhaps be objected that, if the generality 
of men desired unjust or absm-d things, it would be 
unreasonable to apply a political system to them 
equally unjust or absurd. I begin by declaring, that 
1 do not think such a desire can exist in the gene- 
rality of men ; and, that, in the second place, if this 
wish could exist, it would even be necessary to gratify 
it, from the fear of being compelled to do so by some 
violent crisis.* This naturally leads me to considei'a- 
tions more or less connected with my subject, and 
which appertain to my mode of viewing the social 
system. 

* See, on the s.imo subject, the work of Sir T. C. Jlorgan, 
Sketches of the Philosophy o/Momls, p. 244. 1 vol. 8vo. London : 
1012. AVc find some very judicious ohservations in it, and which 
are deserving of more attention. 



102 



ON MAN. 



Kevolutions, even those which have tlie most happy- 
effects on the future, are never accompHshed -without 
certain actual sacrifices; as sudden changes, in a 
corporeal system, never take place without a certain 
loss of vital power. Independently of the real losses 
which brmg no advantage to any body, changes of 
fortune, more or less manifest, take place ; and it is 
in this case almost the same as in gaming, where the 
moral chances are not tlie same, that is to say, what 
is lost on the one side is not compensated by what 
is gained on the other. The great art of those wlio 
conduct revolutions should especially consist in mak- 
ing the transition with the least possible degree of 
violent change ; and in this respect governments them- 
selves are in the position best calculated to effect 
reforms. As for myself, I think that the measure of 
the state of cioilisation at which a nation has arrived 
is found in the mode in which its revolutions are e fleeted. 
This principle presupposes another, which is always 
true Avhere states of equilibrium and motion are pos- 
sible, in physical phenomena as well as in political 
facts ; it is this — the action is equal to the reaction. 

This wants some explanation : it will perhaps be 
asked, how I understand the application of this prin- 
ciple to morals and politics. An example taken from 
the material world will render this more manifest. 
When a force acts against a flexible body which yields 
and bends, each pai'tiele of tliis body successively 
leaves its primitive position and takes a new one ; with 
respect to the compressing force, it is extinguished by 
successive and partial reactions, so that the action 
may be very energetic, without producing any appa- 
rent reaction ; the only effect produced is a change in 
the flexible body, which is more or less sensible. If, on 
the contrary, the power acts against an elastic body, 
each particle of this body momentarily leaves its pri- 
mitive state, but with a tendency to return to it im- 
mediately ; the reaction is then general and instanta- 
neous, it is also very evidently equal to the action. 
These examples are applicable to a social body. If 
each one is fully imbued with a knowledge of his 
rights and duties — if he invariably desires to do that 
which is just— if he energetically strives to re-enter 
the course he has traced out as soon as any one at- 
tempts to make him swerve from it — and if the reac- 
tion be allowed to manifest itself immediately after 
the action, both will be very evidently equal. But this 
state of irritability, so to say, presents itself with very 
different degrees of energy in diflcrent people, and we 
may say that the reaction, in its visible results, is 
generally less than the action.* 

Eevolutions are only reactions exercised by the 
people, or a part of the people, to correct abuses, real 
or supposed. They cannot be of a serious character if 
the apparent provocation has not been so also. Now, 
among an enlightened people, where the government 
is necessarily supposed to be wise and far-sighted, 
abuses cannot accumulate to such a degree as to take 
an alarming aspect ; tlie more they are seen to in- 
crease, the more -vvoidd the government be accused of 
want of foresight or evil, and the peoxtle who tolerate 
them of baseness and apathy ; possessed of a feeling 
of their own dignity, they -would have reacted against 
each of the abuses in proportion as they Avere mani- 
fested. When the degree of irritability is less, they 
yield to abuses, or only react when the number of tliem 

* It is remarkable that the principle of the equality of action 
and reaction is also applicable to morals. AVithout being entirely 
destitute of sentiment, we cannot, in fact, withdraw ourselves 
from the consequences of this principle. The calmest and most 
moderate man, having made the fimiest resolution not to depart 
from his habitual condition, will forget all his intentions on 
beholding a feeble person imjustly and brutally oppressed by a 
stronger one. In proportion to his degree of sensibility, so will 
he react with greater or less energy according as the offending 
person conmiits excesses. However, in similar circumstances he 
would have protected the aggressing party against the oppressed, 
if both had ehangca their relative poiitions. 



has become too great to be endured any longer. The 
explosion is tlien the more terrible, because the power 
has been accumulating. Now, it is this extent or 
degree of accumulation whicli gives us, as I said pre- 
viously, the measure of the state of civilisation of a 
people. 

Frequently the reaction is manifested with symp- 
toms apparently more serious than the action ; but 
this is owing to the real reaction being conjoined 
with irrelevant causes. Thus in revolutions, amongst 
those wlio react under the influence of real abuses 
Avhich are deeply felt, Ave almost always find turbu- 
lent men mixed Avith them, Avho delight themselves 
Avith the disorder, or are actuated by interested vicAvs. 
Such a state of things renders the position of a go- 
vernment very critical, and requires so much the more 
circumspection, in jiroportion as there is less good 
faith in the parties Avho oppose it. Enlightened and 
conscientious men, Avho have thoroughly acquainted 
themselves Avith causes — and their number is always 
very small — Avill certainly support the government by 
their authority ; but, in the midst of a general conflict, 
such auxiliaries are in general of little use, because 
they rarely act in person, and only on very serious occa- 
sions ; they confine themselves to the development of 
the moral causes, Avhich have ahvays a very remote 
bearing on action, so that tlie effects which they pro- 
duce do not manifest themselves until toAvards the end 
of revolutions, and only lead to an ultimate apprecia- 
tion of morality, and to an insensible return to a state 
of equilibrium. This was manifested in the first French 
revolution, Avhen abuses of every kind had accumulated 
to a deplorable extent, and the reaction was perhaps 
still more deplorable. The succeeding revolutions have 
been less serious, because more enlightened and pro- 
vident governments took greater pains to prevent the 
causes of reaction, and make them disapjiear as soon 
as they assumed an alarming character. In this re- 
spect, England is placed in a very happy position ; 
lier reforms are accomphshed successiA^ely and Avith- 
out sudden changes, and yet we cannot look without 
fear on reactions A\'hich may arise in consequence 
of the inequality of fortunes, and the state of the 
finances of this kingdom. 

Despotism requires to be very poAverful, and very able 
to depend upon its resources, to maintam itself Avhere 
the people are irritable and prompt to react ; it can- 
not long endure, Avliatever may be its poAver, in coun- 
tries such as ours, where action, Avhen at all serious, 
is spread Avith the greatest rapidity. In this respect, 
the liberty of the press has been of essential service — 
a service Avhicli perliaps has not been duly appreciated 
— namely, in having singularly contributed to facilitate 
reaction, and consequently to render great revolutions 
almost impossible ; it jiossesses this immense advan- 
tage, that it does not alloAv force to accumulate to 
an alarming degree, causing reaction to manifest itself 
almost immediately after action, and sometimes even 
before action has had time to propagate itself. Tliis 
has been observed during the late revolution in France, 
which Avas purely local, and the effects of Avhich Avere 
confined Avitliin the Avails of Paris. Among a people 
easily acted upon, and Avliere action is readily trans- 
mitted, the greatest revolutions take place in parts, 
and reaction is extinguished by successive efforts, or 
at least overturns the cause Avhicli gave rise to it, 
Avithout a violent shock. 

Governments, like things, have also their states of 
equilibrium ; and tliis equilibrium may be stable or 
unstable. This is an important distinction, and one 
easily'- understood. The stable equilibrium exists, 
Avlien, in consequence of action and reaction of every 
kind, a government constantly regains its normal 
state ; if, on the contrarj% imder the action of slight 
causes, a government tends to diverge more and more 
from its normal state, and if, each year, it change its 
form and institutions Avithout adequate motives, its 
downfall is at hand, and it Avill infallibly sink, unless 



ON MAN. 



103 



it finds assistance in the adjacent govermnents ; but 
even then its fall cannot be long retarded. Examples 
are not wanting to support the distinction I have just 
made. 

I have said above that civilisation tends to render 
the shocks which political revolutions cause in the 
social sj'stera both less violent and less frequent; I 
ought to add, that it also tends to make wars be- 
tween nations less frequent. We no longer have the 
idea that these scourges are necessary things, from 
Avhich we can never extricate ourselves, but regard 
them as an evil inevitable, in the absence of those laws 
which ought to regulate the rights of nations, and of 
sufficient power to secui-e the execution of tliem. In 
the beginning of coniL^.unities, the strongest threw 
himself on the weakest, to w^rest from liim privileges 
and wreak vengeance ; we find them renewing inces- 
santly the most unjust and bloody contentions, until 
the time when equitable laws finally regulated the 
rights of every one, and put a period to such violences. 
Alas ! this deplorable state of early times is still o\ir 
own, if we look to nations instead of individuals. In- 
deed, without going tar back, have we not seen nations 
cast themselves on nations, and tear each other for the 
most frivolous reasons ? — the feeble or the least active 
fell in these cruel struggles, and the injury is still so 
recent, that we are yet scarcely aware of the extent 
of it. Far am I from wishing to cast odium on the 
warrior who exposes himself in defence of his country. 
His noble zeal deserves all oiu* admiration, and has 
supplied the place of those protecting laws which 
ought to have defended him and his. But Avhilst 
groaning under a necessary evil, human nature should 
show the path of justice, in which it ought henceforth 
to go. Let us allow the same rights to nations which 
we grant to individuals — let there be laws for one as 
for the other — and let there be some power great 
enough and sufficiently cnliglitened to execute them. 
We have lately seen a judgment given by neutral 
nations in the case of a recent difierence between two 
others which had arms in their hands. This judgment 
has been carried into execution ; notification, citation, 
bodily restraint, none of the ordinary forms of justice, 
have been neglected. This event, which has not been 
sufficiently observed, and which has probably saved 
Europe from another struggle, indeed presents itself 
under appearances which are not very poetic to our 
imaginations, still warmed by the recitation of great 
deeds of arms, but it is not the less a real progress in 
the career of civilisation. 



CHAPTER IT. 

ON THE ULTIJIATE PROGRESS OF OUR KNOWLEDGE OF THE 
LAWS OF HUMAN DEVELOPMENT. 

In this work I have only been able to present an 
incomplete sketch of the vast labour which still re- 
mains to be done ; but the difficulties were too nume- 
rous, and the materials which I had to work up too 
defective, for me to venture any farther into a terri- 
tory almost entirely new. This stud}', however, has 
too many attractions — it is connected on too manj^ 
sides with every branch of science, and all the most 
interesting questions in philosophj^ — to be long without 
zealous observers, who will endeavour to cai-ry it far- 
ther and farther, and bring it more and more to the 
appearance of a science. At the same time, it will 
be very difficult to proceed on a safe course, before 
more information and more exact observations than 
we now possess, have been collected. The solidity of 
the edifice must depend on the soundness of the ma- 
terial. 

In researches of this nature, it will be necessary 
always to produce original doctunents with caution, 
point out their sources, and give all the data whi<;h 
may lead us to appreciate their value. These docu- 



ments ought to be of such a nature, that v/c can rigor- 
ously deduce the averages and limits between which the 
particular values lie. I have myself been more than 
once obliged to deviate from the course which I wish 
to see pursued by others, because, in order to render 
my ideas plain, I have been obliged to take the assist- 
ance of examples. 

It will be equally desirable, whenever numbers are 
used, and results deduced from them, that we cal- 
culate the probable degree of error carefully. It is 
not enough to possess materials ; it is also necessary 
to know the full value of them. One of the greatest 
defects of actual statistics is, that in the same line 
they present all the numbers indistinctly which can 
be collected, and make them concur to one result, 
without taking their importance or probable value 
into account. This confusion must necessarily pro- 
duce great obstacles to the progress of science, and 
cause dangerous errors to prevail for a long time. 

There is another research which deserves no less 
attention. It is not sufficient to perceive that an 
effect depends on several causes ; it is extremely im- 
portant that we be able to assign the proper degree of 
influence of each of these causes : in bringing this 
work to a conclusion, I shall noAV employ myself in 
demonstrating the possibility of finding a suitable 
measure for such an appreciation. 

In the first place, it is necessary to admit, as a 
princi]>le, that where variable causes do not exist, 
the eflects produced will constantly be the same ; and 
that the more variable the causes are, the effects will 
also generally vary within wide limits. Thus, sup- 
posing that human volition acts independently of all 
fixed laws, and in the most varied and irregular 
manner, we must necessarily find the effects produced 
presenting the greatest anomalies also, and difTerences 
varying within the widest limits. Now, it is tliese 
differences which it is desirable to examine and mea- 
sure. 

To define our ideas, let it be supposed that we want 
to examine if any general causes exist which modify 
the repression of crime; in other Avords, which modify 
the severity witli which the guilty are punished. We 
must necessarily have recourse to observations which 
have been very carefully collected ; and, if the annual 
results are not constantly the same, we shall be obliged 
to admit that the variations proceed either from errors 
of observation, from the influence of local causes, or 
from the influence of moral causes inherent in man. 
Going deeply into these researches, we really find that 
these elements vary according to time and place. Now, 
since the number of probable influential causes may 
be extremely great, it is proper to investigate them 
individually : it is in this manner that we are (at) 
first enabled to separate from our results the influ- 
ential causes depending on locality, all our observa- 
tions being taken in the same country ; and that we 
may also eliminate the influential causes depending 
on periodicity of season, by carrying our researches 
over the whole year, whence we return to the appre- 
ciation of all the influential causes, taken sepa- 
ratel3\ 

Uniting the statistical documents of the courts of 
assize in France for the six years before 1831, we 
find :— 



Years. 


Accused. 


Conclenined. 


Repression. 


1825, 
182(), - 
1827, 
1828, 
18-29, 

laso, - 


7,234 
(i,988 
fi,!)2!) 
7..3!« 
7.373 
U,!)()2 


4594 
43)8 
■ 4236 
4551 
4475 
4131) 


0-635 
0-G22 
0-(ilO 
0-615 
0-607 
0-593 


Average, - 


7.147 


4380 


0-6137 



This table shows us that the repression of crimes 



104 



ON MAN. 



ia general, has been annually decreasing, certainly 
not very much, but 3'et manifestly. Now, of the 
causes influencing repression, some act in a constant 
and others in a variable manner. By virtue of the 
former, the number 0-61.37, which expresses the re- 
pression of crimes in general, should have a constant 
value from one year to another ; by virtue of the ac- 
tion of the variable causes, the same number would 
undergo greater or less modifications. I shall first be 
occupied with the measurement of the influence of the 
constant causes. 

To give a better conception of my idea, I suppose 
an individual labouring imder an accusation ; as we 
have just seen, the chance of being condemned will be 
as 614 to 1000 ; this probability should be understood 
in the most general sense, admitting that as yet we 
know nothing of the nature of the crime, the age, or 
the sex, of the accused, or of the state of education, 
or auv of the constant causes modifying the repres- 
sion of crime. But if we learn the fact, that the accusa- 
tion is for a crime against persons, the probability of 
being condemned is altered ; indeed, experience proves 
that the repression of crimes against persons is less 
than that of crimes against property. In France, the 
average values have been from 0-477 to 0"665, for the 
sLx years previous to 1831. Thus the chances are 
only 477 in 1000 that the individual will be condemned 
when accused of crime against persons; 655, when 
the crime is one against property. The principal 
cause of this inequality appears to be, as has been 
frequently remarked, that we are averse to apply 
punishment when it has a certain degree of severity, 
or appears severe in proportion to the crime ; this is 
especially the case -with crimes against persons.* 

The sex of the accused has, moreover, a marked 
influence over the repression of crime : the severity is 
not so great towards females. AU these shades Avill 
be more evident on inspecting the following table, 
which points out the different degrees of probability 
which exist of an accused person being condemned, 
according as the causes are favourable or the con- 
trary : — 

Probability 
State of the Accused Person. of being 

Condemned. 
Possessing a superior education, • - 0'400 

Condemned who has pleaded guilty, - 0*476 

Accused of crime against person, - - 0-477 

Being able to read and write weU, - - 0-543 

Being a female, ----- 0-57G 
Being more than 30 years old, - - 0-586 

Being able to read and write imperfectly, - 0-COO 

IVUIioiU any diskinaiion, - - - 0-614 

Being a male, ,.-.-- 0-622 
Not being able to read or WTite, - - 0-627 

Being under 30 years of age, ... 0-630 
Accused of crime against property, - ■• 0-055 

Condemned in absence, or for non-appearance {con- 

tumax], 0-960 

Experience, therefore, proves that the most influ- 
ential cause diminishing the repression of crime con- 
sists in the appearance of the criminal before the judge 
with the advantage of a superior education, Avhich 
supposes a certain degree of affluence, and the ready 
means of making a defence. The most advantageous 
position an accused person can possibly be in, is to be 
more than 30 years of age, a female, to have received 
a superior education, to appear under an accusation 
of a crime against person, and to come when cited, 
prev-iously to being taken into custody ; on the con- 
trary, the most disadvantageous state is to be under 
SO years of age, unable to read or write, to be a man, 
and accused of crime against property, and not to be 

* [Here, as in other places, M. Quetelet gives his important 
sanction to the principle upon which the amenders of the crimi- 
nal laws of England cliiefly found their arguments for reform. 
The severity of the punishment leads to the escape of the crimi- 
nal.] 



able, as refusing to appear when cited, to produce the 
means of defence. 

The causes which modify the probability of being 
condemned, according to the state of the accused per- 
son, appear to me so evident, as to render it super- 
fluous to insist on them. Such is not the case witli the 
degree of influence of these causes -, this estimation is 
attended with difficulties. Reflecting upon it, it has 
appeared to me that, of all the numerical elements 
subject to variation, we might very easily estimate the 
importance of the deviations from the average, or the iih- 
portance of the causes which produce them, by comparing 
these deviations with the magnitude of the average. It is 
almost in this manner that the first geometricians 
who studied the theory of probabilities as applied to 
facts bearing upon man (and BufFon, in particular), 
have estimated the importance of a whole, for one 
individual, by comparing it with what this individual 
possessed. 

According to this estimation, it will be necessary 
to take the deviations from each of the ratios calculated 
above, and compare these witli the number 0'614, the 
measure of the repression in France, when v/e do not 
I)ay attention to any modifying cause ; the respective 
magnitude of the deviations Avill give this measure of 
their importance, and consequently that of the causes 
which produce them, effects being considered as pro- 
portional to their causes. Let us suppose, for example, 
that we seek to ascertain the value of the respective 
influences which are exercised on the repression of 
crime in France, by possessing the advantage of a 
superior education, and being a female ; we find the 
values of the repression are 0'400 and 0*576, and the 
diSerences between these numbers and the general 
average, 0"6I4, are 0*2 14 and 0*038. From what has 
been said, the importance of these differences, or of 

214 38 

the causes which produce them, will be -^ a,nd ^ 

or otherwise, 0*348 and 0*062. From this we perceive 
that a superior education has five times the influence 
which being a woman has, in diminishing tlie repres-^ 
sion of crime before the tribunals. Tlie following table 
presents the degrees of influence of the different causes 
modifying the repression of crime, and has been cal- 
culated upon the same bases : — 



Stite of the Accuscl. 



Relative degr-ee 
of the influence 

of the state of 
the Accused on 

the Repression 
of Crime. 



Possessing a superior education, - - 0-348 

Appeared to plead after having been declared 

absent or contumacious, - - 0224 
Accused of crime against persons, - - 0-223 
Being able to read and WTite well, - 0-115 
Being a female, .... 0-062 
Being more than 30 years of age, - - 0-045 
Being able to read and write imperfectly, - 0-023 
Without a»i/ designation, ... 0-000 
Being a man, - . . . . 0-013 
Being imable to read or write, - - 0022 
Being under 30 years of age, ... 0-026 
Accused of crime against property, - 0-067 
llaving withdrawn from justice, or for non- 
appearance when cited (coHfionoa-), - 0*563 

Thus, as I have alrcadj' observed, there is not any 
cause Avhich lias more influence in varying the repres- 
sion of crime, than the reluctance or non-appearance 
of the accused to answer charges. The preceding table 
does not merely possess the advantage of showing this 
clearly, but also shows the degree of influence of the 
cause producing it. 

And here there is a question of another kind, viz., 
how far those causes may be regarded as constant 
Avhich have now been pointed out. For, before one 
can say that they are absolutely constant, it must be 
shown that the results which they produce continue 
the same from year to year. Now, this is what does 



ON MAN. 



105 



not take place: the deviations from the average, 
■which we have taken as constant quantities, annually 
undergo shglit modifications, which Ave have attri- 
buted to variable causes: these modifications are in 
general very small, when we only take a small num- 
ber of jcars into account ; but still it is necessary to 
notice them. The repression of crime in general, for 
example, has not been constantly of the value 0'614 
during the six years which have furnished the ele- 
ments of our calculations ; small annual differences 
have been observed, and the repression, in its great- 
est deviations from the average, more and less, has 
been 0-635 and 0-.593 ; the deviations are consequently 
(J21 and 0-021 ; and consequently their ordinary 



value is 



or 0-034. Thus the variable causes 



which have produced alterations of the degree of re- 
pression, have had, in their maximum and minimum 
of energy, influences which have equalled or even sur- 
passed the influences of some causes which we have 
been considering as constant. To have a juster idea 
of the variable causes, it will be proper to examine 
tiie elfccts which they have annually produced on 
each of the elements considered above. The follow- 
ing tables will supply us with data on this subject : — 





Repression of Crimes 


Repression. 




against 
Pcrsfins. 


1 
against 
Properly. 


Jlcn. 


Women. 


l«2.->, 
1820. - 
18-27, 
1828, - 
1829, 
1830, - 


(fir, 
0.51 
0-M 
0-47 
0-46 
0-4(; 


0-66 
0-67 
0-65 
0C6 
0-03 
0-04 


0-63 
0-62 
(Hi-J 
0-62 
0-61 


0-60 
060 
0-57 
57 
0-54 


AveraRe, 


0-477 


0-655 


0-722 


0-576 




Ycirs. 


Repression in 
Individuals 


Roprc 


Fsion. 


under 
30 Veai-s. 


above 
30 Years. 


Not 
Appearing. 


Appeared 

to stand 

Trial. 


1826, 
1827, - 
1828, 
1829, - 
1830, 


0-Gi 
0-64 

0-w 

0-62 
061 


0-60 
0-.58 

0-59 
0-58 


0!»3 
0-97 
0-97 
0-97 
0-9fJ 


0-49 
0-45 
0--)G 
0-50 
0-48 


Average, - 


0C3 


0-,oC6 


('•!K1 


0-479 






Repression ii 


1 Individua 


3 


Years. 


c 
unable 
to Read 

or Write. 


able to 
Read and 
Write im- 
perfectly. 


able to 
Read and 
Write well 


1 

who had a 
Superior 
Education. 


1828, 
1829, - 
1830, 


O-f.3 
0-63 
0-62 


062 
0-60 
0-58 


0-56 
0.55 
0-52 


0-.T5 
0-48 
0-37 


Average, - 


0-627 


0-60 


0-543 


0-40 



Causes -which Modify Repression. 



These different tables teach us that the greatest 
variations which any of the constant causes modify- 
ing the repression of crime have undergone, have 
scarcely exceeded the value of the intensity even of 
these causes : or, in other terms, that in the very 
circumstances most unfavourable to observation, the 
effects of constant causes have been but little effaced 
by the effects of variable and accidental causes. "We 
shall be enabled to judge better on this point by the 
following table, which discriminates for us the im- 
portance of the greatest deviations which the causes 
modifying repression have presented in each of the 
cases above enumerated : — 



The accused has a superior education, - 
appears to answer charge, 
is prosecuted for crime against) 

person, - - - - j 
is able to read and write well, 
is a female, - - . .. 
is upwards of 30 years of age, 
is able to read and write imper-^ 

fectly, - - - - / 
is without any designation, 
is a male, - , . . 
is unable to read or WTite, 
is under 30 years of age, 
is prosecuted for crime againsti 

property, - - - / 
does not appear when cited, - 



Difference from 
the Average. 


Less. 


Greater. 


0-200 
0-050 


0-125 
0-056 


0-069 


0-035 


0-031 
0-042 
0-024 


0-042 
0-062 
0-027 


0033 


0-033 


0-034 
0-013 
0-005 
0-016 


0-034 
0-019 
OOU 
0-032 


0-039 


0018 


0010 


0-031 



I have always reasoned on the hypothesis that our 
results were founded on so great a number of obser- 
vations, that nothing fortuitous could affect the value 
of the averages : but this is not the case here. Some 
results are deduced from observations which are yet 
small in number, and we know that, all things being 
cfiual, the precision of results increases as the square root of 
the number of observations. This is especially applicable 
to any thing concerning the repression (punishment) 
of the accused persons who have received a superior 
education. The values obtained are deduced from a 
small number of observations, and the deviations front 
the average of them have consequently been greater : 
now, by employing the method of the smallest squares, 
I liave found that the accuracy of the numbers 0-400 
and 0-6137, previously obtained for repression in ge- 
neral, and for repression exercised in particular against 
the accused who have received a superior education, 
is in the ratio of 0-0870 to 0-0075, or as 11 to 1. 

In separating, pursuant to the preceding observa- 
tions, what is purely fortuitous in the deviations 
from the averages, so that we may only consider 
the causes which have had a greater or lesser regu- 
larity of influence on the repression of crime, I think 
that" we may pretty nearly represent their influence 
by 0-034. These deviations are such that it is easy 
to perceive that the repression of crime has gradually 
diminished. Kow, this progressive diminution must 
have its causes ; and one of them, undoubtedly the 
most influential, is pointed out in the Compte General 
de V Administration de la Justice Criminelle en France 
pendant I'Ann^e 1830 : — " Six years have passed away 
since the Cumptes Gcn&aux of the administration of 
criminal justice have been published. During the 
former half of this period (1825, 1826, and 1827), 
the lists of the jury were formed according to the 
rules laid down in the code of criminal instruction 
(instruction criminelle); during the second half (1828, 
1829, and 1830), these lists have been made according 
to the law of the 2d of May 1827, which has changed 
the basis of juries, and called a greater number of 
citizens to fulfil its duties. By taking the totality of 
the results of the accusations during the entire period 
of six years, as weU as during each part of it, and by 
comparing these different results, we find that the 
only difference betwixt juries formed according to the 
code of criminal advice, and those which the legis- 
lature has subsequently made, is this, that the latter 
class appear to have a slight tendency to look upon 
accusations less severely. The proof of this assertion 
is found in the following table : — 



Years. 



Iffi5,182(i, 1827,llf28,j 

1829, and ISJO, ' 

1825, 18-26, and 1827, 

1828, 1829, and im). 



Totality of Accusations. 



Acquitted. 



0-38 
n-;!9 



Condemned to Punishments. 



Ignominious. Correctional 



0-38 

0-41 

O-.Ki 



0-23 

0-21 

0-26 



106 



ON MAN. 



In a few years we shall be enabled to compare these 
conclusions with those resulting from the declarations 
of the present juries, whose constituent elements have 
been further enlarged by the reduction of the electoral 
franchise, and who at present only pronounce con- 
demnation with a majority of seven voices." 

Thus the preceding table shows us that not only 
the number of acquittals has diminislied, but even the 
punishments awarded have been less severe : there 
have been fewer ignominious and more correctional 
ones. 

This observation on the tendency to value accusa- 
tions more leniently, presents itself with a still greater 
degree of probability when we examine the nature of 
the crimes in detail : it is there, especially, tliat we 
can see if they have recoiled more readily from the 
application of punishments, on account of their seve- 
rity. We find, in effect, that condemnations to death 
have diminished very manifestly. The same obser- 
vations recur ivhen we make the distinction between 
crimes against persons and property ; a proof of which, 
also, is found in the following table : — 





Accused of Crimes against 
Persons. 


Accused 


of Crimes against 
Property. 


Years. 


< 


Condemned to 
Punishment. 


1 


Condemned to 
Punishment. 




Ignomi- 
nious. 


Correc- 
tional. 


Ignomi- 
nious. 


Correc- 
tional. 


I!i25, 2(J, 27,| 
C8, 29, 30, (• 
1825,20,27, 
I82ii,29,30, 


0-52 

0-50 
0-53 


0-28 

0-30 
0'2() 


0-20 

0-20 
0-21 


0-34 

0-33 
0-.35 


0-42 

0-45 
0-.39 


0-24 

0-22 
0-2G 



On both hands we see fewer condemnations, and 
tlie condemnations are less severe.* It appears, there- 
fore, to be probable, that some causes exist, whatever 
niay be their nature, M-hich haA'c had an influence 
in France in slightly diminishing the repression of 
crime : time will sliow us better if we are to seek for 
one of the causes of tliis in the introduction of that 
law which has changed the constitution of tiie jury, 
and also if this cause is single. However the case 
may be, it is very evident that the causes which from 
year to j'car have modified the repression of crime in 
general, have had a weaker influence than the con- 
stant causes which modify it according to the nature 
of the crimes : for, still preserving the two established 
periods, we find that the first-mentioned causes have 
had tlie effect of producing, on an average, only two 
or three additional acquittals out of 100 accusations, 
taken promiscuously ; while the second causes have 
almost invariably produced eighteen acquittals more 
for accusations of crimes against persons tlian for 
those against property. This indeed has been already 
seen, when comparing the two tables given above. 

I liave hinted tliat the change introduced in the for- 
mation of juries was perhaps not the sole cause M-hich 
had modified tlie repression of crime : and, indeed, I 
think that the events of 1 830 have not been without 
some influence on this matter. The repression, for 
crime in general, is at that period much less than dur- 
ing the otlier years, and this conjecture gains still more 
weight wlien we enter into the consideration of de- 
tails. Thus, out of the twelve modifying causes which 
iiave been pointed out, the repression for this year 
lias presented nine minima, and the three otlicr values 
approach their minima very nearly. Indeed, it is na- 
tural to suppose, that, to those causes wliicli miglit 
then predispose to indulgence, there would also^be 
added apprehensions of individual safety, fears of re- 
action, and other causes which are developed in the 
heart of man in the midst of political agitation. Gene- 
rally speaking, a revolution ought to produce a greater 

* See Oie Compks Gencraux, for the repression of each crime in 
piirticiilar. 



or less modification of each element of tlic social sys- 
tem, and especially in what relates to crime. 

I shall here observe, that analogous ettccts have also 
been observed in Belgium, where a revolution took 
place at the same period. The residts of the repres- 
sion of crime for this country are sufRcienth' interest- 
ing to find a place here. 





Crimes in General. 




Accused. 


Condemned. 


Repression. 


182(i, 
1827, - 
1828, 
182!), - 
1830, 


725 
8(0 
814 
753 
6-13 


611 
6!e 
677 
612 
4S) 


0-843 
0-852 
0-R32 
0-811 
0-759 


Average. - 


747 


613 


0-821 



This table shows us that the degi'cc of repression in 
1830 was weaker than during the other years; the 
difference is here even more sensible, for the measure 
of its importance is 0*075, whilst in France it was 
0"034 ; but our revolution was also less local than that 
ofFrance, and the provisional government lasted longer. 

Another observation which nmst strike us on exa- 
mining this table is, that the repression has in general 
been much higher in Belgium than in France ; the 
respective values liave been on an average 0*82 1 and 
0'614, nearly as -i to 3. This great disproportion is 
owing to the circumstance, that, up to that time, the 
jury had not been instituted in Belgium, although the 
people were governed by similar criminal la-\vs ; and 
these numbers maj", to a certain degree, give us the 
mcasm-e of the influence exercised on the late of an 
accused person, in case of his appearing before judges 
or before a jiny. Now that the institution of jury is 
established in Belgium, we shall be still better enabled 
to appreciate its influence, from the modifications which 
it may produce in the repression of crime. 

I have inx'sented the circumstances bearing on re- 
pression with some detail, that I may give a better 
idea of the light in which I view tlie possibility of 
measuring the influence of causes. I shall now offer 
the rcsidts of the calculations which I have obtained 
for other elements of the social system, and their ap- 
proximation will lead us to very remarkable conclu- 
sions. I have been careful to point out the years in 
wliich the maxima and minima of the deviations have 
occurred, by the side of the degree of importance of 
these deviations. 





Importance 








of the 


Epochs. 


Belgium. 


Difference. 








.More. 


Less. 


Of Max. 


Of Min. 


Stature of the JMilitia — Town, - 


0003 


0-005 


1825 


1827 


~ ~ ~ Country, 


0-001 


0-003 


1826 


1827 


Repression of crime in general, 


0-038 


0-075 


1827 


18.30 


Condemnations in general,* - 


0112 


0-212 


1827 


1830 


Births in town, - - . . 


0-084 


0-120 


1825 


1817 


— in country. 


0-083 


0-139 


1826 


I8I7 


Deaths in town, - - ■. . 


0-158 


0-047 


1826 


1816 


— in country, 


0-170 


0-071 


1826 


1824 


Marri.iges.t - . . .. 


0-135 


0-212 


1815 


I8I7 


Receipts of the trc.isury, 


0-188 


0-08(J 


18-26 


1820 


E.xpenditure of the treasury. 


0-143 


o-i;o 


1826 


1820 


Price of wlieat, ... 


1134 


0-447 


1816 


1824 


— of rye, - - . . 


1-374 


0-500 


1816 


1824 



* The importance of tlie deviations, and especially of the maxi- 
mum deviation of the lesser, is sensibly greater for Belgium than 
for France : this arises from tlie circumstance that, during the 
Tear 1830, there were much fewer condemnations tlian in the 
preceding years, the operation of tlie tribunals having been sus- 
pended during a longer or shorter time. This year is a com- 
plete anomaly, and perhaps ought not to have been included in 
our calculations, except we took the time only durmg which the 
courts were open. 

\ These ratios have been taken from the numbers found in the 
^vIu)le of the ancient kingdom of the Low Cotmtrics. 



ON MAN. 



107 



ITiibU continued.'^ 



Fba.vce. ♦ 


Importance 

of the 
Difference. 


Epochs. 




More. 


Less. 


Of Max. 


Of Min. 


Repression of crime in general, 
Condemnations in Renenil, 
Condemnations for crimes against > 

property, • - - / 
Condemnations for crimes against) 

person, . . . . 1 

Births, 

Deaths, .... 
^larriageR, .... 


OfVM 
0-047 

0-056 

0153 

0-0-21 
0-071 
0117 


0-034 
0-057 

0O56 
0-144 

0.0.M 
0-04<l 
0-125 


1825 
18-25 

1828 

1825 

IHlit 
1H2K 
III-'3 


1830 

18-27 

1830 

1818 
1823 
1817 



The two ])rc(cding tables demonstrate clearly diffe- 
rent facts, whicli I shall successively examine. 

In the first place, by only re{,'arding the facts them- 
selves, and without havint? regard to the inttucncc of 
causes taken individually, we sec that, among tl>e 
elements observed, the least variable are the stature 
of man and the repression of crime (or the severity 
whidi the tribunals display in i)unishments); we after- 
wards see, in the adjoining lines, the facility which 
man shows to commit crime, and the facility with 
which he repro<luces his kind, or dies. Thus, whatever 
be the determining motives of his actions, in point of 
fact, they modify no more the numl>er of deaths than 
the numl)er of births, or even tlie number of crimes 
which annually scourge so<-iety.t Marriages also take 
place with regularity, but their numbc-r varies at the 
name time within wider limits than the preceding 
elements ; the same has been the case with the receipts 
and expenses of the Iklgic treiLsury ; but no element 
has undergone greater variations than the price of 
rye and wheat. 

In passing, we shall observe, that the prices of grain 
have a very close {Hroite) relation to every thing bear- 
ing on the other elements. Thus, in the years 1816 
and 1817, the prices of grain were very high, and mar- 
riages numerous ; on the other hand, it was the same 
Avith births. It would appear a3 if the maxinmm of 
deaths should also have taken jjlace in this year, in 
place of the minimum, which we observe in the towns, 
in 1816. Kxamining the numbers for 1817 attentively, 
we really find that they will form maxima for town 
and country, if we consider the increase of the popu- 
lation, another influential cause, which it is easy to 
calculate. The minimum would then be carried to 
1824, whicli is the period when grains were at the 
lowest price, and which year was followed by a year 
of very great fruitfulness of women both in town and 
countr>'. 

Taking notice of the annual increase of the popula- 
tion, which has been considerable in Belgium, we find 
values which closely resemble those furnished by 
France; we find, moreover, that the year 1817 pre- 
sents the minimum of marriages and births, both for 
town and country, and, at the same time, the maxi- 
mum of deaths, both for town and country. 

It is to be observetl, that the maximum of the 
number of marriages has taken place in 181.'), not- 
withstanding tlie increase of the population in subse- 
quent years. This year, which brought the wars and 
disasters of the empire to a close, allowed a great 
mnnber of young men to return home ; and, being 
attenilcd by peace, gave rise to many new establish- 
ments in life. 

* See the Compta G<!ntranx, Sfc., and the Annuairc ilii Bureau 
det Longitudts de France, 18.32, for what relates to the movement 
of the population from 1817 to 1829. 

t It may be objct.te<l, that the obser\-ations on crime only refer 
to five years, whilst those on births and deaths extend to twelve 
years ; and that we ought, in the same manner, to expect to find 
smaller differences between the extreme values of the effects pro- 
duced by variable causes : but I shall reply, on the other hand, 
that births and deaths being annually much more numerous than 
rrimes, whkt is casual leavca fewer traces behind it, and must 
have a less sensible influence in modifying regular causes. 
II 



We may further see, from the preceding number?, 
that a residence in town or country has not manifested 
a well-marked influence in varying the elements we 
have now been considering. 

Until now, I have omitted the influence of season 
and time of the day ; yet it may be interesting to 
know the respective influences of annual and diurnal 
periods, which I have eliminated to the extent of my 
present materials, carrying my observations to annual 
average results. 

To ascertain the influence of an annual period, I 
shall compare the average results obtained for each 
montii, and, as hitherto, I shall value the importance 
of the maximum deviation from the average, whether 
on the side of surplus or the reverse. This calculation 
gives the following results. Those for births and 
(leaths relate to Belgium, the others are calculated for 
France : — 



Births In town,* 
_ country, - 

Deaths in town, - 
— country, - 

Crimes against projierty 
~ ~ person, 

Mental alienation. 



July, 



January, 



Feb. 
Januarv 



Deo. 
June, 



Importance of the 
Difference. 



Min. 



0-107 

OI(,-2 
0-1 2«i 
OI'U 
0113 
0121 
2H8 



Max. 

0122 

0177 
oi.w 

0212 
ii-2.il 
2IH 
0-.34fi 



What must strike us at first is, that the influence 
of season only has more eflTect in causing the elements 
relating to man to vary (those at least which I have 
considered), than all the united influences of nature 
and of men have had in causing variations of the ave- 
rage annual results during the same period. These 
monthly variations take place, moreover, in the most 
regular manner, as I have elsewhere shown. To form 
an idea of the influence of the seasons, compared with 
the combined influences of all the causes operating to 
modify the annual results, I shall take the same ele- 
ments and compare the extremes within whicli the 
greatest deviations to one side or another have been 
comprised, and I shall assume as unity the sum of 
the differences of each annual average. It will be 
understoo<l that here the conclusions are deduced from 
the same observations, classed either according to 
years or months : — 





Sums r.f the Differences 






of Max. 


ind Min. 


Ratio. 




Annual. 


Monthly. 




Births in town. 


0-204 


0-229 


113 


~ country, 
Deaths in town , 


0-222 
02<'5 


0-.339 
0284 


1-53 
l-.3f) 


~ countrv, 


0-241 


0-403 


1-67 


Crimes against proi>erty, - 

~ ~ person, - 
Mental alienation. 


112 
0-297 


0-346 
0-410 
0-634 


3-09 
1.38 

9 



Thus, the results taking place in different years 
I have varied less than those produced by seasons, and 
the respective influences of the cau.ses which give rise 
to them, as concerns the movement of population, are 
more dissimilar in the country than in town. We may 
remark, in general, that the country is, pliysically 
speaking, more easily acted upon than towns, and that 
the deviations from' the average there have greater 
values, undoubtedly l)ecause more hold is given to 
UKxlifying causes of different kinds. 

The epochs at which the maxima and minima take 
place have also very singular relations. Thus, deaths 
and crimes against property are more numerous in 

♦ M. I/Avocat Ouerry has given, in the Annfilfs 'flli/yifne for 
April 1H29, some drawings iiicttim) representing the influence of 
the seasons on physiolngit-nl phenomena : it is to bo greatly re- 
gretted tliat these doiigns are not accompanied by the numbers 
according to which they have been made. 



108 



ON MAN. 



winter, in consequence of the rigours of the season 
and the privations to which man is subjected. Crimes 
against person are more frequent at periods when the 
passions are most in force, and when mental aliena- 
tion manifests itself with the greatest intensity. 

As to the diurnal period, it is to be regretted that 
calculations are still wanting to enable us to appre- 
ciate its decided influence on the human species. 
From the numbers which I have obtained for Brus- 
sels, births appear to be more numerous durmg night 
than in the day time. The deviation from the average 
both on the side of surplus and the reverse, amounts 
to 0-114.* M. Buck has since arrived at the same 
results for the city of Hamburg, and found the ratio 
to be 0-136. M. ViUerme himself, at the Hospice de 
la Maternite in Paris, has obtained similar results. 
The deviations are more important when Ave compare 
the diflerent hours of the day separately. M. Guerry, 
in the Annates d' Hygiene for January 1831, has pre- 
sented some researches on the influence of the differ- 
ent parts of the day on suicide by suspension ; and he 
has found, during a period of 14 years, that the greatest 
number of cases have taken place between the hours 
of 6 and 8 o'clock in the morning, and the fewest num- 
ber between 12 at noon and 2 in the afternoon. The 
deviations, more and less, have been in relative impor- 
tance as the numbers 0-625 and 0-614: these devia- 
tions are considerable, compared Avitli those hitherto 
observed. 

It is sufficiently apparent, that the smallest period, 
that of the day, has still greater influence than the 
monthly period (which depends on the succession of 
seasons), and consequently more influence than the 
totality of the causes, which produce variations betwLxt 
the average results of one year and another — always 
supposing it to be understood, that these average 
results are not deduced from too large a number of 
years, during which the men observed may have com- 
pletely changed, so as in a manner to present a dif- 
ferent social condition. 

If we now sum up what has been said, we may de- 
duce the following conclusions : — 

1st, The regular and periodic causes, which depend 
either on the annual or diurnal period, produce effects 
on society which are more sensible, and which vary 
within wider limits, than the combined non-periodic 
effects annually produced by the concurrence of all 
the other causes operating on society ; in other terms, 
the social system, in its present state, appears to be 
more dissimilar to itself in the course of one year, 
or even in the space of one day, than during two 
consecutive years, if ym have reference to the increase 
of the population, 

2d, The diurnal period seems to exercise a some- 
what stronger influence than the annual period, at 
least so far as births are concerned. 

3d, The annual period produces more sensible effects 
in the country than in town ; and this appears to be 
the case with those causes in general Avhich tend to 
modify the facts relating to man. 

4th, The price of grain has a very marked influence 
on the elements of the social system ; and althougli 
we still want sufficient data to appreciate the compa- 
rative values of this influence, yet we may A-ery safely 
range it among the causes operating most energetically. 

5th, If we wished to class, according to our obser- 
vations, the elements relating to man in an order which 
should indicate the degree of variation to which they 
are subject, we should find the succession as foUoM's, 
commencing witli the least variable : — The stature of 
man ; the repression of crime, or the degree of severity 
with which it is punished ; the births ; the propensity 
to crime, or the facility Avith Avhich it is committed ; 
deaths ; marriages ; receipts and expenses of the trea- 
sury ; and, finally, the prices of grain. 

* Sec my RecJierclies sur la Population, ^c., dans IcRnyaumc dcs 
Pa>/s-Bas, p. 21. 



Thus man commits crime with at least as much 
regularity as is observed in births, deatlis, or mar- 
riages, and with more regularity than the receipts 
and expenses of the treasury take jdace. But none 
of the elements which concei'n him, and which have 
been calculated in our table, vary within wider limits 
than the prices of grain. 

From what has been said, we may draw the two 
folloAving principal conclusions : — 

Since the price of grain is one of the most influen- 
tial causes operating on the mortality and reproduc- 
tion of the human species, and since, at the present 
day, this price may vary Avithin the Avidest limits, it 
is the province of the foresight of governments to 
diminish as much as possible aU the causes which in- 
duce these great variations in prices, and consequently 
in the elements of the social system. 

On the other hand, since the crimes which are an- 
nually committed seem to be a necessary result of our 
social organisation, and since the number of them 
cannot diminish without the causes which induce 
them undergoing previous modification, it is the pro- 
vince of legislators to ascertain these causes, and to 
remove them as far as possible : they have the poAver 
of determining the budget of crime, as Avell as the re- 
ceipts and expenses of the treasury. Indeed, experience 
proves as clearly as possible the truth of this opinion, 
Avhich at first may appear paradoxical, viz., that so- 
ciety prepares crime, and the guilty are only the instru- 
ments by ivhich it is executed. Hence it happens that 
the unfortunate person Avho loses his head on the 
scaffold, or who ends his life in prison, is in some 
manner an expiatory victim for society. His crime 
is the result of the circumstances in which he is found 
placed : the severity of his chastisement is perhaps 
another result of it. HoAvever, when matters have 
come to this point, the punishment is no less a neces- 
sary evil, were it only as a preventive mean : it Avould 
only be desirable that the other means of prevention 
might afterwards become sufficiently efficacious for 
us not to be obliged to have recourse to the former 
severe means. 

I shall conclude this chapter by a final observation, 
Avliich is as it Avere a consequence of all the preced- 
ing, viz., that one of the principal facts of civilisation is, 
that it more and more contracts the limits ivithin which 
the different elements relating to man oscillate. The more 
knowledge is diffused, so much the more do the devia- 
tions from the average disappear ; and the more, con- 
sequently, do Ave tend to approach tliat which is beau- 
tiful, that Avhich is good. The perfectibility of the 
human species results as a necessary consequence from 
all our researches. Defects and monstrosities disap- 
pear more and more from the physical world ; the fre- 
quency and the severity of diseases are combated Avith 
more advantage by the progress of medical science ; 
the moral qualities of man experience not less sensible 
improvements ; and the farther Ave advance, the less 
are great politic OA'erthroAvs and Avars (the scourges 
of Immanity) to be feared, either in their immediate 
effects or in their ultimate consequences. 

It Avould seem at first sight that the fine arts and 
literature must suffer from this state of things. For if 
it be true that individual peculiarities tend to disap- 
pear more and more, and that nations assume a 
greater resemblance to each otlier, whatever is most 
picturesque in society and in the aspect of different 
parts of the globe, ought insensibly to disappear. Even 
during the last half century, and Avithin the limits of 
Europe alone, Ave see hoAv great the tendency is for 
people to lose their national character and be amalga- 
mated in one common type : yet nature Avill always 
be so prodigiously varied, that the talented man Avill 
never have to fear lest the source of the pictm-esque 
be exhausted ; on the contrary, he every day finds 
for liimself neAv sources from which his imagination 
may take the noblest and most elevated inspiration, 
and bring out treasures imknown to his predecessors. 



APPENDICES. 



APPENDIX— CONTAINING THE ADDITIONS MADE BY THE AUTHOR (M. QUETELET) TO THE GERMAN 
TRANSLATION OF HIS WORK, PUBLISHED AT STUTTGART IN 1838, BY DR V. A. RIECKE. 



No. I. 

ADDITION TO THE INTRODUCTION. 

Extracts from the Bulletin de V Academie Hot/ale des 
Sciences et Belles Lettres de Bruxelles : 1835. No. 8. 

M. QuETELET communicated the other day to the 
academy several statistical notices published by tlie 
French government, confirming more and more the 
ideas expressed by him regarding the constant return 
of the same phenomena in every thing having a re- 
ference to the physical and moral man, provided so- 
ciety undergoes no violent change : — First, It may be 
seen from documents which refer to the recruiting of 
the French army, that annually nearly the same num- 
ber of young men liable to serve as conscripts must be 
exempted on accoimt of a deficiency m fingers and in 
teeth ; on account of deafness, goitres, lameness, dis- 
eases of the bones, weak constitution, insufficient size 
of body ; or on account of being the first-born, or 
of being orphans, or sons of widows, blind people, &c. 
Just as constant appear the numbers of young people 
who are able to read and write, and those who have 
received no instruction ; the number of those self- 
mutilated in order to avoid military service, &c. From 
tlie following table, it will be more evident in what 
degree conditions which appear to depend on entirely 
accidental causes have a constant recurrence. It is 
an accurate extract from a Report to the King, lately 
pubUshed in France, regarding the recruitment of the 
army :* — 

Number of Young Men in France who have been excused , 
Military Service on account of Bodily Infirmities. 



Causes of Unfitness. 


1831. 


1832. 


1833. 


Wanting fingers, ... 


752 


647 


743 


teeth. 


1,304 


1,243 


1,.392 


Deafness and dumbness, - 


830 


736 


725 


Loss of other limbs or organs, - 


1,605 


1,530 


1,580 


Goitres, - . . . 


1,125 


1,231 


1,298 


Lameness, 


949 


912 


1,049 


Other deformities. 


8,007 


7,630 


8,494 


Diseases of bones, 


782 


617 


(W7 


Short sighted. 


948 


891 


920 


Other aflfections of the eyes, - 


1,726 


1,714 


1,839 


Itch, (?) - 


11 


10 


10 


Scald head. 


749 


800 


794 


Leprosy, .... 


57 


19 


29 


Other cutaneous diseases. 


937 


983 


895 


Scrofulous aftections, 


1,730 


1,539 


1,272 


Afifections of chest. 


561 


423 


359 


Hernia, .... 


4,044 


3,579 


4,222 


Epilepsy (falling sickness), 


463 


367 


342 


Different other diseases, - 


9,168 


9,058 


10,286 


Weakness of constitution, 


11,783 


9,979 


11,259 


Insufficient size of body, - 


15,935 


14,962 


15,078 


Amount of whole class of certain age, 


295,978 


277,477 


285,805 



M. Quetelet further mentions, that he knows, from 
sources to be depended on, that not only the number 
of letters delivered at the post-office of Paris remains 

* Compte rendu au Roi, p. 128 and 129. Similar examinations 
take place in the kingdom of Wirtembui-g, and, as in the above 
case, the results form a source of valuable materials for medical 
statistics. 



nearly the same every year, but that also every year 
nearly the same number of letters are found, which 
have been forgotten to be sealed, or whicli could not 
be delivered in consequence of illegible handwriting, 
or insufficient addresses, &c. &c. For a long time 
he had endeavoured to prove, that society pays a 
fcarfid budget to crime, which perhaps shows a greater 
regularity than the financial budget : and in a work 
which he lately published — " An Attempt at the 
Natural Philosophy of Society" — he felt himself en- 
titled to say, that if the statistical details published 
by the government were also to make mention of 
those crimes the perpetrators of which have re- 
mained unknoAvn, their occurrence would not be less 
regular. Tliis supposition has actually found a com- 
plete confirmation in our country, in the reports 
made to the minister of justice, and which will be 
published forthwith. There exists too strict a con- 
nexion between the phenomena presented by society, 
and between the causes of which they are the effects, 
to be neglected any longer by the philosopher and 
statesman; and, without doubt, the science which 
has this study for its object, will occupy, in course 
of time, a high rank in the scale of human know- 
ledge. 



No. II. 

ADDITION TO THE SECOND DIVISION OF THE FIRST BOOK. 

Influence of the Seasons upon Births. 

M. Ramon de la Sagra, in his History of the Island 
of Cuba,* has given a comparative view of the number 
of births of the white and coloured population in 
Havanna, according to the months of the year. From 
the ciphers we reprint here, it Avill be seen how much 
geographical latitude modifies the results which we 
have observed in our climates, although the place 
mentioned is situated in the northern hemisphere. 
The following ciphers include the observations of five 
years, from 1825 to 1829 :— 



January, 

Februarj', 

March, 

April, 

May, 

June, - 

July, 

August, 

September, 

October, 

November, 

December, 



Total, 



Births. 



Among 
the White 
Population. 



624 
573 
60<J 
6.36 
634 
659 
661 
694 
736 
772 
713 

700 



Coloured 
Population. 



703 
596 
627 
638 
651 
620 
698 
741 
760 
736 
706 
774 



1,327 
1,169 
1,227 
1,274 
1,285 
1,279 
1,359 
1,435 
1,496 
1,508 
1,419 
1,474 



16,252 



* Historia Economico-Politica y Estadistica de la Isla de Cuba, 
p. 35. Havanna : 1831. 4to. 



no 



ON MAN. 



According to this table, the greatest number of 
births in Havannah occurs in October, and the fewest 
between February and May. This is nearly the 
opposite of that distribution of births for the seasons 
observed in Europe. 



No. III. 

ADDITION TO THE THIRD SECTION OF THE FIBST BOOK. 

Mortality of Lying-in Women. 

M. Casper communicates, in his excellent work on 
the Relations of Mortality {Die Wahrsckeinliche Le- 
bensdauer des Menschen, ^c), " The probable Duration 
of Human Life," p. 51, the following results relative 
to the mortality of women at child-birth in the Prus- 
sian monarchy. There were — 



Bom. 



Died in 
ChUd-Bed. 

In the years 1817 tiU 1826 (inclusive), 4,955,672 44,772 

1826 ~ 1828 - 499,507 4,539 

1828 ~ 1829 ~ 495,483 4,615 

^ 1829 ~ 1830 ~ 497,241 4,441 

1830 ~ 1831 ~ 490,524 4,710 

1831 -, 1832 ~ 481,959 4,677 



ToUl, 



7,420,386 67,754 



If from this number of births the regular recurring 
number of twins and triplets, amounting to about 
94,000, are deducted, it follows that of 108 women in 
chUd-bed, one died. According to Lubbock, there 
died in the ten years, from 1818 to 1827, only one 
woman in child-bed of 117. 



No. IV. 

ADDITION TO THE FIFTH SECTION OF THE FIRST BOOK. 

Extract from the Bulletin de VAcademie Royale des 
Sciences de Bruxelles : 1835. No. 1, p. 129. 

M. Quetelet commmiicated, in consequence of a 
paper transmitted by M. Villerme on the population 
of Great Britain, the following accounts regarding the 
mortality in Belgium : — " Science has of late been 
enriched by several important works * on the statis- 
tics of Britain, especially on the relations of mortahty 
in that country. The different docimients they con- 
tain have confirmed most distinctly a fact which I 
have for some time believed to exist, and which ought 
to have been pointed out by MM. Villerme and Fran- 
(,'ois d'lvernois — the fact, namely, that tlie population 
of Britain has not so great a claim as commonly sup- 
posed to a much smtiUer mortality than the other 
states of Europe. 

I have already observed, in a paper which was read 
to the Royal Academy of Sciences at Paris,t that in 
Britain, for every two children there arc only to be 
found three individuals above fifteen years of age, 
and in the United States even fewer ; whilst in France, 
Sweden, and Belgium, at least four are to be found. 
Indeed, this disproportion principally arises from the 
rapid increase of population, as it subsisted of late in 
Britain and the United States. Most of the children 
who are the fruit of this great development of ferti- 
lity not yet being far advanced in the career of life, 
the number of adult individuals resulting from them 

* Tlie principal works are : — 

Abstracts of the Answers and Returns, &c. By Kickman. 
3 vols. 4to. 1831. 

Tables of the Revenue, PopiUation, Commerce, &c. By Porter. 
2 vols, folio. 1K«. 

A Digest of all the Accounts, &e. By Marshall. 1833. 

On the Natural and Mathematical Laws concerning Popula- 
tion, &c. By Francis Corbaux. 1 vol. 8vo. 183.1. 

t 8th September 1R34. Sec the journal L'Institut, No. 71, 20th 
September 1834 ; and Le Tempt, 18th September 1834. 



must be proportionally small. M. Villerme, our cor- 
respondent, as member of the French Institute, has 
considered the question under another point of view. 
This gentleman has, in a paper on the population of 
Great Britain,* compared Rickman's tables of morta- 
lity for England, those of Duvillard for France, and 
those I have pubhshed for Belgium (the one in my 
Annnaire de VObservatoire, the other in a manuscript 
paper read at a meeting of the Academy for Moral 
and Political Science at Paris) : it results from this 
comparison, that the ' probable duration of the life of 
children at their birth, is in Great Britain about two 
years longer than in Belgium.' With individuals of 
1 to 30 years of age, the case is the reverse. AVe may 
wager 100 to 100 that a person may Hve in Belgium 
from 1 to 3 years longer than individuals of the same 
age born and brought up in Britain. Further, the 
probability of the duration of life with indiAdduals from 
30 to 40 years of age is in both countries precisely 
the same ; and only at the age of 45 the probable 
duration of life is somewhat more in favour of the 
English than of the Belgians ; but the difference 
amounts at most to only one year. In the face of these 
facts, from which it is evident that the mortality in 
Britain is not lower than in Belgium, it appears very 
probable that life, at the moment of birth, in the for- 
mer is the safer possession than in the latter, where, 
with the child of one year old, the probable duration 
of life is at least for a year and a half longer than in 
England ; and that on the other side of the channel 
there dies every 3'ear 1 in 49, whilst in Belgium, ac- 
cording to the results of the j'ears from 1825 to 1829, 
the proportion of deaths in relation to the population 
is about 1 to 43 years, because every where, one 
annual death for 40 or 41 inhabitants is a low morta- 
lity, at least when the country in question is of a 
pretty large size. Herein, also, are to be found new 
reasons to consider the list of mortality for England, 
more especially regarding those for young children 
as incomplete. 

To facilitate forming an opinion on this subject, 
M. Villerme has compared the tables of population 
for England and Belgium,f concluding from his table 
that there is a marked advantage in favour of Bel- 
gium, which proportionally has fcAver children, but 
keeps them better, and has proportionally more grown- 
up individuals. It will be, moreover, advisable, as I 
have already observed, to pay attention to the rapidly 
increasing population in England, which contributes 
to place that country in a less favourable position than 
ours. According to Duvillard, the ciphers of France 
are on the whole less favourable than those of Bel- 
gium and England. 

MM. Hayer and Lombard have of late also com- 
pared the mortality of Geneva with that of Belgium 
and France : % it results from their investigations that 
in the two latter countries the number of deaths in 
the first year of life are far more numerous than in 
Geneva. The following are the principal results of 
the comparison which they have made regarding the 
probable duration of life between the three countries, 
proceeding on the base of their tables of mortality, 
and on those of Duvillard and mv own for cities : — 





Probable Duration of Life. 




In France. 


In Belgium. 


In Geneva. 


At Birth, 

At 5 years of age, 

- 30 

„ 50 


204 years. 
453 '- 
29f ~ 
16* ~ 


25 years. 
50 ~ 
34 - 

m ~ 


47s years. 
52f „ 
34 „ 
18J - 



From this comparison, the advantage in the early 
period of life is on the side of Geneva ; but at the age 
of 30, the probable duration of life is not longer than 

♦ Annalcs d'llygicne, tome xii. partie 2. 
t Annuaire de VObservatoire de Bruxelles. 
:t Recherches Statistiques surlaMortalite dela Ville de Genfeve, 
and Bibljotheque Universelle. August 1834. 



ON MAN. 



Ill 



in Belgium, and it even then diminishes. The scien- 
tific men of Geneva observed, that if 90 years were 
to be taken as the extreme old age, the proportion of 
individuals of this age to the number of births would 
be the standard for longevity. Thus, we shall find — 
in Geneva, 0-0063 for males, 0-0113 for females ; ave- 
rage, 0-0089 : in Belgimii, 0-0068 : in England, from 
the official tables from 1813 to 1830, only 0-0065. It 
follows, from the preceding comparisons, that Belgium, 
with regard to its mortality, does not labour under 
any disadvantage when compared with England and 
Geneva — two countries which have hitherto been 
considered the most favoured — excepting, perhaps, in 
regard to the mortality of children. 



No. V. 

ON THE MORTALITY (NATURAL AND ACCTDENTAL DEATHS IN- 
CLUDED) OF THE EUROPEAN TROOPS OF THE ENGLISH ARMY 
IN THE EAST INDIES, IN A PERIOD OF FIVE YEARS, FROM 
1826 TO 1830. 

On the whole, we possess few notices on the mor- 
tality of Europeans Avho have lived Avithin degrees 
of latitude differing much from their natural cUmate. 
The following documents, therefore, which I owe to 
the kindness of A. M'Culloch, Esq., of the War-Office, 
must be acceptable to the reader. This able statis- 
tician, to whom we owe very interesting investiga- 
tions, observes, that hitherto it has been possible to 
arrive at results only somewhat correct regarding 
children and females : — 



PRESIDENCY OF BOMBAY. 

Number of troops, 

Cases of death, 

Usual number of patients, 

PRESIDENCY OP BENGAI,. 

Number of troops, 

Cases of death, 

Usual number of patients, 

PRESIDENCY OP MADRAS. 

Number of troops. 
Cases of death, 
Usual number of patients 
not given under this head 



1826. 


1827. 


1828. 


1829. 


1830. 


279.3 


3135 


3175 


3632 


3876 


3(15 


162 


2(>4 


1«7 


147 


481 


347 


368 


358 


383 


797C 


8761 


8916 


8C80 


9520 


774 


522 


549 


575 


362 


846 


888 


882 


879 


721 


6626 


6686 


7986 


8064 


8774 


614 


509 


386 


266 


199 



3322 
185 
387 



8770 
556 
843 



7630 
305 



From these ciphers, 
suit : — 


the following proportions re- 






Per 1000 Men. 




Bombay. 


Bengal. 


Madras. 


Cases of deaths. 

Sick, .... 


55 
116 


63 

96 


52 

(?) 



This gives an average of about 57 cases of deaths per 
1000 men, or 1 death for 17-5. 

In respect to the kinds of diseases producing these 
deaths, they may be arranged as follows : — 





Cases of Deaths. 


Annual Number 
per 1000. 


Names of Diseases. 


?? 


^ 


£ 


^ 




i 




1 


g 


1 


M 

a 
a 


s 


■§ 

s 


Fever, ... 


267 


735 


405 


15-9 


16-8 


11-0 


Affections of the limgs, - 
~. of the liver, - 


43 
80 


100 
180 


82 
170 


2-5 
4-2 


2-2 
41 


2-2 
4-5 


~ of the stomach! 
and bowels, - - ' 


272 


872 


819 


16-2 


19-7 


21-2 


Cholera morbus. 


173 


623 


306 


100 


14-2 


80 


Affections of the brain. 


21 


98 


27 


1-2 


21 


0-6 


Dropsy, . . - . 
Other cases of deaths, - 


12 
57 


25 
149 


28 
141 


0-7 

4-3 


0-5 
3-4 


0-7 

3-8 


Total, 


925 


2782 


1978 


55-0 


63-0 


52-0 



The mean mortality (expressed in per cents.), shows, 
amongst the European officers of the Indian army, 
the following results : — 



Rank. 


Bombay. 


Bengal. 


Madras. 


Colonels, 

Lieutenant-colonels, 
Majors, 
Captains, - 
Lieutenants, - 
Ensigns, . 


5-74 
5-45 

3-77 
3-78 
3-96 
3-15 


5-94 
4-84 
4-10 
3-45 
2-75 
2-34 


5-40 
611 
5-42 
5-02 
4-17 
3-80 



The general mean of all ranks, including surgeons 
and assistant-surgeons, was 3-85. 

During the last 20 years, there died of the army of 
Bengal 1184 officers, or 59-2 annually of the average 
number of 1897 individuals : this gives 3-12 per 
cent. 

The mean duration of life of the deceased was, in 
81 Colonels, - - - - 61 years. 

97 Lieutenant-colonels, - . -51 „ 

78 Majors, - . . . 40 ~ 

277 Captains, - . - - - 36 ~ 

We add to the comparative view another, pointing 
out the mortality of civilians in the India Company's 
service in Bengal, during the years from 1792 to 
1836, according to their several ages and nmnber of 
years of service : — 



Number of 
Years of 
Service. 



1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 

7 

8 

9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
IC 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
30 to 45 



Age. 



20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 
40 
41 
42 
43 
44 
45 
46 
47 
48 
49 

50 toe 



Number of 
Civilians. 



975 
933J 
906h 
87-4 i 
835J 

7m 

754 

694J 

638 

577i 

545 

519J 

489 

468 

448 

424 

403 

376i 

351 

324i 

293i 

270 

239 

216 

196 

167i 

148 

129 

114^ 

101^ 



Cases of 
Deaths. 



Retired 

from the 
Service. 



If we put together these ciphers in periods, we 
arrive at the following comparative view : — 



Number of 




Years of 


Age. 


Service. 




1 to 5 


20 to 24 


6 to 10 


25 to 29 


11 to 1.5* 


30 to 34 


16 to 20 


35 to 39 


21 to 25t 


40 to 44 


26 to 30 


45 to 49 


,30 to 43 


50 to 64 



Number of 
Civilians. 



4525 
*154i 
2469| 
1879 
1214i 
660i 



Cases of 
Deaths. 



of Deaths 
per 10,000. 



199 
208 
166 
204 
354 
364 
486 



Retired 
from the 
Service. 



In the United Service Journal, we find several no- 
tices by Mr M'Culloch on the mortality of officers of 
the British armj'. 

* After ten years of service in India, every oflScer may return 
for three years to England. Many avail themselves of this per- 
mission, which evidently contributes to the decrease of morta- 
lity. 

t After twenty years' service, many oflScers return to Britain, 
which likewise contributes to the decrease of the mortality. 



112 



ON MAN. 



No. VI. 

EXTRACT FROM THE " BULLETIN DE l'aCADEMIE ROYALE 
DBS SCIENCES DE BRUXELLES" : 1835. No. 10. CON- 
CERNING THE MORTALITY AT BRUSSELS. 

M. Quetelet communicated to the academy the re- 
sults of the late census, according to which the num- 
ber of inhabitants of Brussels amounts to 102,702, the 
garrison not included, which consists of from 2000 
to 3000 men. According to the tables of population, 
there took place in the year 1834 — 



4230 Births, 
3862 Deaths, - 
1092 Marriages, 
8 Divorces. 



Consequently, 1 to 26 inhabitants 
1 to 29 
1 to 100 



Before the census, the number of inhabitants for 
Brussels was calculated at 94,000. M. Quetelet thinks 
that even the present cipher is still too low ; and, in 
the preceding calculation, he believes he is entitled 
to estimate it at 1 10,000, the garrison included. He 
supports his supposition, by considering the number 
of births, deaths, and marriages, according to which, 
Brussels would present less favourable conditions than 
most of the great cities of Europe, as he has already 
shown in hi^ Essay on the Natural Philosophy of So- 
ciety. However, we must not lose sight of the circum- 
stance, that the number of deaths in a great city is 
always augmented hy the number of diseased strangers 
who swell up the tables of mortality in the hospitals, 
or by those who go there to receive efficient assist- 
ance in their sufiFerings. 



No. vn. 

REMARKS ON THE JIORTALITY IN EPIDEMICS. 

Epidemics modify the mortality in a very remark- 
able manner, and the importance of the phenomena 
of disease in individuals bears by no means a proper 
ratio to the general result of the tables of mortality. 
If the study of epidemics had been properly followed, 
we should have tables as interesting for science as 
useful to mankind. Several instances might be ad- 
duced to prove this. I shall here content myself with 
citing one : the cholera morbus and influenza are dis- 
eases Avhich differ greatly from each other ; the one 
is a dreadful scourge, which manifests itself in the 
most fearful manner ; the other, in its ordinary exter- 
nal appearance, resembles a catarrh or common cold ; 
and yet the tables of mortality prove that, although 
the latter disease is not so deadly, it nevertheless, in 
consequence of its universality, and in consequence of 
the sufferings it causes, produces results nearly as 
extensively fatal as cholera. Facts, serving to confirm 
this opinion, may be found in the excellent work pub- 
lished by Dr Gluge on the History of Influenza.* They 
show, moreover, that mortality in epidemics is prin- 
cipally confined to childhood and to old age — those 
periods which, in the common course of things, have 
the smaller probabihty of life. 



No. VIII. 

INFLUENCE OF SEASONS UPON MORTALITY. 

In the work of M. Ramond de la Sagra, may be 
found several interesting notices regarding the mor- 
tality in Havannah. The following ciphers are the 
results of five years, namely, from 1825 to 1829 : — 

* Die Influenza Oder Grippe u. s. w. Minden : 1837. 8vo. 



Months. 


Cases of Deaths. 


White 


Coloured 


Total. 




Population. 


Population. 


January, 


545 


938 


1483 


February, - 


536 


831 


1367 


March, ■• 


597 


900 


1497 


April, 


487 


760 


1247 


May, 


535 


731 


1266 


June, 


501 


668 


1169 


July, - 


589 


793 


1382 


August , 


550 


736 


1286 


September, - 


492 


689 


1181 


October, - 


548 


752 


1300 


November, - 


416 


709 


1125 


December, 


508 


756 


1264 


Total, - 


6304 


9263 


15,567 



The mortality in the hospital, amongst strangers, does 
not exhibit quite the same proportion. The following 
table gives a view of the mortality in the Hospitals of 
San Ambrosio and San Juan de Dios, in the years 
1825 to 1829, and the mortality of strangers during 
the years 1820 to 1824 :— 



Months. 


San Ambrosio. 


San Juan. 


Strangers. 


January, 


76 


162 


44 


February, - 


65 


133 


65 


March, - 


92 


184 


91 


April, 


103 


145 


84 


May, - 


146 


149 


169 


June, 


167 


195 


170 


July, - 


158 


203 


169 


August, 


132 


198 


140 


September, - 


128 


247 


118 


October, - 


123 


240 


73 


November, - 


.93 


196 


50 


December, - 


97 


277 


56 


Total, 


1830 


2329 


1229 



As far as the first ciphers are concerned, it will be 
seen that the winter months, and the months of July, 
August, and October, exhibit the greatest mortality ; 
but the unfortunate individuals received into the 
hospitals, and the strangers, are especially subject to 
the deleterious influence of the summer heat. If we 
compare, in respect to strangers, the mortaUty of the 
month of December with that of June and July, we 
find an increase in the latter nearly fourfold. How- 
ever, we ought to know, in order to arrive at a correct 
opinion, what the average number of strangers may 
be in Havannah during the seasons thus contrasted. 

We owe to the kindness of Mr M'Culloch, informa- 
tion regarding the mortahty in the island of Malta, 
during 14 years, in a population osciUating between 
96,000 and 103,000 inhabitants ; thus giving an ave- 
rage of 100,000 souls. They are as follows : — 

Months. Cases of Deaths. 

January, - - - - - 2920 

February, .... - 2773 

March, 2786 

April, - . . - . 2404 

May, ...... 2292 

June, 2568 

July, ...... 3075 

August, .... 2919 

September, ..... 2675 

October, ..... 3081 

November, ..... 3013 

December, ...... 2995 

Months unknown, ... 802 

Total, ..... 31,303 

Wc observe here again, as in the ciphers of Havan- 
nah, a tendency to a maximum of deaths during sum- 
mer, as a consequence of heat. 

Here follow a few notices regarding the mortality 
of tropical climates, to be found in the work of Mr A. 
S. Thomson, on the influence of climate on heiilth.* 

* Ohservations on the Influence of Climate on Health and Morta- 
lity. 8vo. Edinburgh : 1837. See .also the work by Dr Annesley, 
On the Climate of India. London: 1825. Also the Medicul 
Almanac, by Farre, for 1837. 



ON MAN. 



113 



The first numbers inform us of the relative niontlily 
mortahty of the Englisli troops in the Windward and 
Lcewai'd Islands. The others refer to 3149 individuals 
of the native troops in the Presidency of Madras, and 
3017 of the English troops, who were received during 
1815 into the hospitals. 





Mortality 


Presidency of Madras — Sick. 




in the 
"Windward 




Months. 








and Leeward 


Native 


English 




Islands. 


Troops. 


Troops. 


January, - 


65 


125 


74 


Februarj', - 


48 


63 


64 


3March, 


42 


60 


70 


April, - 


57 


48 


74 


May, 


59 


54 


84 


June, - 


69 


85 


87 


July, 


87 


104 


109 


August, 


119 


93 


81 


September, 


114 


74 


73 


October, 


133 


113 


105 


November, 


109 


94 


82 


December, - 


97 


07 


97 


Total, 


1000 


ICXIO 


1000 



Also here we observe, in the time of the great sum- 
mer heat, and in consequence of it, a greater mortality 
and more numerous cases of sickness. We may there- 
fore be well assured, that extremes of cold and heat 
are equally deleterious to our species. 



No. IX. 



ADDITION TO THE SEVENTH SECTION OF THE FIRST BOOK. 

On the Law of the Increase of Population. 

Since the publication of my work, M. Verhulst, of 
the Military Academy of Brussels, has submitted to 
analysis my hypothesis on the law of the increase of 
population. This hypothesis rests on the supposition 
of an analogy between the movement of the popula- 
tion, mider the difficulties which oppose the increase, 
and between a moveable body which falls tlu-ough a 
resisting medium. The results of this comparison 
agree very well with the data furnished by statistics, 
and witli those derived from calculation, if we sup- 
pose an infinitely increasing density in the different 
layers of the resisting medium. The fornndas on 
which the calculations and the results regarding the 
population of Belgium, France, and Prussia, are based, 
may be found in the second part of the series of 
the Correspondance Mathematique de V Observatoire de 
BruxeUes. (See p. 113, and following.) We may say 
that the statistical data have not yet been collected 
in so comprehensive a manner as accurately to per- 
mit us to reduce from our hypothesis, by calculation, 
aU the consequences to be derived from it regarding 
the intensity of tlie difllculties met M-ith by the popu- 
lation in its increase. 



No. X. 

ADDITIONS TO THE THREE FIRST SECTIONS OF THE 
SECOND DOOK. 

On the Results of Experiments niade on the Weight, 
Height, and Strength of above 800 individuals. By 
James D. Forbes, Esq., F.B.SS. L. Sf E., Pro- 
fessor of Natural Philosophy in the University of 
Edinburgh.* 

The interesting and remarkable experiments pub- 
Ushed by M. Quetelet, of Brussels, on various points 
of physical development in man, under a variety of 
circumstances, as to climate, station, age, and sex, 
induced me to take the opportunity which my pro- 

* Read to tlie Royal Society of Edinburgh, and communicated 
by the author. 



fessional position presented of obtaining the measure 
of physical development as to the weight, height, and 
strength of natives of Scotland, between the ages of 
14 and 25, students in our university. 

In the prosecution of this plan, separate lists Tvere 
kept of persons not born in Scotland, and of these the 
English and Irish lists have likewise been subjected 
to calculation. Though of these the numbers are 
comparatively small, the results present some pretty 
decisive characters. These experiments Avere conti- 
nued during two winters (1834-5, 1835-6) : every 
experiment was made by myself, and noted doAvn by 
myself. The weights were ascertained by Marriot's 
spring-balance, which was verified from time to time, 
and found to have undergone no change in its elasticity. 
The weight of clothes is included.* The heights are 
in EngUsh inches, shoes included. For the measiu-e 
of strength, Kegnier's dynamometer was employed, 
and these experiments were somewhat less satisfac- 
tory than the others. The error of the instrument 
had been ascertained before the commencement of the 
experiments, and was found to be pretty constant 
throughout the scale. But after the experiments were 
finished, this was by no means the case, the error 
having become variable, owing to the interfering ac- 
tion of a small spring emploj^ed to bring the index to 
zero. As this, however, only affects the absolute re- 
sults (or, at least, its relative influence is trifling), I 
have contented myself with applying an interpolated 
correction deduced from the mean of the errors before 
and after, which cannot differ much from the truth. 
But the instrumental errors are not the only ones to 
be contended with. To avoid errors in the use of the 
djTiamometer, requires vigilant superintendence on 
the part of the observer ; and as the first pull is gene- 
rally (though not always) greater than the second or 
third, this also must be allowed for. I have inva- 
riably repeated the experiment three times, and often 
much more frequently. When extraordinary cases 
have occurred, I have taken the precaution of observ- 
ing at distinct intervals of time. 

In ascertaining the mean results, the following 
method has been adopted : — The natives of each 
country were separated, and each class divided, ac- 
cording to age, into twelve sets, from 14 to 25, the 
greatest number being of the age of 18 years. The 
mean weiglit, height, and strength for each year was 
computed, and the result projected upon ruled paper. 
Curves were drawn through the points thus projected, 
in such a way as to represent most satisfactorily the 
whole observations. These curves, with the deter- 
mining points, are now exhibited to the society. It 
is proper to add, that the ages registered being the 
ages at last birthday, the weight, &c., registered, is 
not that due to the age noted, but at a mean to an 
age half a year later. Thus, all the persons who were 
20 last birthday, are between the ages of 20 and 21, 
or 20^ at a mean. This has been attended to in 
making the projections. 

Besides the EngUsh, Scotch, and Irish curves, I 
have exhibited those of the Belgian development, from 
M. Quetelet's experiments, reduced to English mea- 
sures. The thickness of the shoes not being included 
in these experiments, half an inch (perhaps too little) 
has been added to make them comparable with the 
others. It is important to add, that M. Quetelet's 
experiments here quoted, as well as my own, were 
made upon persons in the higher ranks of life — in both 
cases, in fact, upon persons having the benefit of aca- 
demical instruction. 

The number of persons examined by me in the two 
winters before stated, was thus divided : — Scotchmen, 
523; Englishmen, 178; Irishmen, 72; from the colo- 
nies, &c., 56 ; total, 829, I was careful to obtain a 
fair average of persons of all degi-ees of height and 

* According to Quetelet, this amounts to one-eighteenth of the 
weight. 



114 



ON MAN. 



btrength, iu which respect the Scotch average is more 
linexceptioiiable than the others. There is always a 
tendency in such cases to get too high a development, 
because duninutive persons are the least likely Tolun- 
tarily to come forward. An example of this is found 
in the mean height obtained by M. Quetelet, from a 
register of 80 individuals at Cambridge, between the 
ages of 18 and 23, giving a mean of 69'6 inches, in- 
stead of 687, as my experiments indicate. 

The numerical results derived from the graphical 
process before described, are given at the close of the 
paper, and seem to warrant the following conclu- 
sions : — 

1. That in respect of weight, height, and strength, 
there is a general coincidence in the form of the 
curves with those of M. Quetelet. 

2. The British curves seem to have more curva- 
ture for the earlier years (14 to 17), or the progress 
to maturity is then more rapid, and somewhat slower 
afterwards. If we may depend upon the Enghsh 
curves, this is more strikingly the case in natives of 
that country than of Scotland, at least in point of 
weight and strength. 

3. The tables incontestibly prove the superior deve- 
lopment of natives of this country over the Belgians. 
The difference is greatest in strength (one-fifth of the 
whole), and least in weight. 

4. In comparing natives of England, Scotland, and 
Ireland, more doubt arises, owing to the difference in 
the number of experiments ; those for Ireland are 
confessedly most imperfect. Yet I conceive that the 
coincident results in the three tables, entitle us to 
conclude that the Irish are more developed than the 
Scotch at a given age, and the English less. Some 
qualification is, however, due, in consequence of the 
remark (2) ; for in the earlier years (14-17), it would 
even appear that the English so far get the start of 
the Scotch, as not only relatively, but also absolutely, 
to surpass them (in strength and weight) ; but between 
17 and 19 they lose this advantage. I am disposed to 
think that this appearance of a result is not accidental. 

5. The maximum height seems scarcely to be at- 
tained even at the age of 25. This agrees with M. 
Quetelet's observations. Both strength and weight 
are rapidly increasing at that age. 

6. In the given period of hfe (14-26) aU the deve- 
lopments continue to increase ; and all move slowly 
from the commencement to the end of that period. 
Hence the curves are convex upwards. [This is not 
the case below the age of 14, for weight and strength. 
— Quetelet.'] 

AVeights in Pounds (including clothes). 



Age. 



15 years, 

16 ~ 

17 - - 

18 ~ 

19 ~ - 

20 ~ 

21 ~ - 

22 ~ 

23 ~ - 

24 - 

25 „ - 



English. 


Scotch. 


Irish. 


114-5 


112 




127 


125-5 


129 


133-5 


131-5 


136 


138 


139 


141-5 


141 


143 


14.5-5 


144 


146-5 


148 


140 


148-5 


151 


147-5 


15f) 


153 


149 


151 


154 


1.50 


152 


155 


151 


152-5 


155 



Belgians. 



102 

117-5 

127 

134 

139-5 

143 

145-5 

147 

148-5 

149-5 

150 



Heights in Inches. Full Dimensions (with shoes). 



Age. 


English. 


Scotch. 


Irish. 


Belgians. 


15 years, 


64 4 


04-7 




61-8 


16 ~ - 


665 


60-8 




64-2 


17 ~ - - 


C7-5 


07-0 




66-1 


18 - - 


081 


68-5 


68-7 


67-2 


19 „ - 


68-5 


68-9 


69-4 


67-7 


20 ., - - 


08-7 


69-1 


69-8 


67-9 


21 - - 


68-8 


09-2 


70-0 


680 


22 ~ - 


08-9 


69-2 


70-1 


68-1 


23 - - 


68-9 


69-3 


70-2 


68-2 


24 ~ - - 


68-9 


09-3 


70-2 


68-2 


25 ~ - 


68-9 


69-3 


70-2 


68-3 



Strength in Pounds. 



Age. 


English. 


Scotch. 


Irish. 


Belgians. 


15 years, 




280 




204 


10 « - 


a36 


314 




236 


17 ~ - - 


352 


340 


369 


260 


18 ~ - - 


364 


360 


389 


280 


19 


.378 


378 


404 


296 


20 ~ - 


385 


3^ 


416 


310 


21 „ - - 


392 


402 


423 


322 


22 ~ - 


397 


410 


427 


aio 


23 ~ - 


401 


417 


4.30 


335 


24 ~ - 


402 


421 


431 


337 


25 ~ - 


403 


423 


432 


339 



No. XL 

Extract /rom the Correspondance Mathimatique et Phy- 
sique, 1st Series, vol. 11. part 1. January 1838. 

M. Horner's Investigation into the Development of the Growth of 
Boys and Girls. 

Several years ago we published tables to show tlie 
degi'ce of growth in both sexes at different ages. 
These tables, which at first sight might seem merely 
curious, became afterwards of real utility, especially 
in England. Their importance, indeed, was so much 
felt, that it was deemed advisable to repeat our expe- 
riments in several places, in order to find a measure of 
the modifications likely to be produced in our results 
by circumstances to which we could pay no attention. 
Thus, Mr Eorbes of Edinburgh has measured a great 
number of young Englishmen, Scotchmen, and Irish- 
men, and a comparison of his results with ours has 
shown a remarkable correspondence in respect to the 
gradual development ; at the same time, however, it 
has, notwithstanding, exhibited a real difference be- 
tween the mean height of individuals belonging to 
different nations.* 

In order to find out the influence produced on the 
development of the growth by working in manufac- 
tories, ]Mr J. "W. Cowell has made different interesting 
observations at Manchester and Stockport. The re- 
sult of these has been published in the first volume 
of the Factory Reports, and in an essay On the Philo- 
sophy of Society. 

Hitherto we have only seen, from No. 339 of the 
Penny Magazine, July 1837, that the same experi- 
ments have also been repeated by Mr Horner, another 
Enghsli factory inspector. Mr Horner thought that 
he had observed that the people, iu order to evade the 
law excluding young children from the lieavy work 
in the factories, had hit on the plan of using false cer- 
tificates of age, and Mr Horner, to discover the fraud, 
resorted to a direct test. He made use of a table 
similar to ours, and in order to arrive at a nearer ap- 
proximation of the trutli, he resolved to institute 
collateral observations. ]Mr Horner, therefore, pro- 
cured from twenty-seven surgeons, tlie measure of 
16,402 individuals, of whom 8469 were boys, and 7933 
girls, of the age from 8 to 14 inclusive, and from 
the following places — Manchester, Bolton, Stockport, 
Preston, Leeds, Halifax, Roclidale, Huddersfield, and 
Skipton, and the neighbouring rural districts. The 
following table is an extract from one of greater dimen- 
sions, in which the distinction has been noted between 
towns of first and second rate magnitude and the 
country : — 

* See the Correspondance MaMmatiqnc, volume ix. page 205 
and foUowing; and Transactions of the Royal Society, Edin- 
biirah. 



ON MAN. 



115 



Age. 



From 8 to Si years, 


From 8i & below 9 years, 


~ 9 


" 


9i ~ 


~ 9^ 


" 


10 ~ 


~ 10 


" 


1(% ~ 


~ m 


~ 


11 


~ 11 


" 


\\\ ~ 


~ Ui 


~ 


12 ~ 


- 12 


" 


12J ~ 


~ 12i 


" 


13 ,- 


-, 13 


~ 


\^ ~ 


~ m 


~ 


14 



Number 

of 
Children 

Measured 



327 
267 
339 
272 
527 
438 
418 
375 
574 
506 
550 
421 
664 
577 
559 
478 

767 
712 
660 
618 
1269 
1260 
864 
980 
951 
1029 



boys, 
girls, 
boys, 
girls, 
boys, 
girls, 
boys, 
girls, 
boys, 
girls, 
boys, 
girls, 
boys, 
girls, 
boys, 
girls, 
boys, 
girls, 
boys, 
girls, 
boys, 
girls, 
boys, 
girls, 
boys, 
girls. 



Mean 
Height. 



foot. 
3 
3 
3 
3 
3 
3 
4 
4 
4 
4 
4 
4 
4 
4 
4 
4 
4 
4 
4 
4 
4 
4 
4 
4 
4 



inch. 

94 I 
8ii' 

log / 
11« \ 
\\i ' 
Oi ) 

J 

1 1 
in 

2i \ 

2i f 
3^1 
3h > 
33 \ 
3J < 

4i / 

5i 1 

54 / 

6i ) 

6^ I 

7J I 

8 / 



Average 

Height of 

Boys & Girls 

taken 

Together. 



foot. inch. 
3 9i 

3 lOi 

3 

4 

4 

4 

4 

4 

4 

4 

4 

4 

4 




1 

IS 

2i 

3i 



4S 

5i 

Ci 

7J 



The average, or the mean heiglit of the young 
people between 14 and 18 years, has been ascertained 
according to the particular accounts given by Mr 
Harrison, surgeon at Preston. 





Number of 




Total of 


Age. 


Young 


Average 


Mean Height 




Persons 


Height. 


ni 




Measured. 




both Sexes. 






foot. inch. 


foot. inch. 


From 14 to 15ye.irs, 


117 male sex. 


4 8i, 
4 9 ) 


4 8i 


^ «. ~ 


140 fern. « 


„ 15 to 16 ™ 


82 male - 


4 lOi) 

^ loil 


4 105 


^ *0 -* 


106 fern. „ 


~ letoiT ~ 


43 male - 


5 Oil 
4 11^1 


5 Oh 


~ ~ ~ 


90fem. ~ 


~ 17 to 18 ~ 


47 male ~ 


5 1 
5 ) 


5 


„ „ ~ 


112 fem. ~ 



In order to compare the height at similar ages in 



England and in Belgium, we have expressed, in the 
following table, the ciphers given in the Penny Maga- 
zine in metres ; and in order to get, for instance, the 
lieight of a child of nine years of age, we have taken 
the mean of the child's height in the age between 8 J 
and 9 years, and the height of the age of 9 and 
9A, &c. &c. 



Age. 


English. 


Belgians. ' 










Boys. 


Girls. 


Boys. 


Girls. 




metres. 


metres. 


metres. 


metres. 


9 years, 


1-202 


1-191 


1-219 


1-195 


10 <- 


1-234 


1-2.32 


1-275 


1-248 


11- „ - 


1-273 


1-267 


1-330 


1-299 


12 ~ 


1-306 


1-310 


1-385 


1-353 


13 ~ - 


1-338 


1-347 


1-439 


1-403 


14 - 


1-400 


1-403 


1-493 


1-453 


15 „ - 


1-457 


1-420 


1-546 


1-499 


16 ~ 


1-511 


1-502 


1-594 


1-535 


17 ~ - 


1-.530 


1-518 


1-6.34 


15.'i5 



Of measurements which have been made in Cam- 
bridge, we have seen that, in general. Englishmen at 
the time of their complete bodily development are 
taller than the Belgians ; yet we drew our conclu- 
sions also from the measurement of students. The 
results we communicate here are derived from young 
labourers. 

From this it may be seen that the heavy work in 
manufactories forms an obstacle to the bodily deve- 
lopment of men. We have already obtained analogous 
results from the nximbers communicated by Mr Cowell, 
which refer to the youth employed in manufactories, 
and from others who were not so employed. In the 
following table we have placed together notices 
which, up to the present moment, we have procured 
on this matter ; they may thus be compared with 
the preceding observations, and it is to be desired 
that in other covmtries similar observations should 
be made. 

[Aote.] — We have also inquired into the law of 
growth of plants, and in several animals ; and al- 
though we have not as yet had time to pursue 
them with the requisite care and to the necessary 
extent, they have already afforded very interest- 
ing results, and some remarkable points of compa- 
rison. 



Mean Height of Youth from 9 to 25 Years. 



Age. 


Boys.* 


Girls.* 


English.t 


Scotch. t 


Irish.f 


Belgium.:}: 


Working 




Working 










in Manu- 
factories. 


Employed. 


in Manu- 
factories. 


Employed. 








Boys. 


Girls. 




metres. 


metres. 


metres. 


metres. 


metres. 


metres. 


metres. 


metres. 


metres. 


9 years, 


1-222 


1-233 


1-218 




2.'iO 












10 _ - - 


1-270 


1-286 


1-260 




254 








1-227 


1-200 


11 _ - - 


1-302 


1-296 


1-299 




323 








1-282 


1-248 


12 „ - - 


1-355 


1-345 


l-.'i64 




.363 








1-327 


1-275 


13 - - - 


1-.383 


1-396 


1-413 




399 








1-359 


1-327 


14 ™ - - 


1-437 


1-440 


1-467 




479 








1-403 


1-386 


15 , - - 


1-515 


1-474 


1-486 


1 


502 


1-6.35 


1-643 




1-487 


1-447 


16 ~ - - 


1-565 


1-605 


1-521 




475 


1-689 


1-696 




1-559 


1-475 


17 " - - 


1-5.92 


1-627 


1-5,35 




542 


1-714 


1-724 




1-610 


1-500 


18 ~ - - 


1-608 


1-775 


1-593 


1-645 


1-729 


1-739 


1-744 


1-670 


1-.544 


19 ~ - - 










1-740 


1-750 


1-762 


1-700 


1-562 


20 ~ - - 










1-744 


1-754 


1-772 


I-7O6 




21 ~ - - 










1-747 


1-757 


1-777 


1-711 


1-570 


22 ~ - - 










1-750 


1-757 


1-779 






23 ~ - - 










1-750 


1-76(J 


1.784 






24 „ - - 










1-750 


1-760 


1-784 






25 ~ - - 










1-750 


1-760 


1-784 


1-722 


1-577 



* These results were ascertained in the neighbourhood of Manchester. 

t These by Jlr Forbes of Edfnburgh. t These by measurement of the wenltliy class. 



116 



ON MAN. 



No. XII. 

ADDITION TO THE FOURTH SECTION OF THE SECOND BOOK. 

Remarks on the Quality of the Blood, according to the Age 
and Sex. 

We are of opinion that all the relations which may 
vary in different individuals, either according to age or 
to sex, ought to be subjected to investigations such as 
the preceding. In this respect the quality of the blood 
merits our attention, for it undergoes very remark- 
able changes. The investigations of MM. Lecanu and 
Denis have furnished, in respect to these variations, 
the following results :* — 

We observe, in the blood of the foetus, which is ne- 
cessarily the same as that of the placenta, compara- 
tively little serum and much cruor ; this quality of 
the blood also continues for some time after birth, and 
seems to remain the same so long as the new-born 
child preserves the peculiar rosy colouring, that is, 
for two or three weeks. 

Prom this period to about the fifth month, the 
quantity of serum increases and that of the cruor 
decreases. 

From the fifth month to the fortieth year, the quan- 
tity of cruor increases and that of the serum decreases. 

Trom the fortieth to the fiftieth year, again, the 
serum increases and the cruor decreases. 

The following are the mean proportions obtamed by 
a comparison of the blood of individuals of different 
ages : — 



7 persons from 5 months to 10 j'ears, 
13 • • • ■ 10 years • • 20 • ■ 

11 . . • • 20 ■ . . . 30 • . 

12 . . • • 30 • • . ■ 40 . • 
6 • • . . 40 • • . . 50 • • 

8 • . . . 50 ■ • . . GO • • 
2 . . . . 66 • ■ ■ • 70 • • 



Proportions. 
830 Serum, 11 Cruor. 
800 •• 14 •■ 
7C0 •• 17 •• 
700 .. 17 •• 
760 .. 16 .. 
780 .. 15 •■ 
790 •• 14 .. 



These are the results at different periods of life. 

As to the different quality of the blood in the male 
and female sex, M. Lecami has found that in the male 
there exists comparatively less serum in the blood 
than in the female. He found, in the 



Maximum, 
Minimum, 
Mean, 



Blood of the 
Male. 
805-263 Seriun. 
778-625 ■ . 
791-944 . . 



Blood of the 
Female. 
853-135 Serum. 
790-394 
821-764 



The blood of the male has consequently 29'820 less 
serum than that of the female. 

On the other hand, the proportion of cruor is greater 
in the male, as may be seen by the following table: — 



Maximum, 
Minimum, 
Mean, 



Blood of the Blood of the 

Male. Female. 

148-450 Cruor. 129-999 Cruor. 

115-850 •• 68-349 •• 

132-150 •• 99-169 •• 



Thus the blood of the male sex contains 32-981 more 
cruor than that of the female. 



No. XIII. 

ADDITION TO THE FIRST AND THIRD SECTIONS OF THE 
THIRD BOOK. 

Remarks concerning the Highest Development of Ihe 
Passions. 

The author of a kind notice of our work, published 
in a periodical, considers the opinion very bold that 
the passions of men attain their highest energy at the 
twenty-fifth year, and that, consequently, those talents 
which presuppose the development of the passions, 
and especially imagination, ought to produce at this 

* S. Lecanu — Etudes sur le Sane/ Humain. Paris : 1837. 4to. And 
"Denis— Recherches Expirimentales sur le Sanff Humain, p. 287. 



period of life the most distinguished works. With 
the view of opposing our opinion, the critic cites the 
instance of J. J. Eousseau, who began to write his 
best works when about forty. Even if this instance 
were completely applicable to the question, it proves 
nothing : as we see that even the most accomplished 
scientific men commit such mistakes, it cannot be often 
enough repeated, that the result of calculations of 
probability can only apply to masses, and cannot be 
applied to individual cases. J. J. Rousseau did not 
die at that age which is usually reckoned the mean 
duration of the life of man ; and yet no one would think 
of doubting on that account the correctness and the 
real value of the bills of mortality. 



No. XIV. 

Extract from the Bulletin de VAcademie JRoyale des 
Sciences de Bruxelles. 1836. No. 5. 

Remarks on the Influence of Age on Insanity, and on the Dispo- 
sition for Crime, hy M. Quetelet. 

In ray work on Man, and on the development of his 
faculties, I have endeavoured to lay before the public 
the few documents which science possesses concerning 
the age most liable to mental disease. The accounts 
of Paris, Caen, and Norway, the only ones I could 
procure, all agreed in showing that most diseases of 
the mind occur between thirty and forty. In order to 
be able to compare the results, I took the total of the 
insane as unity, and thus I deduced for the different 
periods of life the following proportions : — 





Paris. 


Caen. 


Norway 


Below 20 years, 


0-06 


003 


0-17 


From 20 to 30 years, - 


- 0-20 


0-17 


0-19 


•• 30to40 -• 


0-24 


0-29 


0-21 


.. 40to50 •• 


- 0-22 


0-25 


0-16 


-- 50to60 •• 


0-14 


0-17 


0-13 


Above 60 years, 


- 0-14 


0-09 


0-14 



Since the publication of the work containing these 
investigations, I have received, through the kindness 
of Sir Charles Morgan, some interesting communica- 
tions regarding the statistics of the lunatic asylums 
in Ireland, collected by Mr Radcliffe. Amongst these 
notices, there is a tabular view of 5021 insane, whose 
age was extracted from tlie tables of tlie institutions. 
Besides this, I found in the work of Mr Porter — Tables 
of the Revenue, Population, &c., 1834— a view of the 
insane in bedlam, which likewise contains information 
regarding the age of the insane who were received 
into this institution and not considered incurable. 
According to this -view, there were, in the years — 

Insane. Mean Age of the 

Insane. 

1830, - - - 201 37 years. 

1831, - - - - 212 35 •- 

1832, - - - 1C3 37 •- 

1833, ... - 184 26 .. 

1834, " - - 217 36 •■ 

They remained in the institution an average jieriod 
of 204 days. The age of 977 of these insane will be 
found in the following table, in which also the notices 
concerning Ireland have been entered. 



Age. 


Bethlem Hospital. 


Irish Lunatic Asylums. 


Insane. 


Pro- 
portion. 


Insane. 


Pro- 
portion. 


Below 20 years, - 

From 20 to 30 years, 

■ ■ 30 to 40 . • 

• • 40 to 50 . - 

• • 50 to 60 ■ . 
Above 60 years, - 


61 
261 
292 
203 

107 

53 


0-06 
0-27 
0-30 
0-21 
0-11 
0-05 


500 
1551 
1284 
939 
609 
136 


010 
0-31 
0-25 
0-19 
0-12 
0-03 


Total, 


077 


1-00 


5021 


1-00 



It may be seen that the numbers of the Bethlem 
Hospital agree pretty well with those of France and 



ON MAN. 



117 



Norway, according to which most insane exist between 
the years of thirty and forty ; as far as Ireland is con- 
cerned, the maximum in this country appears some- 
what earlier. However, we must not conclude from 
the circumstance tliat " in general the greatest num- 
ber of insane are to be found between thirty and 
forty years of age," that also at this age the greatest 
number of outbreaks of this disease occur. In order 
to ascertain the critical age, we must take into ac- 
count the population and the number of individuals 
from the different classes given in our table. If we 
then take the average number of the ciphers for those 
coimtries of which we now speak, we find — 

Mean of the Distribution Proportion 





Insane in 


the 


of the 


of the 




above 5 Tables. 


Population. 


Population. 


Below 20 years, 


0-08 




0-40 


0-20 


From 20 to 30 years, 


- 0-23 




0-17 


1-25 


• • 30 to 40 • • 


0-26 




0-14 


1-8C 


•■ 40 to 50 -. - 


- 0-21 




Oil 


1-91 


• • 50 to CO ■ • 


0-13 




0-09 


1-44 


Above 60 years, 


- 0-09 




0.09 


1-00 



Thus it appears, that if we have regard to the popu- 
lation, and if we may be allowed to generalise the pre- 
ceding results, that the age between forty and fifty, or 
rather the fortieth year, is the period of life most subject 
to insanity. In my essaj^ on the Natural Philosophy 
of Society, I have shown that it is the same age in 
•ft'hich most masterpieces of dramatic literature are 
produced in England and France, with this only dif- 
ference, that England has in that respect a slight 
advantage over Erance. May Ave draw from this the 
conclusion, that the human mind is affected by dis- 
eases which are in proportion to its energy or exer- 
cise ? This is still a problem, the solution of which is 
of great importance to society, and which unquestion- 
ably will be elucidated by the theory of probabilities 
which is founded on correct observation. 

To the preceding question another may be added, 
which perhaps is even of more direct importance to 
society, the question, namely. What influence does age 
exercise over the disposition to crime ? Several years 
ago I had shoAvn, what the residts of the following 
years have confirmed, that in France not only the 
number of crimes committed by individuals at certain 
periods of life almost always recur in the same pro- 
portions, but also that the proportions, notwithstand- 
ing their difference, are equally regular, if we draw a 
distinction between the different kinds of crimes on 
account of the sex of the criminals. 

Heretofore, the docimients which have been afforded 
by the administration of justice in Belgium have 
shown that the same regularity is also to be found 
with us ; further, that in like manner the proportion 
of the sexes in criminals of different ages is in both 
countries nearly the same. From this correspondence 
of the results, we must therefore conclude that they 
are either reproduced 5'ear after year by a kind of 
miracle, or that they arise in a very great similarity 
of the social organisation in the two countries, in so 
far at least as regards those relations which influence 
crime. I have even observed that this phenomenon of 
moral life shows a greater regularity of occurrence 
than many phenomena of the material world. 

A short time ago, documents have been published 
regarding the admuaistration of cruninal law in the 
grand-dutchy of Baden, which likewise furnish infor- 
mation respecting the age of the accused individuals ;* 

* Uebersicht der Slrafrechtespjlege it. s. ic. Karlsruhe : 1834. 4to. 
(Account of the Administration of Criminal Justice, &c.) The 
celebrated jurist, Jlittermaier, in commimicating this remark- 
able work to me, had the kindness to express his opinion regard- 
ing the investigations in which I was engaged, in tlie following 
terms : — " I am convinced that the manner in which you view 
things, proceeding, as you do, by combining facts, is the only 
way in which we may hope to penetrate the mysteries of nature. 



and here again we meet with a remarkable correspon- 
dence of numbers, as may be seen from the following 
table : — 



Age of the 


Grand-dutchy of Baden : 
1833. 


France 


Accused. 


Nimiber of 
the Accused. 


Proportion. 


1826-18£9. 


14 to 18 years, - 

18 to 30 

30 to 40 .. 
40to50 .. - 
50 to GO . . 
60 to 70 ■• - 
70 years and above, 


93 
784 
381 
211 
106 

33 
1 


0-48/''* 
0'24 
0-13 
0-07 

0-02 
0-00 


0-53* 

0-23 
0-14 
0-06 
0-03 
0-01 




1009 


1-00 


1-00 



At what conclusion must Ave then arrive from so 
many documents Avhich show so surprising a corre- 
spondence, although the ciphers are not very large ? 
Must we entirely deny the free will of individuals, or 
must Ave suppose that it is without influence if we 
consider the phenomena of society on a large scale — as 
happens with the phenomena of the material Avorld, 
where the internal action and reaction of a system 
do not disturb the equilibrium ? This at least seems 
to be deducible from observation, if Ave do not perhaps 
prefer blindly to reject what it teaches us. 

That Avhich in my opinion modifies the results of 
different years, is not the influence of free will, as far 
as it can in fact be active, but rather the changes 
Avhich society undergoes by degrees, through the gra- 
dual reform of its institutions — as through the oscilla- 
tions of its habits and Avants — changes Avhich fortu- 
nately take an extremely sIoav course. If the social 
organisation could experience sudden changes, the 
influence of free Avill would continually defy our fore- 
sight, which is of course based on a knoAvledge of past 
ages. Of Avhat use Avoidd it be then to introduce wise 
institutions, or to think of a reform in our legislation ? 
Experience convinces us more and more that, Avith 
the same social organisation, we may be prepared year 
after year for the return of the same moral pheno- 
mena. Violent changes or revolutions may indeed 
take place, Avhich, for the moment, disturb the common 
course of things, the influence of which may even pro- 
dace lasting modifications ; but there is the same rela- 
tion to be here observed as in epidemics and famines 
Avith regard to mortality. Do Ave reject the tables of 
the mean duration of life, upon Avhich insurance com- 
panies found their speculations, on account of the dis- 
turbances their operations may experience from the 
occurrence of an epidemic' We may even foresee 
a revolution, or any other important shock society 
receives, at least to a certain extent ; whilst this is not 
the case as regards an epidemic, and most other cala- 
mities which devastate mankind. Every country has 
its table of mortality, as every country must have its 
table of disposition to crime ; therefore, we cannot 
conclude that, if we had found regarding the influence 
of age upon crime in France, Belgium, and the grand- 
dutchy of Baden, the same restdts, we necessarily also 
should arriA^e at the same results in England. We 
juay, perhaps, find others, but I do not hesitate affirm- 
ing that the ciphers of 1835 Avill also recur in 1836, 
as the same ciphers have occiirred year after year 
in France, always under the supposition that the state 
of society undergoes no remarkable change. 

All my investigations regarding the nature of crime lead me to 
the same results as yours, and the inferences which the legisla- 
ture might di-aw from them are of the highest importance. It 
is a sad truth which you profess in your work, that it is society 
which prepares the crime. This truth is especially confirmed by 
the statistics of recidive cases (relapses.) 

* The French tables do not follow the same divisions according 
to the age. 



118 



ON MAN. 



Mr Porter, to whom we owe very interesting sta- 
tistic contributions, lias, sometime ago, published the 
first accurate tables respecting the age of the accused 
throughout the whole of England, for the year 1834 ;* 
and his results agree with those of France, Belgium, 
and the grand-dutchy of Baden, in so far as the maxi- 
mum of the number of criminals belongs to the same 



Age of the 
Accused. 


England: 1834. 


France : 


Accused. 


Proportion. 


1826-1829. 


Below 16 years, - 
From 16 to 21 years, 
.. 21 to 30 •• 
. . 30 to 40 • • 
• . 40 to 50 • • 
■ • 50 to 60 • • 
Above 60 years. 


2,604 
6,473 
7,069 
3,146 
1,525 
686 
303 


0-12 
0-29 
0-32 
0-15 
0-07 
0-03 
0-02 


0-02 
016 
0-35 
0-23 
0-14 
0-(»6 
0-04 




21,806 


1-00 


1-00 



A remarkable diflFerence between the tables of 
England and those of France is to be found in the 
circumstance, that in the former country there is com- 
paratively a much greater number of juvenile accused 
than in the latter. This is partly owing to the cir- 
cumstance, that the English assizes have also to 
decide on most of those crimes which in France are 
brought before the correctional police. Before the 
bar of the latter there appear, however, far more 
juvenile accused than before the assize or criminal 
courts. On the other hand, there is in England a 
class of criminals who train up children as implements 
for theft and all kinds of petty larceny.f But if we 
set aside these two causes, and other deviations which 
render difficult tlie comparison between two countries 
whose institutions and laws are so different, I think 
I require to yield nothing of the views with which I 
concluded several years ago a paper on the disposition 
to crime, which the academy directed to be inserted 
in tlie seventh volume of its Transactions, namely, 
that this afflicting condition seems to be developed in 
proportion to the intensity of the bodily strength and 
the passions of men, attaining their maximum about 
the twenty-fifth year, the period when the body has 
nearly reached its full development. 

Afterwards the intellectual and moral development, 
which follows a slower course, contribute to the de- 
crease of this disposition to crime, which in after life 
becomes still more striking in consequence of the de- 
crease of the bodily strength and of the passions. 



No. XV. 

Extract from the Bulletin de VAcademie Boyale des 
Sciences de Bruxelles : 1836. No. 6. 

Influence of Age upon the Disposition to Crime. 

Addition to the foregoing remark : — " Every country 
has its table of mortality, as every country must have 
its table of the disposition to crime," &c. &c. 

When I communicated, about a month ago, the 
preceding remarks to the academy, I did not imagine 
that so soon thereafter facts would confirm, in the 
most decided manner, my opinions. I was then citing 
the proportional number of criminals of different ages, 
as the result from the statistical documents regarding 
England for 1834; and observing that they agreed 
with those of Belgium, France, and the grand-dutchy 

* Tables showing the Number of Criminals Offenders in the 
Year 1834, &c. 

t The cause which likewise must influence the results respect- 
ing the number of juvenile criminals, is, that the population of 
England has proportionally more children than that of France. 
From the tables of populatio7i for the two countries, it results, 
that in England, for 100 below M years, there are only 150 adults, 
whilst in France there are more tli.in -ioo. 



of Baden only in so far as the age of 23 years ap- 
pears as that when most crimes are committed, I had 
no hesitation in saying, that the differences which 
are exhibited in other respects are by no means acci- 
dental, but must be the result of the social organisa- 
tion of England; so that, as their organisation has 
been the same in 1834 and 1835, the ciphers observed 
during the former year ought also to occur, without 
change, in the latter. The documents of the Enghsh 
tribunals for the year 1835, which Mr Porter kindly 
communicated to me a few days ago, have just now 
decided the question. The following is an extract 
from the two reports : — 



Age of the Criminals. 



12 years and less, 
12 to 16 years, 
16 to 21 . . 
21 to 30 • • 
30 to 40 • • 
40 to 50 • • 
50 to 60 • • 
60 and above, 
Age unknown , 



Total, 



Proportion for each Age. 



1-78 


1-67 


9-82 


9-70 


28-83 


29-65 


31-49 


31-92 


14-01 


14-01 


6-79 


6-60 


3-(l6 


3-24 


l-a5 


1-30 


2-87 


1-91 



These results, which differ considerably from those 
of France, agree, as we see, with each other in a re- 
markable manner ; especially if Ave take into account 
that we have not to refer to Poisson's Law of great 
numbers. These were, in fact, during the two years 
the documents of which Ave haA-e compared, founded 
on 22,451 and 20,731 criminals: this makes, accord- 
ing to Mr Porter — 



In WU, 
.. 1835, - 



1 criminal to 619 inhabitants. 
- 1 . . . . 631 



ISM. 


1835. 


10-94 

- 6-50 
73-97 

0-72 

- 1-92 


9-72 
6.53 
74-66 
075 
1-78 


5-95 


6-56 


- 100-00 


100-00 



The same regularity appears, also, in respect to the 
sex of criminals ; for of 100 criminals, there Avere 

84 men and 16 women in 1834. 

83 . . . . 17 . . . . 1835. 

The same regularity is also observed in other relations 
Avhich come under our view. Thus we find, for in- 
stance, if Ave distinguish between the different crimes, 



Crimes against person, .... 
property, with violence, 

without violence. 

Injury to property, - - - - - 

Forgeries, &c., . . . - . 

Crimes not included under the preceding 

categories, . . . . . 



Total, - 

This regularity is certainly as great as that which 
has been observed in the annual number of births and 
deaths, and still greater than that which has been 
observed in the recurrence of certain phenomena con- 
sidered as purely physical. England, then, forms no 
exception to the folloAving thesis : " There is a budget 
which is paid with frightfxd regularity — a budget, namely, 
of prisons and scaffolds." I repeat once more, because 
i attribute a great importance to this observation, 
that "Human society, considered on a large scale, 
exhibits laAvs similar to those which regulate the 
material A\-orld ;" that the greater the number of ob- 
served individuals may be, the more avUI disappear all 
bodily and intellectual peculiarities ; and the series of 
general phenomena, by means of Avhich society erects 
and maintains itself, predominates Avith remarkable 
regularity in their recurrence. Thus the possibiUty 
may be explained of analysing the different fiiculties 
of men in an inductive manner ; and what in future 
will be Avanting to us are, not methods of observation, 
but observations made in sufficient number and Avith 
sufficient care to claim full confidence for the deduced 
results. 



[ 119 3 



TRANSLATOR'S APPENDIX.— PHYSIOLOGICAL AND PATHOLOGICAL 

STATISTICS. 



It was originally my intention to have added exten- 
sively to the admirable work of M. Quetelet, novr sub- 
mitted for the first time to the criticism of the British 
public ; but two considerations have induced me to lay 
aside this idea, at least for the present. The first is, 
that accurate and official details, upon either general 
or national statistics, are not yet procurable, to a pro- 
per extent, in Great Britain. Secondly, the additional 
matt«r, even admitting it to be perfectly accurate, 
which could scarcely have happened, must to a cer- 
tain extent have led the attention of the reader from 
the main object — the leading idea, if I may so speak, 
of the work — tliat bright and original conception of a 
great mind, which those who have perused the pre- 
ceding pages must now fully understand. 

Hitherto the attempts to apply to hiunan physio- 
logy and pathology the science of numbers and weight, 
have neither been very numerous nor very successful. 
I shall merely select a few instances as illustrative of 
the principles advocated by M. Quetelet. 

L— PULSATIONS OF THE HEART. 

The left ventricle or cavity of the heart acts as a 
powerful piston, and by its contractions discharges 
into the great artery of the body a certain quantity 
of arterial blood at each contraction. These contrac- 
tions constitute, in fact, the pulse of the heart ; but 
as the blood so discharged passes rapidly along the 
arteries to every part of the body, it is usual for the 
physiologist, and more especially the medical man, to 
reckon the number of these contractions at some of 
the more remote arteries, and the radial artery at the 
wrist is for many reasons the vessel usually selected. 
The phenomenon called the pulse, is erroneously sup- 
posed by many to reside in the arteries ; but it is, in 
man at least, dependent solely on the heart's action 
and on the pressure of the observer's finger. It will 
now be understood, then, that by the number of the 
"pulsations" is meant the number of contractions 
which the left ventricle of the human heart performs 
in a given time. 

The statistics of these pulsations, also of the num- 
ber of respirations, had not escaped the observation of 
medical men. The reader is by this time aware of the 
extent of the valuable researches of M. Quetelet on 
these points — correct so far as they go, but requiring 
modification in consequence of an important element 
or two having been overlooked in the inquiry. 

About one hundred years ago, Dr Bryan Robinson* 
made many accurate observations respecting the hu- 
man pulse. If Kepler was the first to endeavour to 
arrive at the " constants" of the human pulse, yet he 
probably failed to discover that remarkable law, so 
clearly stated by Dr Robinson, which rests on the in- 
fluence of posture (and muscular action generally) over 
the number of the human pulsations. " I took," says he, 
" the pulses in a minute, and measured the lengths of a 

* A Treatise on the Animal Economy. Dublin : 1733. 



great number of bodies. I took the pulses when the 
bodies were sitting, that they all might be situated 
alike with respect to the horizon ; and in the morning 
before breakfast, that their hearts might be as free as 
possible from the influences of all disturbing causes ; 
and when I had got a very large stock of observations, 
I took the means of the pulses." Unfortunately, he 
has not published the tables of observations on this 
point — a great neglect in an original observer, render- 
ing it impossible for future experimenters to verify his 
observations. Instead of this, he says that he found 
those means " to be nearly as tlie biquadrate roots 
of the cubes of the lengths of the bodies inversely." 
Language of this kind has happily disappeared from 
most modern physiological works. 

In the following table he lays down two other laws 
of the human pulse, tending to prove that the quick- 
ness of the pulse is, to a certain extent, inversely as 







Pulse from 




Ages 


Length in 


Observation 


Pulse 


in Years. 


Inches. 


before Breakfast, 


by Theory. 






and Sitting. 






72 


65 


65 




ti8 


(>7 


68 




GO 


72 


74 


14 


55 


77 


79 


12 


51 


«2 


84 


9 


id 


90 


91 


i; 


42 


97 


97 


3 


.33 


113 


111 


2 


.32 


120 


119 


1 


2« 


126 


132 


i 


25 


137 


144 


(1 


18 


150 


184 



the age and height. Having exemplified these laws 
of the pulse by a variety of observations and remarks, 
he next attempted to measure the effects of diet and 
stimulants, and of the time of day ; but in this he failed, 
as was shown in 1812-14 by Dr Knox, whose in- 
quiries and experiments led to the following conclu- 
sions : — 

" 1. That Dr Bryan Robinson was the discoverer of 
the ' differential pulse in man ;' that he described it 
perfectly, and ascribed it to its real cause. 

2. That he appreciated correctly enough the influ- 
ence of food, and other disturbing causes of the heart's 
action, but that he knew nothing of the precise nature 
of the laws regulating these actions, not having sub- 
mitted them to any statistical inquiry. 

3. He first proved indisputably, that from birth to 
adult age, the rapidity of the pulse constantly declines, 
and he has given an accurate statistical table to prove 
this. 

4. He endeavoured to show, by the same numerical 
method, that the rapidity of the pulse was inversely 
as the height of the person : or, to give an example, 
let A be five feet, and let B be six feet, then the pulse 
of A is to that of B as 72 to 65. But this table is 
not carefully drawn up, and the actual conclusions 
are not legitimate, though the law may be a correct 
one. 



120 



ON MAN. 



5. He suspected a diurnal movement in the rapi- 
dity of the pulse ; namely, that it decreased during 
sleep, and increased from morning until night. With 
several of his conclusions I do not agree. 

Lastly, He attempted to ascertain, statistically, the 
effects of muscular motion on the pulse in health ; the 
ratio of the pulsations to the inspirations ; and the 
immediate result on the heart's action, of a temporary 
deprivation of air." 

The true nature of the fourth law, regulating the 
human pulse, was discovered by Dr Knox in 1812-13 -. 
he calls it " the diurnal revolutioyi of the pulse," and he 
proA^ed that there was not only a natural, numerical, 
diurnal revolution in the hearths action, but that there 
existed a fifth law, namely, " a diurnal revolution in 
the excitability of the heart to stimulants of all kinds." 
These remarkable laws being opposed to the received 
medical notions and physiological theories of the day, 
were much disputed ; but they have been completely 
proved by subsequent observers. The following re- 
marks, quoted from his Memoirs, will readily explain 
these laws to the general reader : — 

" The question of an average pulse for any parti- 
cular age can only be put, at least in this form, by 
those ignorant to a great extent of the physiology of 
the pulse. Systematic writers on physiology, by 
stating such questions and replying to them, display 
a desire to satisfy the general reader at the expense 
of truth. The pulse varies every hour of the day 
and night, and after every meal ; it is extensively 
influenced by merely rising from the sitting to the 
erect i^osture ; and how, without a special attention 
to these cu'cumstances, any one can arrive at an 
average pulse, it is somewhat difficult to imagine. 
Nothing can be more vague and more unsatisfactory 
than the following table : — 

Average of the Human Pulse at Different Ages, according to 
Bryan Robinson. 



Age. 


Length in 
Inches. 


Pulse. 


At birth, 


... 


18 


150 


~ ^ year, - 


- 


25 


137 


-, I -. 


... 


28 


126 


~ 2 ~ 


. 


32 


120 


.- 3 - 


. 


35 


113 


~ 6 ~ 


. 


42 


97 


^ 9 ~ 


... 


46 


90 


«12 ~ - 


. 


51 


82 


^14 ~ 


. 


55 


77 






60 


72 






68 


67 






72 


65 


Magendie. 


Elmotson 


Mayo. 






(last Edition.) 








Before birth, 128 




At birth, 


130 to 140 




At birth, - 140 


~ 1 year. 


120 to 130 


At 1 year, - 124 


At 1 year, - 120 


«. 2 ~ 


100 to 110 


-2 „ - 110 


~ 2 „ 100 to 110 


~ 3 ~ 


90 to 100 


AMien the first 




~ 7 ~ 


85 to 90 


teeth drop out, 86 




- 14 ~ 


80 to m 


At puberty, 8(i 


At puberty, - 80 


Adiilt age, 


75 to HO 


At manhood, 75 


Adult from 70 to 75 


First old nge, 


65 to 75 


Old age, about Gd 


Old age, - 611 


Confirmed do. 


60 to 65 


Scarcely found it 
twice alike. 





Here the oldest writer is not only more minute, 
but approaches perhaps nearest to the truth. 

Such tables as the above, are, for the most part, 
slightly varied copies of each other, and in respect to 
them I would make the following remarks : — 

No mention is made how the averages of these 
three last tables were struck. "We are left to guess, 
1 st, at what time of tl\e day the pulse was noted, and 
if in all the individuals at tlie same time of day ; 2dly, 
in male or female ; 3dly, sitting, lying, or standing ; 



4thly, before or after meals ; 5thly, morning, noon, or 
night ; 6thly, whether sleeping or waking. 

A little reflection clearly shows that there can be 
no such thing as an average pulse, unless counted 
under circumstances precisely similar in aU the indi- 
viduals experimented on ; and even then we should 
only obtain the average for that particular hour and 
time of day. This would be an average pulse in a 
certain sense. In the absence, however, of such data, 
the practical utility even of which I question, there 
still are some, imperfect as they are, which merit 
attention. 

In order to arrive at even an attempt at a fair 
average, we are forced to go back to Dr Robinson's 
Treatise, written nearly a hundred years ago, and 
find it to contain the only approach at an analysis of 
this subject. He gives, in Table II., the average pulse 
of two men at every hour of the day (whilst sitting), 
from 8 A.M. until 11 p.m., taken for several weeks : 
the mean of these waking hours was — for A, 76 ; for 
B, 78. But still there is a meagreness of detail, and a 
narrowness of observation, rendering it impossible to 
base, on such observations, any important conclusion. 

The mid-day pulse of 25 yomig gentlemen, taken 
between the hours of 12 and 2, in July 1836, was as 
folloAVS :— 



No. 



1. H. 

2. 11. - 

3. R. 

4. H. - 

5. G. 

6. M'G. 
7.S. 

8. AV. - 

9. T. 

10. E. - 

11. H. 

12. W. - 

13. AV. 

14. S. 

15. D. 

16. F. - 

17. AV. 

18. C. ■ 

19. K. 

20. B. - 

21. T. 

22. D. ■ 

23. S. 

24. M'D. 
25.0. 



Mean, ■ 



Age. 



5 feet 5i inch. 

„ 7 " 

6 ~ li - 
5-6 ~ 

~ - 
5 ~ 5 „ 



Height. 



/5 
10 
6-0 

5J 


5-5 
5-8 
5-6 
5-8 
5 



3J 
6 

9 
11 
11 
11* 
7" 
5-10 
5-8 
10* 



Pulse 
Sitting. 



72-4 



Pulse 
Standing. 



72 



75-4 



This table, which was drawn up with the greatest 
attention to accuracy, discloses some curious facts in 
the history of the pulse. So far as could be determined, 
all these young gentlemen were m good health, with 
one exception ; and yet we find two, in whom the pulse 
constantly decreased on rising from their seat, and 
became accelerated on sitting down ; being the very 
reverse of a law which all physiologists had thought 
to be universal. 

Besides these two, in whom the pulse showed so 
singular a character, there Avere six others Avho had 
no differential pulse, that is, in whom the muscular 
action required to maintam the body erect did not 
accelerate tlie pulse a single beat. 

Is there, or is there not, a " diurnal revolution " of 
the pulse in respect merely to numbers, independent 
of stimulation by food or exercise ? Now, I fancy that 
this has been completely proved in my first memoir, 
published more than twenty years ago. But some 
liave asserted that this morning acceleration and 
evening retardation depends altogether on the use of 
food and other stimulants, and that, were it not for 
these, the pulse would not rise early in the morning 
and fall towards evening, but would smk constantly. 
This opinion is incorrect, as the following table, given 
as a specimen of the experiments by which the exist- 



ON MAN. 



121 



ence of a differential pulse was established, -will tend 
to show : — 

Table showing the differential pulse, observed in Mr S., aged 20, 
morning and evening ; proving a diurnal revolution, both as to 
numbers and as to excitability, altogether independent of food 
or exercise, and proving the morning pulse to be quicker than 
the evening one. 



Date. 


Hour. 


Horizontal. 


Sitting. 


standing. 


Differential. 


April 5, 


10 P.M. 


53 


64 


78 


25 


~ 6, 


7 A.M. 


60 


75 


SW 


30 


~ 7, 


7 A.M. 


65 


80 


90 


25 


- 8, 


10 P.M. 


57 


66 


78 


21 


_ 9, 


7 A.M. 


65 


80 


90 


25 


~ 10, 


rlO A.M. 


60 


82 


95 


35 


XU) P.M. 


58 


70 


76 


18 



Average Differential Pulse. 
Morning, - 28-7 Evening, - 21-3 

Horizontal. Sitting. Standing. 
Average morning pulse, - 62 78'3 90 

Average evenin g pulse, - 56 67 77 

The apartments occupied by Mr S. (a gentleman 
of the most regular habits and in excellent health) 
seemed to me cold, and exposed to the boisterous 
westerly Avinds of this cUmate. I have no doubt that 
tlie temperature of the room had fallen greatly during 
the night, otherwise the difference between the morn- 
ing and evening pulse would have been still more 
marked. 

The morning pidse was of course noted before 
breakfast. 

AVithout doubt, were we to continue long without 
food, the pulse Avovdd first sink, and then become ex- 
ceedingly quick on the sUghtest excitement. No one 
doubts this ; but that tlie morning pulse is quicker 
than the evening one, altogether independent of anj' 
stimulants, is proved, I think, beyond a doubt by this 
and other tables. 

The next question, which is a more important one 
in many respects, is as to the existence of a diurnal 
revolution in the excitabihty of the heart ; by this I 
mean a varying susceptibility, according to the time 
of day, for a healthy powerful action of the heart, when 
influenced by food, exercise, &c. 

The numerous observations detailed throughout this 
paper, and in my former memoir, published in 1814-15, 
may, it is hoped, settle this question with mipreju- 
diced i)ersons. The excitability of the heart dimi- 
nishes regularly from an early hour until late in the 
evening. Indeed, I have reason to think that, since 
the publication of my first memoir in 181.5, few have 
doubted this fact ; and I beg leave, therefore, to refer 
at once to that memoir." 

The following observations will explain to the reader 
the nature of the " elements" omitted by M. Quete- 
let:— 

" I can nowhere find in the valuable woi'ks of M. 
Quetelet, that he was aware of the effects of position 
on the pulse, or of its diurnal revolution, or of the 
diurnal change in its excitabihtj- ; and this lessens, I 
regret to say, the otherwise entire confidence I and 
all others woidd be disposed to place in the results 
arrived at b}' this profound and ingenious philosopher. 
In the tables, for example, constructed to determine 
the influence of sleep on the pulse and respiration, 
compared with the waking state, no mention is made 
of the time of day or night, nor of the position of the 
person whilst awake, Avhether horizontal, sitting, or 
standing upright. The piUsation of the person sleep- 
ing woidd, in aU probability, be reckoned in the even- 
ing, at a time when the pulse sinks naturally, altoge- 
ther independent of sleep. 

Again, he found that in a male child from four to 
five years old, the pulsations and inspirations were — 



In the construction of these tables, two great data 
have been neglected, namely, the position of the per- 
son and the time of the day. 

If the pulsations and inspirations were reckoned 
during the night, as an index of the effects of sleep, 
then the effects of the time of day are mistaken for 
the effects of sleep ; for at midnight the pulse nume- 
rically is low in a healthy and stout person, whether 
asleep or not, and the excitability of the heart is nearly 
at its zero. Again, the pidse would be counted at one 
time whilst the person was in a horizontal position, 
and at another time whilst sitting, or even standing. 
This would also make a difference of 10 or 12 beats, 
which M. Quetelet has not taken into account. I 
question much if any effects arise from sleep, except- 
ing of a very trivial nature ; but restlessness and 
watchfulness, arising from any cause, when the body 
ought to sleep and requires it, would produce a highly 
excited pulse, the result of weakness and temporary 
ailment. 

In this climate, the temperatiu-e of our rooms often 
sinks very much during winter, and especially towards 
the morning ;* with the temperature the pulse sinks, 
and this may be one cause why, as I have just re- 
marked, some have doubted the fact of the pulse being 
quicker in the morning than towards evening. 

The effects of a cold room in depressing the pulse, 
is such, that even the active exercise of writing fails 
to counteract it. 

The folloAving table shows that the pulse remained 
much depressed under circumstances in which it ought 
to have risen very much : — 



1st December. 

2 A. M. — In bed, - - 

5 A. .M.— Sitting and writing for some hours, 

(There was no fire in the room). 

6 a.m. — Still writing, ... 

7 A. M. — Ditto, .... 





Asleep. 




Awake 


Pulsations, - 


- 77-3 


Pulsations, - 


93-4 


Inspirations, - 


- 24-5 


Inspirations, - 


- 29-3 



Here the pulse ought, but for the cold room, to 
have risen very much, for the action of writing raises 
the j)ulse considerably ; that of composition still more. 
Those whose minds are much occupied with business, 
are not/a(> subjects for experiments on the pulse. 

The use or abuse of Avine and spirituous liquors, 
renders all observations on the pulse inaccurate. These 
liquors, in my opinion, are purely medicinal. Their 
daily, or even frequent use in any cUmate, or in any 
quantity, I apprehend to be a great error in regimen, 
and can never be required. I think them directly 
opposed to the enjoyment of perfect health and 
strength." 

I shall conclude these remarks by adding the gene- 
ral residts : — 

" 1. The velocity of the heart's action is in the direct 
ratio of the age of the individual, being quickest in 
3'oung persons, slowest in the aged. There may be 
exceptions to this, but they do not affect the general 
law. 

2. The question of an average pulse for all ages has 
hitherto been determined upon insufficient data. 

.3. There is a morning acceleration and an evening 
retardation in the number of the pulsations of the 
heart, independent of any stimulation by food, &c. 

* The thermometer being seldom above 61 or 62 degrees of Fah- 
renheit, even with a strong fire in the room. It is unnecessary 
to remark to any medical person that, if he sits before a strong 
fire, his pulse will rise almost at any time, and that if he sits still 
in a cold room imtil his feet feel chilled, his pulse will sink pro- 
portionally ; hence, if possible, all observations on the pulse ought 
to be made in summer. I attribute to an inattention to the fact 
of the coldness of apartments in this country generally during the 
night and towards morning, why some have thought that there 
is no diiuTial revolution of the pulse as to its numbers, inde- 
pendent of stimulation by food and otherwise ; or, in other 
words, that the pulse will not accelerate towards morning spon- 
taneously. 



122 



ON MAN. 



4. The excitability of the heart undergoes a daily 
revolution, that is, food and exercise most affect the 
heart's action in the morning and during the forenoon, 
least in the afternoon, and least of all in the evening. 
Hence Ave should infer that the pernicious use of spiri- 
tuous liquors must be greatly aggravated in those who 
drink before dinner, 

5. Sleep does not farther affect the heart's action 
than by a cessation of all voluntary motion, and by a 
recumbent position. 

6. In weak persons, muscular action excites the ac- 
tion of the heart more powerfully than in strong and 
healthy individuals ; but this does not apply to other 
stimulants — to wine, for example, or to spirituous 
liquors. 

7. The effects of the position of the body in increas- 
ing or diminishing the number of pulsations, is solely 
attributable to the muscular exertion required to 
maintain the body in the sitting or erect position ; the 
debility may be measured by altering the position of 
the person from a recumbent to the sitting or to the 
erect position. 

9. The law of the differential pulse is not universal. 
There are exceptions to be found even in those in per- 
fect health. It is also possible that there may be some 
in whom the diurnal revolutions of the pulse takes 
place only in consequence of the use of stimulants. 
But this has not been proved satisfactorily. 

10. The most powerful stimulant to the heart's ac- 
tion is muscular exertion. The febrile pulse never 
equals this. 

11. The law of relation between the inspiration and 
pulsation of the heart lias been stated by M. Quetelet." 



II.— CLIMATE. 

Since the publication of M. Quetelet's work, the 
different effects of various climates on tlie sickness, 
mortality, and invaliding of British troops, have been 
carefully and admirably investigated by Major Tul- 
loch.* Tliese researches are not confined exclusively 
to British troops, as they include an inquiry into the 
effects of climate on the Negro or black troops in the 
British service, when removed from the tropical to 
colder but yet comparatively warm, or at least mild, 
regions of the earth. Previous to laying before the 
reader some of the more important results deduced by 
Major Tulloch, from the data placed in his hands by 
the unwearied exertions of Sir James Macgrigor (to 
whom the chief merit of these reports is due), I shall 
take the liberty of making the following observa- 
tions. 

The various cUmates of the globe may practically be 
arranged under two zones or belts — inter-tropical and 
extra-tropical, north and south of the equator. The 
extra-tropical regions may again be subdivided into 
two or three regions, whicli may be designated as 
warm, temperate, and cold or frozen. These respective 
regions differ much in climate, and, to a great extent, 
in their botanical and zoological sections, including 
man himself; for, whilst the tropical regions of the 
Old World liave been inhabited from the earliest his- 
toric period by the Negro and other dark-coloured 
races, the warm chmates have equally been held by 
the Pelasgic, Copt, Syrian, Arab, and Jewish (on the 
supposition that these are distinct races of men) ; the 
temperate by the Celtic and Saxon ; and probably (for 
the fact is not certain) the cold or frozen by a race, 
the Fin and Laplander, differing from all the others. 
The following observations may conveniently form an 
introduction to the subject of emigration, which I 
shall discuss in the next section. 



* See Statistical Reports ordered to be printed by the House of 
Commons. 



The influence of climate over the health of Euro- 
peans of the Saxon and Celtic races, in tropical regions 
possessing no countervailing advantages, such, more 
especially, as great elevation (this being seemingly the 
only security), had been ascertained, at least practi- 
cally, and on a great scale, long prior to Major Tul- 
loch's researches. The first report of that gentleman 
referred to the West Indies. " The main object kept 
in view," says the major, " lias been merely to deter- 
mine the extent of sickness and mortality at each sta- 
tion, the diseases by which it has been induced, and 
such causes of these diseases as appear sufficiently obvi- 
ous or tangible to admit of remedy." This report was 
followed by a second on the sickness, mortality, and 
invaliding among the troops in the United King- 
dom, the Mediterranean, and British America ; and 
this by a third on Western Africa, St Helena, the 
Cape of Good Hope, and the Mauritius. 

It would appear, from these documents, that neither 
the Saxon, nor Celtic, nor mixed race, composing the 
troops of Great Britain, can withstand, even imder 
the most favourable circumstances, the deleterious 
influence of a tropical climate. Disposed at one time 
to ascribe this sad result to the deplorable habits of 
intemperance, the besetting vice of all soldiers, I am 
now, though most reluctantly, compelled to admit that 
even temperance, however it may diminish the effects 
of the climate, and add to the chances in favour of 
the European, is by no means a permanent security. 
So far as regards the vast regions of the earth — the 
most fertile, the richest — the question as to their per- 
manent occupancy by the Saxon and Celt — I mean as 
Britain and France are now occupied, or any other 
country, by its native inhabitants — will be regarded 
as settled by almost all who peruse these reports. 
The Anglo-Saxon is now pushing himself towards 
the tropical countries ; Mexico has been invaded and 
partitioned ; another battle of San Jacinto wiU shortly 
decide the fate of California ; Central Mexico may 
follow, and Peru : but can the Saxon maintain him- 
self in these countries — in Brazil, Columbia ? — It is 
to be feared not. Experience seems to indicate that 
neither the Saxon nor Celtic races can maintain them- 
selves, in the strict sense of the word, within tropi- 
cal countries. To enable them to do so they require 
a slave population of native labourers, or of coloured 
men at least, and, in addition, a constant draught from 
the parent country. The instances of Cuba, Brazil, 
Mexico, Columbia, &c., where the Spanish and Por- 
tuguese seem to be able to maintain their ground, do 
not bear so directly on the question as many may 
suppose : for, in the first place, we know not precisely 
the extent to which these have mingled with the 
dark and native races ; and, secondly, the emigrants 
from Spain and Portugal partook, in all probability, 
more of the Moor, Pelasgic, and even Arab blood, than 
of the Celt or Saxon. 

But can these latter maintain their ground in the 
warm but extra-tropical regions of the earth ? This 
question has not yet been fully answered. The Dutch 
have held possession of the Cape for nearly two hun- 
dred and fifty years, and have thriven well ; have 
been free of disease, and multipUed exceedingly ; but — 
and here comes the trying part of the question — they 
have never laboured. So with Algeria, which the Celt 
now attempts to colonise. Can he stand labour in the 
field ? I doubt it exceedingly. Time alone can satis- 
factorily offer a solution of this question. Yet in many 
parts of Southern Australia, the Saxon and Celtic 
races can withstand labour in the field ; but the ex- 
periment has been made on too limited a scale to 
warrant important deductions. But the cold and 
frozen regions they tolerate easily ; it seems, indeed, 
to have been their congenial soil. Yet even here, 
fever, that scourge of the human race in aU climates, 
commits sad ravages, and consumption of the lungs, 
by its numerous victims, causes many ever-recurring 
woes. But the reproductive principle is equal and 



ON MAN. 



123 



even much superior to all the diseases incident to 
these climates when inhabited by their indigenous 
races ; not so, however, when the natives of tropical 
countries attempt to settle in them. IMajor Tulloch 
has proved that to them such climates are at least as 
disastrous as the tropical regions have proved to Eu- 
ropeans. 

Before concludmg these general remarks, I take the 
liberty of adding a single one in respect to acclimata- 
tion. When our troops occupied Walcheren and Flush- 
ing, during the deplorable scheme of invading Europe, 
the mortality assumed a most alarming character : it 
more than decimated the British troops, as it seems 
always to have similarly affected the French, the 
Dutch or Saxon inhabitants suffering, as was said, in 
no shape from fever, wondering at the mortality 
amongst the British, and asserting the climate to be 
as good as any other. Now all this, if true, must arise 
from acclimatation, seeing that both races, English 
and Dutch, arise from one parent stock ; and it seems 
probable, therefore, that in progress of time the de- 
scendants of those very men who fell in the prime of 
life at Flushing, cut off by fever, might experience no 
ill effects from a climate to which they and their fore- 
fathers, for several generations, had become inured. 
This is merely thro^vn out as a hint for future in- 
quirers. In the mean time, it has been proved tlvat 
the mortality of our troops increased with length of 
residence in the West Indies and in all tropical coun- 
tries, so that acclimatation is the reverse of salutarj', 
at least in so far as regards the first emigrants. This 
law holds even in cold climates, such as Britain, at 
least in regard to large towns, a residence in which, 
by persons who have come to reside in them from the 
country, is constantly injurious to health ; the longer 
always the worse. So much for the theories of medi- 
cal men in respect to acclimatation ; on careful in- 
quiry they have proved (a not unusual occurrence) 
the reverse of truth. 

Upon the whole, every reliance may be placed in 
the following deductions by Major Tulloch, the result 
of the first series of his inquiries. 

" It has been supposed by many, that the diseases 
which prove so fatal to Europeans in these latitudes, 
especially fevers, are, if not a neccssarj', at least a 
very general, consequence of continued exposure to a 
high temperature. The suificiency of this, however, 
as a uniform cause of sickness and mortahty, is con- 
tradicted by the fact, that these vary considerably in 
different stations, the mean temperature of whicla is 
nearly alike. The range of the thermometer, for in- 
stance, in Antigua and Barbadoes, is rather higher 
than in Dominica, Tobago, Jamaica, or the Bahamas ; 
yet we find that the troops in the latter stations suif'er 
nearly three times as much as those in the former. 
There are also several instances in which epidemic 
fever made its appearance, and raged with the utmost 
virulence during the winter months — a circumstance 
not likely to have taken place if that disease had 
originated in increased temperature. 

If elevated temperature was an essential cause of 
the mortality to which Europeans are liable in this 
climate, we might expect it in every year to produce 
similar effects ; whereas, on the contrary, it appears, 
from the tabular statements in the preceding report, 
that the mortahty in one year is sometimes twenty 
times as high as in another, without any perceptible 
difference in the range of temperature. This fiict has 
already attracted the notice of some medical authors, 
Avho, in treating of yellow fever, adduce instances of 
various epidemics both within and beyond the tropics, 
during which the temperature was not above the 
average, and was sometimes even a Uttle below 
it, and inversely where the existence of a high tem- 
perature was not attended with the prevalence of 
fever.* 

♦ Craigie— Prac<«c« if Phytic, pp. 224, iX, 2rj. 
I 



In accounting for the unhealthiness of these colonies, 
great influence has been ascribed to excess of mois- 
ture. 

That neither heat nor moisture can be the prknary 
causes which influence the health of troops in the 
West Indies, is at once established by referring to the 
comparative view of the ratio of mortahty in each 
year at every station, in which there are numerous 
instances of two adjacent islands, or even of two con- 
tiguous stations in the same island, being subject in 
an equal degree to the operation of these agencies ; 
and yet, while the one has been desolated by the 
ravages of fever, the other has been enjoying a de- 
gree of salubrity equal to that of Great Britain. 

Though heat and moisture are not the primary 
causes of fever, however, it is highly probable their 
operation tends in some measure to increase its in- 
tensity. The tables illustrating the influence of the 
seasons on the health of the troops in each station, 
show, that the greatest number of admissions into 
hospital, and deaths, has, on the average of a series 
of years (though not uniformly or equally in each 
year), taken place in those months Avhen the greatest 
degree of heat Avas combined with the greatest mois- 
ture ; and it may be observed, as a striking exempUfi- 
cation of this fact, that as the sun proceeds northward 
in the ecliptic, carrying heat and moisture in his 
train, the period generally termed the unhealthy season 
is later in the northern colonies than in those to the 
south. 

The unhealthy character of that period of the year 
in whicl) the greatest degree of heat and moisture is 
combined, is not, however, confined to the West Indies, 
but extends also to the East, as well as over a large 
portion of the northern temperate zone." Hence 
(Major Tulloch continues) these causes cannot spe- 
cially render the AVest Indies so unhealthy. He also 
shows, by a comparison of stations, that neither can 
tlie rank vegetation of marsh or savannah be held the 
primary cause of West Indian maladies, and concludes 
with the following suggestion, which chimes in with 
an idea gradually acquiring more and more importance 
in medical statistics : — 

" We are too sensible of the diflSculty of the subject 
to venture on any theory of our own, which might on 
subsequent examination prove as futile as those which 
preceded it ; but we merely wish to call the attention 
of such persons as may be disposed for further inquiry, 
to the circumstance tliat as j^et no experiments have 
been made on the electrical condition of the atmo- 
sphere in the West Indies, diu-ing periods of epidemic ; 
and as it is possible either an excess or deficiency of 
that powerful thougli miseen agent, may exercise an 
important influence on the vital functions, the subject 
seems worthy of attention. Heat and moistiire are 
Avcll known to be intimately connected with the deve- 
lopment of electrical phenomena, and its influence on 
vegetation has also recently been estabUshed by ex- 
periment ; consequently, if the prevalence of disease 
could be satisfactorily traced to that source, the rea- 
son why heat, moisture, and vegetation should have 
been mistaken as the causes, when acting oiUy as 
auxiharies, would be readily accounted for ; and even 
should the results leave the cause of disease as unde- 
termined as before, science will at least be benefited 
by the inquiry." The main practical result accruing 
from the researches of IMajor TuUoch, has reference to 
the effect of an elevated site on the he;dth of a resi- 
dent population within the tropics. 

This is a point deeplj^ affecting all such colonisa- 
tion schemes as that proposed for the Darien isthmus, 
and other tropical locahties. The report demon- 
strates, beyond a doubt, as regards remittent fever, 
" that, at an elevation of from 2000 to 2.500 feet, set- 
tlers or troops are likely to be either wholly exempt 
from that disease, or to encounter it in so very mo- 
dified a form, that the mortality from all causes will 
not, on the average of a series of years, materially 



124 



ON MAN. 



exceed that to Avliich an equal number of European 
troops would be subject in the capital of their native 
country. The diseases of the tropics seem, like the 
vegetable productions of the same regions, to be re- 
stricted to certain altitudes and particular degrees of 
temperature. The researches of Humboldt on this 
subject haA'e tended to establish that yeUow fever is 
never known beyond the height of 2500 feet, so that 
the nearer this boundarj' can be approached the more 
likely is the health of the troops to be secured." 

In the second report by the same able statistician, 
^ve find the following deductions. Tliey refer chiefly 
to the comparative salubrity of the lilediterrauean 
stations, and those occiipied by our soldiery in North 
America. After showing that the Mediterranean 
troops, from many causes independent of climate, are 
less exposed to the influences producing pulmonary 
disease; Major TuUoch proceeds thus : — 

" When M'e find, notwithstanding all these circiun- 
stances apparently so favourable to the greater deve- 
lopment of these diseases in Canada and Nova Scotia, 
that the troops there do not suffer fi'om them to a 
greater extent than in the Mediterranean, it would 
manifestly be incorrect to attribute their prevalence 
in North America to the reduced temperature, and 
sudden atmospherical vicissitudes, incident to that 
quarter of the globe, seeing that the sufferings of the 
troops from these diseases are equally gi-eat in other 
climates Avhere no such causes are in operation to 
induce them. 

The caution necessary to be exercised in attribut- 
ing to certain pecuUarities of climate the prevalence 
of any class of diseases, is so strikmgly exhibited by 
the proportion of rheumatic affections ascertained to 
have occurred among the troops in different colonies, 
that the following abstract wiU best serve to illustrate 
our observations on this head : — 





Admissions from 




Rheumatic 




Affections annually 




per 1000 of mean 




Strength. 


Jamaica, . . - - 


29 


Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, 


30 


Bermudas, - - - - 


33 


Malta, .... 


34 


Ionian Islands, 


3ii 


Gibraltar, ... 


38 


Canada, .... 


40 


Mauritius, ... 


46 


AVindward and Leeward Command, 


49 


United Kingdom, 


60 


Cape of Good Hope, 


- 67 



Thus we find that in the mild and equable climate 
of the Mediterranean, or the Mauritius, tlie proportion 
of rheumatic affections is even greater than in the 
inclement regions of Nova Scotia and Canada, and 
that, though some of the provinces of the Cape of 
Good Hope have occasionally been without rain for 
several years, these diseases are more frequent in the 
dry climate of that command than in the West Indies, 
where the condition of the atmosphere is as remark- 
ably the reverse ; yet have extreme cold and atmo- 
spheric vicissitudes, coupled with excess of moisture, 
been assigned as satisfactory causes for their preva- 
lence. 

Considering that medical officers have hitherto pos- 
sessed no means of comparing the influence of sucli 
diseases in different climates, any erroneous impres- 
sions which may be entertained on that subject, need 
not excite surprise. The information now collected, 
in regard to those prevalent among troops in every 
colony, will best serve to counteract such impressions, 
and afford a surer basis for future theories on that 
subject. 

The results of this report, in regard to the relative 
prevalence, at different stations in British America, 
of remittent and intermittent fevers, add still further 



to the difficulty of establishing any uniform connexion 
between the presence of marshj^ ground and the ex- 
istence of those febrile diseases to Avhich the exhala- 
tions from it are supposed to give rise. 

When, in subsequent reports, we come to investi- 
gate the operation of these diseases on the west coast 
of Africa and other colonies, Ave shaU be able to ad- 
duce stiU more satisfactory evidence on this subject ; 
in the mean tune, we have felt it our duty to place 
the preceding facts in a prominent point of view, not 
for the purpose of establishing any particular theory, 
but to show how inadequate, in many instances, is 
the supposed influence of emanations from a marshy 
sod to account for the origin of these diseases. AU 
the evidence obtained seems only to A^arrant the in- 
ference, that a morbific agency of some kind is occa- 
sionally present in the atmosphere, which, under cer- 
tain circumstances, gives rise to fevers of tlie remit- 
tent and intermittent type; and that, though the 
vicinity of marshy and swampy ground appears to 
favoiir the development of that agenc}^ it does not 
necessai'Uy prevail in such locahties, nor are they by 
any means essential either to its existence or opera- 
tion. 

Notwithstanding the doubt in which this branch of 
the investigation is still involved, we may venture, 
from the facts adduced in all the reports hitherto sub- 
mitted, also to draw the conclusion, that when this 
morbific agency manifests itself in the epidemic form, 
its influence is frequently confined to so limited a 
space, as to afford a fair prospect of securing the 
troops from its ravages, by removal to a short dis- 
tance from the locality where it originated. The 
history of the epidemic fevers at Gibraltar furnishes 
several remarkable instances of this kind ; and we 
liave also shoAvn that, both in the West Indies and 
Ionian Islands, one station has frequently suffered to 
a great extent from yellow fevei% while others, Avithui 
the distance of a few miles, have been entirely exempt. 
In the epidemic cholera at Montreal and Hahfax, 
which seems to have been in this respect somewhat 
analogous in its operation, we have also had occasion 
to remark the sudden cessation of the disease imme- 
diately on the removal of the troops, even to a short 
distance. 

Instead of entering, therefore, into any discussion 
as to the causes which seem thus to limit the range 
of these epidemics to particular localities, we shall 
merely call the attention of medical officers to the 
fact, that on the outbreak of any serious disease of 
that nature, they may forthwith take into considera- 
tion the expediency of removing the troops from the 
locality where it originated — a measure which, when- 
ever camp eqvupage can readily be procured, or the 
necessary accommodation obtained for them, is likely 
to be attended with but little temporary inconve- 
nience, and may probably lead to the happiest results. 
^Ve are aware that this suggestion is by no means a 
new one, having already been made and acted upon 
in various colonies, and we only advert to it now, for 
the ijurpose of bearing testimony to its apparent effi- 
cacy, and encouraging the adoption of it Avhenever 
circumstances will permit." 

It may be interesting to many of our readers to 
have placed before them the following section on the 
" Influence of the Seasons in producing Sickness and 
Mortality among the Trooi)s serving in North Ame- 
rica" : — 

" The following table, illustrative of this subject, 
has been prepared from the retiu-ns of the Canada 
command. In Bermuda, Nova Scotia, &c., the dates 
of the admissions and deaths have not been recorded 
Avith sufficient regularity to admit of similar results 
being exhibited on as extensiA^e a scale, and avc have 
therefore confined our calculations to Canada, Avhere, 
on account of its severity, Ave might expect to find 
the influence of Avinter on the health of the troops 
very strongly manifested .- — 



ON MAN, 



125 



Table showing the Influence of the Seasons on the Sickness and Mortality of Troops in British America. 



IMonths. 


Admissions into Hospital in 20 Years of 
Troops in Canada. 


Deaths in 20 Years of Troops in Canada. 


By Acute 
Diseases. 


By Chronic 
Diseases. 


By Surgical 
Diseases. 


Total by aU 
Diseases. 


By Acute 
Diseases. 


By Chronic 
Diseases. 


By Surgical 
Diseases. 


Total by aU 
Diseases. 


January, 

Februaiv, 

JIarch, 

April, - - - 

Jlay, - 

Juue, 

July, - 

Augxist, 

September, 

October, - 

November, 

December, 


2,142 
1,918 
l,f»oO 
2,551 
2,820 

4,183 
5.144 
4,440 
3,055 
2,708 
2,252 


273 
227 
206 
294 
303 
298 
353 
354 
.•)32 
241 
229 
197 


2,270 
2,026 
1,910 
2,038 
2,216 
2,479 
2,570 
2,678 
2,436 
2,280 
2,241 
2,072 


4,085 
4,171 
4,126 
4,883 
5,339 
5,840 
7,105 
8,176 
7,208 
5,576 
5,268 
4,521 


3(J 
31 
31 
33 
28 
58 
53 
103 
54 
38 
32 
35 


35 
23 
41 
39 
34 
37 
29 
21 
24 
27 
27 
23 


5 
3 
3 
1 

9 
8 
4 
4 

3 
3 


76 
57 
75 
73 
64 
104 
9<J 
28 
82 
71 
62 
01 


Total, 


36.310 


33C(J 


27,216 


66,898 


532 


360 


51 


943 



Thus, so far from the extreme severity of the winter 
in Canada operating very prejudicially to the health 
of the troops, we find, that in January, February, and 
March, wlien the minimmn of tlie thermometer is 
many degrees below zero, the admissions from acute 
diseases, in which the influence of the seasons is most 
likely to l)e manifested, are not half so numerous as 
in July, August, and September, while those from 
chronic and surgical diseases are also lower, though 
not in the same proportion. In fact, so rare are the 
cases of sickness during winter, that not more than 
five and a half per cent, of the force come imder treat- 
ment monthly ; whereas, during July, August, and 
September, the monthly admissions average more tluin 
ten per cent, of the force. The ratio of deaths follows 
the same law, though the influence of the cholera 
during the summer and autumn of 1832 and 1834 
increased the relative mortality at that period in a 
still greater proportion than the admissions. 

The numbers reported sick on each muster-day, 
establish the same results in regard to the compara- 
tive salubrity of the winter season, not in Canada 
alone, butjilso in Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and 
Bermuda. 





Mean Sick. 






Nova Scotia 






Canada. 


and New 


Bermuda. 






Brunswick. 




January, 


124 


72 


28 


February, 


125 


73 


27 


March, 


124 


72 


30 


April, 


127 


69 


31 


May, 


123 


78 


30 


June, - - - 


1.35 


81 


30 


July, 


144 


82 


32 


August, 


161 


89 


35 


September, 


162 


84 


33 


October, 


136 


80 


34 


November, 


124 


67 


32 


December, - 


116 


67 


.30 



The general prevalence of febrile afiections in Upper 
Canada during summer, might be supposed to account 
for the preponderance of sickness there at that season ; 
but the same peculiarity extends also to the lower 
province, where febrile diseases are more rare. The 
same feature is observable among the civil inhabi- 
tants, as will be seen from the following abstract of 
the deaths in each month among the population of 
the several districts in the lower province, made up 
pursuant to an order of the House of Commons, dated 
6th December 1832. 



Deaths in each Month, from 1829 to 1831 inclusive, in the 
following Districts of Lower Canada : — ■ 















Total 


Months. 


Quebec. 


Mon- 
treal. 


Three 
Rivers. 


Caspar. 


St 
Francis. 


in whole 
Pro- 
vince. 


Januarv, 


974 


1186 


194 


10 


1 


2365 


Februarj', 


986 


1241 


244 


16 


2 


24!» 


March, - 


1005 


1.325 


292 


10 


3 


2735 


April, - 


1012 


1293 


318 







2629 


May, - - 


978 


1382 


392 


14 


6 


2772 


June, - 


1129 


1496 


307 


10 


1 


2943 


July, - - 


1464 


2221 


3(J8 


13 





4068 


August, 


1395 


2178 


358 


9 


5 


3945 


September, 


1147 


1502 


240 


11 


1 


2961 


October, 


956 


1.392 


215 


15 


„ 


2578 


November, 


950 


1130 


186 


11 


2 


2279 


December, 


1070 


1236 


170 


14 


2 


2498 



Thus, even in the lower province, where intermit- 
tents are comparatively rare, June, July, August, and 
Septenaber, prove much more fatal to the civil inhabi- 
tants than the most severe of the winter months. The 
preponderance of mortality during that period may 
in a slight degree be accounted for by the influx of 
emigrants in summer, but is by far too great to be 
entirely attributable to that source ; especially as the 
preceding abstract shows that it commenced prior to 
the month of April, while the ports Avere closed, and 
again fell to its former level in November, though 
many of the emigrants must have been still in the 
province. 

In the state of New York, the seasons are found to 
exercise a corresponding influence on mortalitj^ even 
when no visitation of 3'ellow fever is experienced. 
From 1816 to 1826, the dates of decease of 24,852 per- 
sons were carefully recorded, and of every thousand 
of these deaths the relative proportion in each month 
was found to have been as follows : — 



January, 


- 


75 


July, - 


- 95i 


February, 




75i 


August, 


108i 


March, - 


- 


74 


September, 


- 109J 


April, 


- 


73 


October, 


97 


May, 


- 


72 


November, 


- 79^ 


June, 


Total, 


65 


December, 

10<J0 


75i 



From aU these facts, then, we are forced to arrive 
at the conclusion, that the constitution of the soldier, 
serving in these commands, is not affected in any 
material degree either by the extreme severity of a 
North American winter, or the sudden transitions he 
undergoes at that season, in passing from a heated 
guard-room, with the thermometer at 80 degrees, to 
his sentinel duties in the open air, under a tempera- 
ture of 25 or 30 degrees below zero. On the contrary, 
the degree of health enjoyed by the troops during 
winter is not exceeded in any quarter of the globe. 



126 



ON MAN. 



The extreme rarity of sickness and mortality among 
the crews of vessels employed in the arctic regions, 
when exposed to a lower temperature, and still more 
sudden vicissitudes than any Ave have had to record, 
affords a striking illustration how little the constitu- 
tion of our countrymen is likely to be affected even by 
the severest climate to which they are exposed. 

While febrile affections of the intermittent and re- 
mittent types prevail during sprmg and autumn, bowel 
complaints during summer, catarrhs and all the train 



of pulmonary affections during spring and the com- 
mencement of the winter, there are comparatively few 
diseases of any kind during the severest part of the 
season, except those of the eyes, induced by the re- 
tiection of the snow, frost-bites from exposure, and a 
few cases of acute rheumatism and pneumonia, which, 
however, may be said to prevail with equal severity 
at other periods of the year." 

The following table is also curious and interesting, 
as contrasting the soldier and the civilian. 





Ages. 


By Tables of 

Scotch Benefit 

Societies. 


By Tables of 

English Benefit 

Societies. 


Returns of East 

India Company's 

Labourers in 

London. 


Returns of 
Portsmouth 

Dock 
Labourers. 


Returns 
of Woolwich 

Dock 
Laboiurers. 


Constantly Sick per 1000, 

Average number of Days 1 
Sick in each Year, - > 

Average Duration of each i 
Attack of Sickness, - J 


.20 to 30 
\30 to 40 

20 to 30 
30 to 40 
20 to 30 
30 to 40 


11-4 
13-2 

Days. 
4-1 
4-8 


15-4 
18-3 
Days. 
5-6 
6-6 


13-6 1 

13-8 ; 

Days. 
4-021 
5'06> 

18-7 I 
22-6 < 


19-9 

Days. 

7-3 

13-2 


23-4 

Days. 

8-5 



In the third report by IMajor Tulloch, the two ex- 
tremes are happily contrasted, viz.. Western Africa 
and the Cape of Good Hope ; the latter, perhaps— 
nay, almost certainly — ^the healthiest climate in the 
world, the former proverbial for being a grave to 
Europeans. His details fully bear out the general 
character of the stations. In conclusion, it may be 
remarked, that, independent of all other important 
results, these reports are peculiarly valuable from the 
ample refutation they afford, to all minds open to 
conviction, of the more generally received medical 
theories in respect to the causes of many fatal and 
harassing diseases. They may also prove of much 
practical benefit, in freeing the minds of emigrants 
from those terrors which the very thought of particu- 
lar localities has long been apt to induce. Rheumatism 



and ague rise to the mind, whenever men think of a 
Caniidian winter ; but we find that, in reality, the 
soldiery in the Mauritius suffer more severely from 
that disease than they do in British America. In 
short, jMajor TuUoch's elaborate researches lead to the 
conclusion, that atmospheric causes, operating on all 
climes in common, and modified only to a compara- 
tively slight degree by local circumstances, form the 
great source of the morbific influences affecting man 
kind. When this point is more fully investigated, and 
fitting remedial means discovered, emigration will be 
stripped of half its difficulties, and a new lease given 
to civilised man, as it were, of a large portion of the 
globe, of which at this moment he can scarcely be 
called the occupant. 



END OF TREATISE ON MAN. 



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